This article investigates how Airbnb and Blablacar use the concept of haring to impact the ways of production of digital capitalism and organize new forms of social dramatization. Through the analysis of the interfaces of these digital platforms, it is argued in the paper that such structures provide to the people using services of the organization of an idealized portrait of themselves, that is branded by social imaginaries about collaborative work, mutual trust and communitarian life. It was also found that the functioning of these platforms stimulates the construction of security spaces grounded on procedures of identity validation which are self-regulated through processes of two-sided review and mutual surveillance between both kind of participants. The aim of these processes is to ensure the reliable use of the services between consumers and providers. However, verifying that the success of the sharing economy is based on the idea of trust among peers, it was notice that such platforms can be spaces of reaffirmation and reproduction of social inequalities previously felt among social groups historically discriminated.

In this paper we propose to analyze a corpus of aesthetic-artistic practices that took place in public spaces following the murder of Marielle Franco in Brazil in March 2018. For many it was (and is) a symbol of renewal of Brazilian politics to be black, lesbian, born in the favela, university and defender of racial and gender equality. The demand for justice for his death generated demonstrations throughout the country, in which the artistic resource acquired centrality. From the analysis of the images we argue that, first, they built antagonists, an “other” who was blamed for the murder of Marielle and who, in turn, attempted against some of the interventions made later in the public space. Second, in the context of current visual culture, the images were massively replicated in the urban space and in the virtual space, which contributed to make the event visible. Finally, areas for memory were generated, given the lack of justice and clarification of the crime. The methodology starts from an transdisciplinary perspective to describe and analyze aesthetic interventions combining the fields of Visual Culture and Sociology.

The importance of the US presidential elections results from the analysis of several factors, both at the systemic level and their impact on the international political order. In the middle term of the Donald Trump's presidency, it is important to analyze the discourse model used and its impact on election results. In fact, many studies have focused on the characteristics of the voters that led to Trump's victory, leading a short discussion about the importance and the role of public speech in the electoral battle of 2016. The campaign discourse and the way Donald Trump keep the communication strategy during the mandate is a key element to understand the US political system and could represent a new model to analyze the different concepts of leadership at a global level. A close insight into it can illustrate many facets and facts about discourse as an instrument in electoral campaign and how it is perceived by voters. The study investigates D. Trump’s speeches during the 2016 presidential elections in order to identify his sentiments, discourse themes and strategies. We used the technique of content analysis and event-analysis, along with the descriptive approach, with the aim of outlining the impact of Donald Trump's public speeches during this period. The study revealed that Trump’s speeches were topic oriented. The study allowed us to deepen the knowledge about the role of political public speeches and the new strategy adopted by Donald Trump to keep a significant average of supporters.

In this paper, divided in two parts, we discuss the validity and the possibility of scientific discourse within a context ruled by mediatization and immediacy in communication. In the first part, a brief incursion is undertaken on the issue of epistemological matters. In the second part, by means of an empirically minded exercise, we attempt to demonstrate that the excessive mediatization of information prevents an accurate and properly grounded view of the events, that is, it hinders, even within an academic context, the scientific character of narratives.

This study seeks to analyze the arguments used by Brazilian federal deputies in the first voting of Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment in April 2016. The proposal is to perform an analysis anchored on three bases: a content analysis, network analysis and argumentative analysis. It is intended to discover how the deputies argued and which are the discursive differences observed among those who voted for and who voted against the process.

This document analyze the presence in digital platforms of first-person narrations that approach experiences related to motherhood from a critical point of view, in relation to the mandates and expectations of the dominant socio-sexual imaginaries. For women, lesbians, transvestites and trans, Internet has meant a powerful tool to think and narrate the world from a glance of their own. Some authors who enroll in cyberfeminism (Velasquez Herrera, 2015, Zafra, 2008, Haraway, 1985) consider that the possibility of socializing these other forms of narration, in a de-centered way in relation to the masculine, heterosexual, white and occidental vision – and without mediation of professional knowledge, academia or the publishing industry – has not only had positive consequences for women and dissident identities, it has also transformed the dynamics of circulation and access to non-hegemonic knowledges and positionings. Starting from the point of view of the feminist epistemology, which conceives all knowledge as situated (Haraway, 1985), we resort to a methodology based on semantic content analysis to approach a corpus composed of: the Facebook profile Mama Mala( Argentina) and the blog Las dos mamis, virtual activism(Mejico).

With the common and dominant use of digital social networks, new communication and collective mobilization practices emerged, as well as new configurations of acting and manifesting in public. In this essay, we ask where collective action begins and ends in relation to the connective action (Bennett and Segerberg, 2012), admitting that these modalities or logics of action can be mitigated, in a hybrid regime. To do this, we begin by understanding communication as both action and participation, then examine collective, situated and public action and finally consider the connective action. We intend to discuss the permeable boundaries between connective action and collective action, with reference to the movement “Que se lixe a Troika” (“To hell with troika!”), which emerged on digital social networks and had protests on the street in the 15th September 2012 and the 2th March 2013. At the same time, the network’s activism and the mobilization in the street are questioned. Therefore, the purpose is to question if the digitally networked action or the connective action, which brings together several users, can constitute a collective action.

Bibliographical research aiming to consolidate the current stage of the intersection between neuroscience and communication. We use a multidisciplinary theoretical framework with the objective of offering investigative insights and keys of understanding. Divided into three parts: understanding neuroscience and its interface with communication; to investigate neuroscience technologies and their applications in communication; and evaluate the feasibility of using the Design Science Research methodology in the communication-neuroscience interface. We understand that there is room for a systematic investigation and that the use of this methodology is feasible, considering a utopian pragmatic orientation.