P. Themelis (Κριτική Εστία 5, [1994-1996], 269; SEG 45, 1266) published a shortgraffito that was engraved on the door lintel connecting the rooms 23 and 26of the so-called House 2 of Sector I of ancient Eleftherna. It reads Νείκην τῷΚυρείῳ. It has been dated to the third or the early fourth century CE and ithas been interpreted as a wish to the God by Christians, possibly related to thereligious persecutions of the Roman State against them ca. 250 CE. The use ofthe terms κύριος and ν(ε)ίκη in Roman and Late Roman acclamations foundin textual sources, in both religious and secular contexts, is here analysed;the author rejects the previous interpretations and argues that this graffito isan acclamatory wish for a victory and/or the well-being of the owner of thehouse. Based on Amm. Marc. 16.8.9, he, moreover, connects it with a contem-porary ritual of the Roman house.


 
 
 It is widely assumed that Macedonia in the late Archaic period was under East Greek influence. This view was formed decades ago, based on scant evidence, but has since been established through repetition and persists despite the growing number of reported and published finds that indicate otherwise. In this paper I intend to challenge this opinio communis and to reframe the issue of Ionic influence in archaic Macedonia within the wider Northern Aegean context. To this end, the relevant pieces of evidence are reviewed, focusing on works of sculpture in the Ionic style and inscriptions in Ionic script, but also examining the coinage in the name of Alexander I. In short, it is demonstrated that the available pieces of evidence do not support widespread East Greek influence in Macedonia in the late Archaic period and it is argued that it was rather through the Cycladic colonies in the Strymonic Gulf that Ionic art reached Macedonia; that mostly Ionians from these colonies were responsible for the inscriptions in Ionic script in Macedonia; and that it was possibly a Central, not East, Ionic script that was employed on Alexander I’s coinage.
 
 


 
 
 This article discusses the new findings on the iconography of the two figural friezes painted in the interior of the “Tomb of the Philosophers”, an early Hellenistic, monumental, built cist grave, situated in the east cemetery of Pella, Macedonia. A new technical investigation of the tomb’s wall paintings has allowed the revision of older readings of the two friezes. In the lower, main figural frieze new observations pertain to figure characterization, through features, dress and attributes, as well as to the scene’s setting. The figures of the frieze offer the earliest preserved gathering of intellectuals whose professional insignia cannot be missed, while the celestial globe shown on the west wall appears to be one of the earliest extant representations of the device and the earliest preserved in a funerary environment. The new identification proposed for the monuments shown in the upper, secondary frieze, which represents a horse race, aligns the frieze’s composition with established iconographic schemes of agonistic events, adds multiple levels of symbolism, and ties the Pella wall-paintings more tightly than previously believed with the “Torre Annunziata philosopher mosaic”, Pompeii, and its twin from Sarsina, Umbria. The bonds of astronomy/cosmology with political theory and with aspects of Macedonian royal ideology, in particular, are set in relief. Finally, it is argued that the physical vicinity of the “Tomb of the Philosophers” with the palace of Pella and the royal court informed the mode of burial of a man of thought with favourable relations to his times’ monarchy, as well as his mode of portrayal as “the astronomer” on the west wall, a figure that presents us with a Macedonian iconographic hybrid of a philosopher, resonating the Platonic concept of the “philosopher king”.
 
 


 
 
 Of two articles devoted to the Thracian tribes attested in Aegean Thrace during the Hellenistic and Roman periods, the second, published here, focuses on the tribe of the Sapaioi (the first, under the title «Ἔθνη Θρᾳκῶν στὴ Θράκη τοῦ Αἰγαίου κατὰ τοὺς ἑλληνιστικοὺς καὶ ρωμαϊκοὺς χρόνους, Ι. Κορπίλοι καὶ Κορπιλική», devoted to the Corpiloi, was published in Τεκμήρια 15 [2019-2020] 187-226). Once again, the relevant testimonia are mainly literary, spanning from the beginning of the fifth century BC (Xerxes’ march against Greece) to the second century AD (catalogue of strategiae of Thrace in Claudius Ptolemy’s Geographika). But in this particular case, references to the Sapaioi also include a couple of inscriptions; among them, most prominently, the famous catalogue of the theorodokoi from Delphi and the equally renowned Sosthenes’ inscription from Paros. By gathering and analyzing these testimonia, the present article aims at defining more accurately the tribal territory of the Sapaioi and the limits of the Σαπαϊκὴ στρατηγία; at highlighting the intense and complex reality of a Thracian tribe in direct and close contact with the Greek and Roman worlds; and, finally, at stressing ‒through a brief and preliminary overview of the region’s archaeological map‒ the need for further archaeological research.
 
 


 
 
 The discovery of a bronze coin, in the context of controlled excavations conducted by the Palaepaphos Urban Landscape Project (PULP) on the plateau of Palaepaphos-Hadjiabdoullah since 2009, presented the opportunity for a challenging collaborative dialogue on the integration of numismatic discoveries, as well as relevant inscriptions and literary sources, with the current results of the landscape analysis and the excavations that have contributed to the identification of the plateau as the citadel of the polis of Paphos in the Cypro-Classical period.
 The identification of the coin as a bronze issue of either Timarchos (350? – 325? BC) or his son and last king of Paphos Nikokles (325? – 310/9 BC) leads first to an updated assessment of the state of research regarding the bronze coinage of the Paphian mint under its last fourth-century kings. The coin is then contextualised in the micro-environment of the recently located secular monument, a workshop complex, where it was found. A preliminary study of the ceramic material suggests that the workshop functioned contemporaneously with the palace, an architecturally impressive monument with which it shares the north side of the citadel.
 The precarious state of the fourth-century phase of the palatial building, which suggests that it could have lost its official status before the abolition of the Paphian dynasty (an event historically dated to 310/9 BC), turns the discussion towards Nea Paphos, where five coins of the same type were also discovered during controlled excavations. It is hereby suggested that by exploiting the results of the landscape analysis conducted by PULP, in combination with the still limited archaeological evidence, the establishment of Nea Paphos can be approached from the perspective of its predecessor, the old capital of Paphos. The possibility that a fourth-century monetized society was already residing in Nea Paphos reopens the long-debated issue of its foundation
 
 


 
 
 Pausanias, arriving at Amphissa shortly after AD 170, met with Aitolian residents -instead of Locrians- who wanted to renounce the Locrian past of the city. These Aitolians, according to him, had refused to move to Patras or Nicopolis, when Augustus divided Aitolia between the two new colonies. Pausanias also visited Myania, Chaleion and Naupactos and mentions that the rest of the Ozolian Locris, except Amphissa, was “under the control” of the Greeks of Patras. The combination of the ancient sources (Pausanias, Strabo, Pliny and the epigraphic record of West Locris) with the archaeological finds from the region provides some information on the status of the Ozolian cities in the Roman period. The new status quo imposed by Rome in Aitolia and in Epictetos Aitolia fragmented the Hesperians and strongly affected the settlement pattern of the region. As far as Amphissa is concerned, an honorary inscription from the sanctuary of Athena Kranaia in Elateia may shed light on the matter of its new Aitolian population.
 
 


 
 
 This article offers an edition of 19 Greek inscriptions from the Museum of Malatya (ancient Melitene, Cappadocia), among them 13 previously-unpublished texts including two new metrical inscriptions. With the exception of the one in the Appendix, these texts are funerary, should be dated to the period c. 150-250/300 AD, and take the form of family members dedicating funerary monuments in commemoration of deceased relatives. They offer significant insight into naming habits in this part of inland Asia Minor at the time of the Roman empire, not least in the use of Greek and Roman conventions including double-names and short names; among the inscriptions are several names otherwise not firmly attested in otherwise-published inscriptions (Amate, Anophthenes, Atios, Mazoubine, Taurophilos). A plague or illness is attested in one inscription. The funerary formulae of these inscriptions offer insight into the use of traditional Greek acclamations and also the translation into Greek of the Latin habit of dedicating funerary monuments to the Household Gods. The physical aspects of the stelai, featuring pedimental decorations, acroteria and inscribed texts, and sometimes objets de toilette, echo Greek traditions in commemoration but also constitute a recognisably local style. Aspects of the human bust portraits on a number of the monuments resemble those known elsewhere in inland Asia Minor. The metrical aspect of two of the inscriptions demonstrates a further level of artistry and engagement with a long Greek epitaphic tradition and indicates an aspirational literary ostentation. Overall, they illustrate the mingling of Greek, Roman and other cultures in a region influenced by the presence of the 12th Roman Legion; in particular they enunciate the signi cance of funerary display across the cultural spectrum and demonstrate the power of private funerary monuments to express family ties in Cappadocia at a time of Roman power.
 
 
 
 Summary for Turkish Readers
 Türkçe Özet:Birden Çok Etnik Unsur Barındıran Antik Kappadokia Bölgesinde Yeni İsimler, Mevkiler ve Ailevi Duyarlılık: Malatya Müzesi’nden Antik Yunanca Yazıtlar
 Malatya Arkeoloji Müzesi’ndeki Antik Yunanca yazıtlar, ilgili Müze Müdürlüğü’nün 3 Haziran 2021 tarih ve E-28262782-806.01.03-1429753 sayılı izinleri ile çalışılmış ve bu makale kapsamında yayınlanmıştır. Müze’deki gerekli belgeleme işlemi Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi’nden Arkeolog Alev Çetingöz tarafından Ağustos 2021 tarihinde gerçekleştirilmiştir.
 Bu makalede toplam 18 adet Yunanca yazıtlı taş eser takdim edilmektedir. Makalede önce, Müze’de teşhirde olan ve daha önce yayını yapılmış Antik Yu- nanca yazıtlı beş adet mezar steli tanıtıldıktan sonra, daha önce yayını yapılmayan 13 adet yazıt tanıtılmıştır. Yazıtların 17 adeti İ.S. 2.-3. yy. arasına, yani Roma Dönemi’ne, biri ise İ.S. 5.-6. yy.’a aittir.
 Makalede tanıtılan eserlerin içeriği sırası ile şöyledir: a. Daha önce yayınları yapılmış yazıtlar: i- Helene tarafından kocası için yaptırılan mezartaşı, ii- Anneleri Na için oğullarının yaptırttıkları mezartaşı, iii- Kyrilla tarafından annesi Priska için yaptırılan mezar yazıtı fragmanı, iv- Proklos tarafından Mikke için yaptırılan mezartaşı, v- Protogenes tarafından karısı Euphratia için yaptırılan mezartaşı ile vi- Mazoubine tarafından kocası Antonius Valens ve annesi Ma için yaptırılan mezartaşı.
 b. Daha önce yayınlanmamış yazıtlar: 1- Aribas tarafından babası ve kız kardeşi Kyrille için yaptırılan mezartaşı, 2- Loukios tarafından karısı Gemella için yaptırılan mezartaşı, 3- Yeraltı tanrılarına adanan mezartaşı, 4- Aouillios (Avillius) tarafından kızkardeşi Amate için yaptırılan mezartaşı, 5- Klaudios Amiantos tarafından karısı Iphigeneia ve kendisi için yaptırılan mezartaşı, 6- Antipas tarafından kız kardeşi Glaphyra için yaptırılan şiir vezinli mezartaşı, 7- Taurophilos tarafından karısı Ame (Nea) için yaptırılan mezartaşı, 8- Kyrillos tarafından annesi Alia Stratoneike için yaptırılan şiir vezinli mezartaşı, 9- Roustikos ve Iasonis tarafından oğulları Roustikos için yaptırılan mezartaşı, 10- Axios tarafından karısı için yaptırılan mezartaşı, 11- Apollonios ve Athenion tarafından Nikias için yaptırılan mezartaşı ile 12- Anakon ve Proklos adları geçen yazıt.
 Makalenin sonunda ise üzerinde Hristiyan azizi Theodoros’un adının geçtiği Erken Bizans Dönemi’ne ait bir taş eser tanıtılmaktadır.
 
 
 
 
 


 
 
 Herakles was jointly perceived in Thessaly and Macedonia as the legendary progenitor and patron deity of the Macedonian royal oikos and Thessalian elite ruling families, while he was worshipped at many social levels and contexts. This paper discusses the nature and role of Herakles’ cult, also in his capacity as Kynagidas, in the sacred landscape and socio-political milieu of the east and north Thessalian perioikoi from the fourth to the second century, when significant parts of both perioikic regions became officially annexed to Macedonia and eventually passed under the jurisdiction of the local Koina. Documents of the royal chancery, public resolutions, private and collective dedications corroborate literary and archaeological evidence, and showcase a prominent cult which was deeply rooted in both civic and royal contexts.
 
 


 
 
 This article examines the epigraphic and archaeological evidence attesting the staging of gladiatorial and associated spectacles in Roman Crete. The evidence indicates shows held in the capital of the province, Gortyn; in the colony of Knossos, in Hierapytna, and possibly in Chersonesos and Kissamos. Some of the spectacles that took place in Gortyn were extraordinary and very costly, including beast fights, public executions and gladiatorial combats with sharp weapons. The cities that presented these spectacles were leading towns and principal ports for the complex trade networks in which the island was involved, and open to innovation. The wealth thereby accumulated enabled the execution of new public infrastructures in these towns, among them the new type of spectacle building that appeared in the Mediterranean, the amphitheater.
 
 


 
 
 In addition to the documents that they disseminate, inscriptions sometimes contain artefacts of archival processes or “dockets”. Some three dozen examples are collected in the Catalogue, almost all of which accompany documents that originate outside the city where they are displayed. The article discusses what dockets imply about civic archives and what motivated their inclusion.