The article examines the development process of the national level security strategies in the United States. It explains the basic theory of the strategy-making, as well as the primary processes and relations among the major security enterprises. The author focuses on the 2017–2018 timeframe due to the significant changes in the U.S. legislative system and exceptional personalities involved in the strategy-making process. However, the article delivers a military perspective on strategy development. Still, it does not exclude general information on the U.S. political arena, legal framework, scope of the documents, or historical facts. These data facilitate a more comprehensive understanding of the complex political-military relations during the strategy-making process. The primary purpose of the article is to analyze coherent, layered strategic planning process during President Donald Trump administration (2017–2020) and draw significant conclusions, which other countries might implement in their planning system.

Parliamentary representation of political parties is nowadays becoming an important field of activity of every grouping. Members of Parliament, following the standards of party charters, become an element of party elite, holding the official positions in collegiate organs. Personal changes in the parliament then mean changes in the party elite. The goal of the article is defining the scale of the phenomenon of debut Members of Parliament in the years of 2011, 2015 and 2019. The research question which the author was faced with is the question about the scale of the phenomenon of debut Members of Parliament and its consequences for the demographic structure of the Polish Sejm and the particular party representations in the parliament, defined as party elites. Detailed questions concern: the importance of parliamentary representatives in contemporary political groupings; defining whether the scale of the phenomenon in 2015 was significantly different from the election results from 2011 and 2019. The established hypotheses assume that: the important of parliamentary representation in contemporary parties is on a constant growth on the formal level and also within the political praxis, and consequently, Members of Parliament can be called party elites. Another hypothesis assumes that the phenomenon of debut MPs has stood out quantitatively in the analyzed period of time, nevertheless, it has not changed the demographic structure of the parliament dramatically, concerning the other two analyzed terms. The period of the analysis concerns the three parliamentary elections in 2011, 2015 and 2019, which allowed to pick up on the possible tendency of the phenomenon.

The subject of this article is political culture and its relationship with democracy. The article is focused mainly on Turkish political culture and democratic practices. It is clear that the political system is directly connected with the political culture of society. But how could we distinguish political culture from other things or do we even have to? The purpose of this article is to present and evaluate the main role of political culture, which affects levels of tolerance, interpersonal trust, etc., as well as the adaption of democratic institutions to the current system. The main problems of Turkish political life are discussed in the article with the perspective of the relationship between political culture and democracy. The aim of this article is to present concepts of cultural orientations, the reflection of economic and political factors, social structures, as well as complex and unclear relations between them, which are simultaneously linked to a stable democracy. Therefore, it can be observed that stable democracy is not a coincidence but a result of all mentioned factors.

In this paper an author state a hypothesis that political extremism in New Zealand is a permanent phenomena that is present in New Zealand, which derives itself from globalization processes and evolves as the effect of idea’s diffusion. System theory is used as a theoretical perspective and a priori assumption that political extremism deepen state-phobia is made. Research methods such as lexical analysis and comparative analysis are used. During the research main extremist political trends are reveal, such as leftist, rightist, pro-ecological, islamic and postcolonial, and „lone-wolf” extremism. These phenomenon are highlighted in the perspective of potential security threats to the state. Ideological sources of extreme attitudes are revealed and shown in the most current political trends.

The following article provides an outline of a lesser known historical phenomenon related to the actions of Polish parliamentary politicians of the National Democracy (ND) formation in the years 1928-1930. In stark contrast to the elections of 1922, the elections of 1928 resulted in the defeat of the Nationalist camp, which ended up having only nine ND politicians. First, the article sketches a sociological map of ND senators. Secondly, it delves into the activities of senators in particular Senate boards, therefore explaining the real impact these people had on the workings of the higher chamber. Finally, an analysis of various statements is conducted with the aim of summarising the political views of these senators as well as the main issues they focused on, including state administration, justice, local governance, education and foreign policy.

This paper uses the case of Kyrgyz Republic to analyze two competing views concerning the role of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). The realist view claims that the EAEU is a tool of Russian hegemonic power over its region of infl uence and interprets is as a primarily political rather than economic organization designed to serve Russia’s national interests at the expense of those of other members. The liberal institutionalist view, on the other hand, sees the EAEU as a new regional organization of economic integration that is benefi cial for all members. Analyzing the case of the participation of the Kyrgyz Republic in this union makes it clear that it is still too early to determine which perspective is correct as there is evidence in support of both.

In this article were presented beliefs and ideas of Pentti Linkola who was a Finnish representative of deep ecology. Taking into consideration debates and discussions on how to solve global environmental crisis, he must be perceived as one of the most charismatic and radical figure. The only solutions to protect life in biosphere are for him: organized coercion, compulsory reduction of the human population, authoritarian system managed by a strong centralized government, forcing people to reduce consumption, possessions, travelling, and usage of electricity. The concept of Linkola’s philosophy is full of negative judgments towards humans’ responsibility and wisdom. His ideas are also eco-centered and prioritize weal and value of life in general over the weal and life of a single person. The aim of this article is to present and compare Finnish thinker’s opinions on relations between people and environment with other – more popular in Poland – authors. It is worth to mention that Linkola’s ideas and demands are not mentioned in the works of domestic representatives of subdisciplines in social science which concentrate on social and political sources and effects of ecological problems in the modern world. This fact will determine the essence and value of assumptions made for the presented in the article disquisition.

When government accounted for a small proportion of the economy, the Austrian Business Cycle Theory (ABCT) was apropos because private enterprises comprised the lion’s share of commercial interactions. But, of late, in more and more countries, the share of the economy accounted for by the state has increased, and that by business fi rms, less and less. Thus, it is time, it is past time, to introduce a new concept, Austrian Government Cycle Theory (AGCT). The present paper is an attempt to move us in that direction.

The goals of the article are to discuss Ukraine’s aspirations for rapprochement with the European Union, especially after the „Orange Revolution” in 2004, and in the context of the conflict with Russia over Crimea and eastern Ukraine that began in 2014. In addition, to outline of Germany’s position toward the conflict and Ukraine’s relations with the EU. The author attempts to resolve the problem of Ukraine’s chances of joining the Union in a predictable perspective. First of all, scientific and press publications, as well as European Union documents were used.

The main goal of this paper is an analysis of activities, purposes, problems of the (SCO) since its inception in order to understand what is the main reason behind its creation and existence? What are its achievements and what benefits have got each member state? Is it beneficial to all members? The hypothesis is that SCO serves only its big members, it was intended to be a China’s tool to enter Central Asia without vexing Russia. The article analyzes the activities of the SCO with the existing theories in IR in order to answer these questions. The main objective of the SCO was an attempt by the powers of the Central Asia to control the region. The SCO faces problems of distrust between its members. It is a very important instrument of guaranteeing Sino-Central Asian partnership. It is also a guarantee that China will never dominate Central Asia due to many signed agreements within the organization. With more than twenty years of history and existence, the SCO may become a real force on the international arena. The SCO’s intention is to become a world power and to construct a fairer international order. The SCO has the economic potential and political will to do it.