Following civil war in China, the People’s Republic of China was founded in 1949. Türkiye did not recognize the newly founded People’s Republic of China (PRC) and diplomatic relations between the two countries were severed and Türkiye did not establish diplomatic relations with the PRC until 1971. As Türkiye did not establish diplomatic relations with the PRC between 1949 and 1971, the number of visitors from Türkiye to China was very limited. After 1949, the first Turkish journalists to visit mainland China were Oğuz Akkan and Haluk Tansuğ, reporters from Akşam newspaper in 1965. During the visit, the Akşam delegation interviewed Chinese Prime Minister Zhou Enlai, visited Chinese cities and published 26 news articles. The fact that Turkish journalists visited China at a time when the establishment of relations with the PRC was being debated in the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye (TBMM) sheds light on the unknowns regarding the relations between the two countries. In this study, the political developments that led Turkish journalists to visit the PRC and their observations on the PRC are analyzed through the news in Akşam . Furthermore, the article sheds light on a little-known period in Turkish-Chinese relations with new information.

Although China Pakistan Economic Corridor was envisaged by former Chinese Prime Minister Zhou Enlai in 1963 as a link to the Middle East market for Chinese product, however was formally announced in 2015. Since its inception, most of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor Phase-1 projects, including electricity, communication infrastructure, Gwadar Port and Gwadar International Airport have been completed, however a phase comprising of social sector development projects is under progress. Focus of future development includes cooperation among industrial, science, technology and agricultural sectors. Development of Special Economic Zones, oil and natural gas pipelines, Gwadar Port and Main Line-1 Railway Project needs special attention for an early completion. The progress of China Pakistan Economic Corridor, especially being a flagship component of ever-expanding Chinese Belt Road Initiative has emerged as a point of concern for a few Extra Regional and Regional Powers, which are endeavouring to implicate China Pakistan Economic Corridor by creating terrorism-based security scenario in Pakistani coastal Balochistan province. Both Chinese and Pakistani nations are working relentlessly to end the malicious menace of terrorism. Apart from the threat of terrorism, China Pakistan Economic Corridor is also facing the hazardous impacts of climate change in form of cloud bursts, glacier melting and floods due to increasing temperatures. It needs to be analysed by conducting qualitative research by collecting the available information and deducing the fact pragmatically that the hazards of climate change can cause more damage in comparison with terrorism hence there is a need to address such impacts diligently for prudent solutions.

Abstract: "The East Is Red" is a signature Chinese revolutionary song, often referred to as the "anthem of the Cultural Revolution." By examining three key episodes in the song's history, this article traces the evolution of "The East Is Red" from a rural love song to a central part of Chinese revolutionary culture. In this process, the basic components of the song, including its lyrics, melody, and arrangement, have been flexible and subject to constant change, responding to incessantly shifting political circumstances, intended audiences, and media technologies. "The East Is Red" was first created in the 1940s in the Shaanxi–Gansu–Ningxia Border Region, when a group of Communist cultural workers, responding to Mao Zedong's Yan'an Talks, selected, edited, and sanitized local folk songs and added newly composed lyrics. This process reflected a fundamental suspicion of the unmediated sounds of the masses, even though those very sounds had inspired the song in the first place. Later, in 1964, "The East Is Red" was expanded into an eponymous "music and dance epic," an elaborate singing and dance performance created under the personal supervision of Premier Zhou Enlai that charts Chinese revolutionary history. In this version, the song is performed by a large chorus and accompanied by a full orchestra. With this spectacular rendition, Zhou sought to wrest control of the cultural sphere from Jiang Qing and to assert his own authority over the interpretation of Party history, with mixed success. In 1970, China launched its first satellite, Dong Fang Hong 1, which broadcast "The East Is Red" via radio transmission, showcasing the socialist state's scientific and technological capacity. Mass campaigns were organized for people to gather and listen to the satellite broadcast. A distinctive version of the song, performed by a celesta and peppered with noise, marked China's entrance into the space age. Despite its altered form, this version of "The East Is Red" retained much of its original northern Shaanxi flavor, which sonically resisted full state standardization. Taken together, "The East Is Red" has never been a stable musical fixture but rather a malleable set of musical resources subject to editing, adaptation, and interpretation throughout the trajectory of the Chinese revolution. Its transformative journey illustrates the uneasy relationship between culture and politics in China's revolutionary history and, more specifically, the enduring impulse among communist cultural and political elites to harness and dictate the symbolic power that sounds could embody, thereby highlighting the pivotal role of sounds in shaping the contours of revolutionary political culture in modern China.

The principle of “Friendship First, Competition Second” was first proposed by Mao Zedong in 1969 and formally established by Zhou Enlai in 1971 as a guiding policy for China’s sports diplomacy. It became an essential strategic tool that helped China break through international isolation during the Cold War. This principle promoted the “Ping-Pong Diplomacy,” facilitated the normalization of Sino–U.S. relations, and created a new paradigm of “sports diplomacy” that enhanced China’s global influence. As a manifestation of Zhou Enlai’s diplomatic wisdom, the principle reshaped the value orientation of competitive sports, provided a unique perspective for understanding the development of the People’s Republic of China, and continues to offer profound insights for building a new type of international relations.

Zhou Enlai was one of China's most prominent revolutionary leaders and Communist China's most famous and successful diplomat of the 20th century. He was Premier of the People's Republic of China (PRC) from its founding in 1949 until his death in 1976. His importance, influence and authority as a statesman during this period was second only to that of Mao Zedong. From 1949 to 1958, as the People's Republic's foreign minister he was the main architects of its foreign policy. This article examines Zhou's dual role as a revolutionary leader committed to Marxist-Leninist ideals, and as a diplomat who managed to navigate the complexities of the international situation, successfully leading PRC's foreign policy. He did so during some of the most volatile, uncertain and tension-filled periods of twentieth century’s world politics. The article follows Zhou's emergence as a revolutionary, as well as his diplomatic strategies and role in important for China, Asia and the world events. Zhou Enlai's pragmatic approach to diplomacy in establishing China as a key player on the global geopolitical stage is also emphasized. In conclusion it is stated that the charismatic first prime minister of the PRC can be defined in many ways - leader, statesman, politician, communist, fighter, intellectual - and all of them would be true. However, it is Zhou's legacy as a revolutionary and as a diplomat that is still the cornerstone of contemporary Chinese diplomacy and continues to influence China's international relations and position on the global stage today.

Zhou Enlai. A Life, by Chen Jian

Purpose This study selected the Zhou Enlai Memorial Hall, a national Museum of China, as the research context to explore relationships among memorable tourism experience (MTE), nostalgia, celebrity attachment, cultural identity and word-of-mouth (WOM) in museum tourism. Design/methodology/approach Structural equation modeling was used to analyze a total of 345 survey-based data to test relationships between MTE, nostalgia, celebrity attachment, cultural identity and word-of-mouth (WOM) in museum tourism. Findings This study found significant positive relationships among the research variables. MTE positively affects nostalgia and celebrity attachment. Celebrity attachment positively influences consumers’ cultural identity and WOM. Originality/value This research helps museum scholars and managers understand the tourist experience in Chinese museum tourism.

From the perspective of academic history, this study reviews carefully and systematicly on the reminiscence materials written by Lei Yingfu on October 20, 1990, which stated that the high-level circles of the Communist Party of China planned to develop advanced weapon and technology such as special weapon in 1952. The textual research results indicate clearly that, the manuscript is not directly related to the central government’s decision to develop Chinese atomic energy industry or develop its special weapon, but only revealing the historical truth hidden deeply behind the manuscript up to the present day is as shown below: Following Mao Zedong’s instructions, Zhou Enlai personally deployed relevant departments to humbly consult with three scientists, meteorologist Zhu Kezhen, nuclear physicist Zhao Zhongyao and Wang Ganchang, regarding the launch of a new type of secret weapon by three US Air Force B-29 Superfortress strategic bombers over the Korean battlefield on the night of March 26, 1952, providing strong support for CPC’s scientific decision-making. These confidential discussions and research activities vividly interprets Mao Zedong’s important thoughts that, in order to get a complete picture, senior leaders should not pretend to know when you don’t, and should not feel ashamed to ask and learn from your subordinates.

Since 1919, on the eve of the birth of the Communist Party of China (CPC), a group of aspiring young people travelled across the ocean to France to study and work, and to explore ways to save the country and make it strong. During their stay in France, they worked hard and studied thriftily, and at the same time penetrated into the French society, understood the workers' movement and came into contact with Marxism. They were the first group to turn their attention to Marxism, study and accept it, and spread it to China. They promoted the spread of Marxism in China and expanded the path of spreading it, which provided the theoretical basis for the establishment of the CPC; they actively carried out practical explorations, which influenced the establishment of the early organisations of the CPC, and at the same time, they set up CPC the European Branch of the CPC and the Chinese Socialist Youth League, which solidly formed the organisational basis of the CPC; they cultivated a large number of excellent Chinese Communists such as Cai Hesen and Zhou Enlai and enriched the early leadership force of the Party, laying the foundation for the Party's establishment and development. All of the above made indelible contributions to the origin and development of the CPC. However, their acceptance and exploration of Marxism also had historical limitations due to the limitations of social and historical conditions and the lack of their own understanding. At present, our country is in the critical period of realising the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and the study of Party history is of great and far-reaching significance for summing up the historical experience, understanding the laws of history, grasping the initiative of history, passing on the red genes, bearing in mind the mission of the original heart and adhering to the correct direction.

Recent events — the adoption of the “Law on foreign policy", the general significant activation of the People's Republic of China on the world stage, the resignation of the country's Foreign Minister Qin Gang and the return to the leadership of the Foreign Ministry Wang Yi — attract increased attention to Chinese diplomacy today. Meanwhile, this topic has not been fully disclosed in Russian and foreign studies. The main reason is the obvious opacity of the object of analysis. It is unlikely that Chinese diplomacy can be called completely closed, but information about it has to be collected literally bit by bit. The recently published texts by K.M. Barsky and E.V. Zhuravleva are very useful in this regard. Somewhat earlier, the formation of Chinese diplomacy was reviewed by Wang Chunying, a professor at the Diplomatic Academy in Beijing. Among the English-language efforts addressing the problems of Chinese diplomacy, John Garver's monograph "Chinese Quest: The History of International Relations of the People's Republic of China" (2016) should be mentioned. In general, this topic is far from being exhausted and requires further study. Our article examines in detail the features of the initial stage of the formation of the diplomatic personnel corps in the People's Republic of China, analyzes the evolution of forms and methods of training and retraining of Chinese diplomats, the legal regulation of their obligations and rights. The activities of the country's foreign ministers from 1949 to the present (Zhou Enlai, Chen Yi, Ji Pengfei, Qiao Guanhua, Huang Hua, Wu Xueqian, Qian Qichen, Tang Jiaxuan, Li Zhaoxing, Yang Jiechi, Wang Yi, Qin Gang) are briefly described.

Автор вспоминает некоторые эпизоды из жизни академика М.Л. Титаренко (1934–2016), рассказывая о нем сквозь призму своих воспоминаний, показывая его человеческие качества: добросовестность, последовательность, честность, упорство в достижении поставленных целей, добросердечность и отзывчивость. Описание атмосферы Института Дальнего Востока РАН, рабочего кабинета Титаренко, его автомобиля, костюма, как делового, так и традиционного китайского ‒ все это создает очень теплый и близкий образ выдающегося ученого, жизнь которого была наполнена чередой официальных встреч, рабочих совещаний и принятия решений на самом высоком государственном уровне. Особое место в этой статье занимает эпизод рукопожатия М.Л. Титаренко с руководителями ЦК КПК Мао Цзэдуном, Чжоу Эньлаем, Лю Шаоци во время официальной встречи весной 1957 г. в Пекине. The Author revives some episodes from the life of Professor M.L. Titarenko (1934–2016) with the accent on his human qualities: conscientiousness, consistency, honesty, persistence, kindness and compassion. The depiction of his office in the Institute of Far East Studies of Russian Academy of Sciences, his car and even his clothes, including a traditional Chinese attire ‒ all these details create a warm and vivid image of an outstanding scholar, whose life was full of official meetings, workshops, and implied state-level decision making. Particular attention is given to an official meeting in Peking in spring 1957, during which Mr. Titarenko shaked hands with leaders of the Central Committee of Communist Party of China Chairman Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Lu Shaoqi.

In recent years, China’s neighboring environment has experienced profound changes, and China’s external security situation has been subject to a series of shocks. Against this background, China’s neighborhood diplomacy has become increasingly prominent. Indochina has been the focus of China’s neighborhood diplomacy since the Geneva Conference in 1954. Based on the declassified archives of Kissinger’s secret visit to China in 1971, this paper examines the issue of Indochina in the negotiations between Zhou Enlai and Kissinger. The aim is to offer a valuable historical experience for China’s neighborhood diplomacy of today and the way to manage and resolve strategic disputes in its neighboring area. The study finds that during the negotiations, Zhou took a clear stance on behalf of the Chinese government in expressing support for the struggle for the national independence of the Indochinese people. This reflects China’s unshakable commitment to the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence and support for the international justice of anti-aggression and anti-colonialism. Additionally, through his statements, Zhou has shown us the meaning of “amity, sincerity, mutual benefit, and inclusiveness (亲诚惠容 Qin Cheng Hui Rong)” in neighborhood diplomacy. All his efforts showed us how to effectively undertake neighborhood diplomacy, which is the essence of maintaining stability in China’s neighborhood.

As the political and military center in the early stage of the Central Soviet Area, Ningdu in Jiangxi was one of the command centers and main battlefields of the anti encirclement and suppression war in the Central Soviet Area. It was the famous birthplace of the Ningdu Uprising and the birth of the Red Fifth Army Corps, and is known as the “cradle of the Soviet Area”. Mao Zedong, Zhu De, Zhou Enlai, Wang Jiaxiang, Ren Bishi, Xiang Ying, Deng Xiaoping and other older generation proletarian revolutionaries carried out arduous and magnificent revolutionary practices in Ningdu, Jiangxi. Through long-term revolutionary practice and struggle history, they have accumulated rich red resources. This article categorizes the basic types of red resources in Ningdu, Jiangxi, and analyzes their typical characteristics such as wide distribution, diverse forms, spiritual education, and political distinctiveness. It also proposes sustainable development strategies such as firmly establishing the correct concept of protection and development, exploring resources to promote the construction of red cultural brands, extending the red resource industry chain and increasing the integration of business formats, and using full media to increase the publicity and promotion of red resources.

China is renowned for its rich cultural tapestry, diverse ethnic groups, and complex history. While Han Chinese make up the majority of the population, China is also home to a mosaic of 55 ethnic minorities, each with its unique customs, languages, and traditions. While they may share some similarities, each minority ethnic group has their own unique culture and language that differs from other groups and sometimes their differences have caused conflict between each other. Therefore, when writing and implementing policy for minority education, it is important to be adaptable and flexible to local conditions. The Chinese government has increasingly emphasized minority education as an important factor for social unity. In late 20th century, Premier Zhou Enlai decided to create written language for minority groups such as the Hani and Bai, while in 2020, Chairman Xi decided to shift promotion to protection by creating an online archive for minority languages and cultures such as folklore and the creation myth. This paper critically examines the effectiveness of China's bilingual education policy, teacher training initiatives, and the mechanisms of two exemptions and one subsidy for minority education in compulsory education schools in Yunnan. The study underscores the laudable intentions behind these policies while shedding light on the numerous challenges encountered during their implementation.

Abstract After the end of the Second World War, newly emerging nations were being divided up geopolitically into ideological camps – the so-called “Free World” led by the United States and the ‘Communist Bloc’ under the leadership of the Soviet Union. At the same time, there was rising demands for self-determination by national leaders who did not wish to commit exclusively to either ideological camp, as they perceived this to be a form of neo-imperialism. A leading group within this third way of thinking was the Colombo Group. In the midst of this intense three-way struggle, post-war Thailand under the leadership of Premier Field Marshal Plaek Phibunsongkhram was heavily influenced by the US in the earliest stages of the Cold War. In the attempt to renegotiate and re-balance Thailand’s position in the heightened political tension of the region, the premier sent the then Minister of Foreign Affairs, Prince Wan Waithayakon, to represent Thailand at the Asia-Africa Conference – initiated through the cooperation of the Colombo Group earlier in May 1954 – in April 1955. At this conference Prince Wan exercised independent diplomacy by meeting and negotiating with the Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai in an attempt to re-balance Thailand’s relations with world powers in both the Free World and the Communist Bloc. This meeting would have significant ramifications for Thailand’s diplomacy throughout the Cold War and has impacted the kingdom’s relations with the People’s Republic of China up to the present day.

The Golden Sands musical is considered in terms of the genre formation specifics in China. Attention is focused on the American origins of Chinese musicals, especially regarding style, scenography, and the specifics of vocal sound extraction. Consideration is given to the penetration of Chinese ethnic elements into the means of musical expression and choreographic poetics in the Equatorial Rain original musical, which demonstrated the fusion of national elements with Western ones, with jazz, rock, rap, etc. The author puts forward the hypothesis that the development of musicals in China is still at the stage of mastering and forming a genre with national specifics, using the original folk style of singing. It is the mixing of different singing styles that is becoming the most important trend in the development of modern Chinese musical theatre. Created under the direction of Zhou Enlai, the Golden Sands musical (金沙) reveals the typological features of the genre characteristic of its Western models: a synthesis of academic and pop music principles, a synthesis of arts (music, choreography, stage design, costume art). However, its combination with Chinese poetics has created a new nationally oriented direction, which has a significant influence on the development of musical art both in China and throughout the world.

After the Korean Armistice Agreement in 1953, the direct war between the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) and United States was temporarily halted. But the subsequent issues relating to the prisons of war, China students studied at US and the collusion between US and Taiwan, made the tensions between the PRC and US government. In order to resolve the American spy case, the United States manipulated the UN General Assembly (UNGA) to pass a resolution which Dag Hammarskjld, Secretary-General of the United Nations(UNSG), was mandated to visit China to solve this issue. This incident offered the PRC government a rare opportunity to engage with the UN and participate in global affairs. Zhou Enlai, the Chinese Foreign Minister, successfully defended Chinas sovereignty. This engagement helped to highlight the newly established PRCs position in the international affairs during Cold War while alleviate the tense atmosphere between China and the United States. This event also provided crucial groundwork for the resolution of issues concerning Chinese-American immigrants.

This paper determines the role of the Chinese state policy in using internal labour migration to ensure accelerated socialist construction of such large industrial facilities as the Daqing Oil Field. The history of the People’s Republic of China from 1949 to 1978 is rich in examples of labour mobilization of military and technical workers as well as young people for the construction and organization of industrial enterprises in adverse climatic conditions. After the discovery of the Daqing Oil Field in the north-eastern province of Heilongjiang in 1959, more than 40,000 military men, engineers and oil workers were relocated to this facility. Chinese workers from the eastern and western provinces took an active part in organizing the process of exploration, drilling, oil extraction and transportation, as well as launching water supply and building storage facilities. Labour migrants were quick to establish new modern settlements in the oil field area under extremely harsh northern conditions. Daqing Oil Field workers steadfastly endured all the hardships, their main slogan being as follows: “Work hard, overcome difficulties, do your best to fight”. The selfless work of internal migrants was highly appreciated by the Chinese government and the Chinese society as a whole. Over 5,000 factories and enterprises throughout China manufactured mechanical and electrical products as well as equipment for the Daqing Oil Field; 200 research and development departments provided technical support to its workers. In the 1960s, an economic campaign “Learn Everything from Daqing” was launched, aimed to share the experience of building this oil field with other regions of China. Party and government officials Zhou Enlai, Zhu De, Dong Biwu, He Long and Chen Yi had repeatedly visited Daqing to inspect the work and evaluate the role of labour migrants from other provinces in the development of the oil industry in Northeast China.

This paper believes that Zhou Enlai successfully set up a mythical father image through the operation of ideology. The purpose of this paper is to deconstruct how this image is established in the film Zhou Enlai through the research method of ideology, and find evidence to demonstrate this point of view through the study of the film text. This paper will study the key ideographs of each scene, and in the process of study, attention will be paid to the activities of each paragraph to avoid the stillness of each segment.

The popular anecdote that Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai once declared it “too soon to tell” the significance of the French Revolution of 1789 is clearly recognizable as a meme and has followed a winding path through media history. While the story was seemingly debunked in 2011, when it was revealed that Zhou had meant the 1968 unrest in Paris—rather than the French Revolution—it is argued this was merely another stage in its hundred-year evolution. Regardless of whether the quip had an actual Chinese author or not, its early spread in mainstream media was the result of an educated and globally minded Western audience shaped by orientalism and rhetoric surrounding the dangers of radical revolution. This study examines how, when China began opening to the world in the 1970s, the people involved in this process began to be written into the meme, with the Zhou Enlai variant only becoming consolidated in the 1990s. In tracing the story’s development, this article examines how quips—or memes—propagate and evolve over time, particularly in pre-digital environments, where texts benefit from the interplay of different formats and genres.