Zealand Politics Research Articles

Beyond the First Nations Voice to Parliament: Who “owns” the state?

AbstractIn 2023, Australian voters defeated a constitutional amendment to establish a First Nations' Voice to Parliament. This representative body would have been empowered to make representations to parliament and executive government. It was proposed by First Nations people as the first stage in a Voice, Treaty, Truth process of political and constitutional reform. As the implications of this defeat are considered, it is instructive to examine what lessons New Zealand's politics and policies of Māori self‐determination may contribute to local deliberations, including on the principles that could inform treaties such as those under consideration in the state of Victoria. The ongoing point of contention in both countries has profound implications for how and why policy is made, for whom and by whom. The point of contest is over who, in practical political terms, “owns” the state and, therefore, its policymaking systems? Are First Nations people shareholders in state authority, or should they reside always on its periphery? If not, what are the terms of their inclusion?

The Rise, Fall and Re-Rise Of Deliberative Democracy In New Zealand

In New Zealand the last few years have seen a re-emergence of interest in processes that build on the theory of deliberative democracy. Commentary on this trend, which typically positions deliberative democracy as a novel development in New Zealand politics, ignores several decades of public agencies’ democratic experimentation. In this article we describe three of the 15 identified processes displaying the critical elements of deliberative democracy: the Capital Power citizens’ jury (1996); Toi te Taiao: the Bioethics Council’s public deliberation on pre-birth testing (2007–08), and the citizens’ advisory panel on the Newtown–Berhampore cycleway (2014). We analyse the reasons for their ostensible failure and identify lessons that current policymakers interested in deliberative democracy should draw from these historical cases.

Political Theology of Covid Governance

A popular view of contemporary New Zealand politics is that it is devoid of ‘religious’ dynamics, but the government’s response to the Covid-19 pandemic showed that religious ideals, cosmological paradigms, doctrinal discourses, and ritual practices continue to shape political processes. This article analyses themes of transcendence and the sacred in the government’s handling of the Covid pandemic, themes that became fundamental to the daily management of the pandemic and its various effects. Drawing on scholarship on political theology, this article explores ideas of solidarity, sacrifice, sovereignty, and the iconic to facilitate a better understanding of the contestations over governance during a time of crisis.

Sloppy targeting of Chinese voters in the 2020 New Zealand general election: an exploration of National and Labour’s targeting strategies

ABSTRACT The targeting of ethnic Chinese voters is a relatively hidden area in New Zealand politics. This article explores how the two major parties in New Zealand, National and Labour, employed political marketing to target Chinese voters in the 2020 election. The findings reveal that National’s targeting approach lacked clear direction and structure, while Labour failed to demonstrate explicit intentions in targeting the Chinese community. Neither party exhibited a comprehensive understanding of this ethnic group nor developed effective political products to address their concerns. These shortcomings in targeting can be attributed to the broader context of National’s chaotic 2020 election campaign and Labour’s apparent disinterest in engaging with Chinese voters during an election where it already enjoyed a high approval rate among the public. The incomplete targeting efforts by both parties reflect the unique context of an election dominated by the COVID-19 pandemic.

FRONTLINE 3: The NZ media and the occupation of Parliament

Commentary: There is little reason to doubt that groups like Advance New Zealand, Voices for Freedom and Counterspin Media have been funded in part by donations from ‘the people’ or ‘everyday Kiwis’; New Zealanders are no less likely to disseminate misinformation—and fund that dissemination—than any other group. Nonetheless, questions remain about the role of foreign linked entities like Himalaya New Zealand on the fringe of New Zealand politics. Parliament grounds have been cleared and the grass will regrow, but the disinformation networks behind the protests remain. The role for media in the coming months, and likely years, will be to not ignore these disinformation networks (and not unwittingly provide content for them) but to investigate them and analyse the role they are playing in the contemporary ‘post-truth’ world.

Claiming collectivity: the socio-political affects of hashtagging “us”

ABSTRACT This article explores the role that hashtags play in maintaining the prevailing socio-political underpinnings of inequality. It is written in response to the 2019 terror attacks on Muslim communities in Ōtautahi, Christchurch. The attacks called into question many previously held assumptions about the non-discriminatory nature of Aotearoa New Zealand politics and society, necessitating a greater attentiveness to the grounds upon which claims to solidarity are made. I argue that “collectivizing hashtags” – that is, social media hashtags characterized by their use of pronouns to inclusively identify with Others – afford new opportunities for self-expression that may simultaneously empower and compromise certain individuals. I demonstrate how the collectivizing hashtags #TheyAreUs and #ThisIsNotUs involve forms of appropriation on the part of privileged subjects, reinforcing unequal social hierarchies and silencing marginal subjects. Following the feminist traditions of Judith Butler, Erinn Gilson, and Kate Schick, my analysis incorporates an ethic of vulnerability to interrogate underlying power relations and our location within them. This analysis encourages people to think critically about assuming the identity of vulnerable Others; otherwise, we risk obscuring our own complicity in the wider relations of power in which discrimination, oppression, and violence fester.

Māori Election Petitions of the 1870s: Microcosms of Dynamic Māori and Pākehā Political Forces

Māori election petitions to the 1876 Eastern Māori and the 1879 Northern Māori elections were high-stakes political manoeuvres. The outcomes of such challenges were significant in the weighting of political power in Wellington. This was a time in New Zealand politics well before the formation of political parties. Political alignments were defined by a mixture of individual charismatic men with a smattering of provincial sympathies and individual and group economic interests. Larger-than-life Māori and Pākehā political characters were involved in the election petitions, providing a window not only into the complex Māori political relationships involved, but also into the stormy Pākehā political world of the 1870s. And this is the great lesson about election petitions. They involve raw politics, with all the political theatre and power play, which have as much significance in today’s politics as they did in the past. Election petitions are much more than legal challenges to electoral races. There are personalities involved, and ideological stances between the contesting individuals and groups that back those individuals. Māori had to navigate both the Pākehā realm of central and provincial politics as well as the realm of Māori kin-group politics at the whānau, hapū and iwi levels of Māoridom. The political complexities of these 1870s Māori election petitions were but a microcosm of dynamic Māori and Pākehā political forces in New Zealand society at the time.

Ernst Plischke and Post-war Politics in New Zealand: The Case of Naenae

ABSTRACT Through his work for the first Labour Government in Wellington, Austrian-born émigré architect Ernst Plischke (1903–92) was directly involved with New Zealand politics in the 1940s. While he has appeared to others as a not outwardly political person, his professional life in New Zealand was directly tied to governmental decisions of the time. Particularly his duties in the town planning division of the Department of Housing Construction (1943–1947) meant that Plischke was not only involved with the politically initiated design of large-scale environments, but in this role he also actively took sides – for a somewhat more collectivist model of living than many New Zealanders favoured. By bringing together the existing debate about housing, dwelling and in particular the Community Centre in Naenae with Plischke’s design work and his own views, it may be possible to characterise more closely his interactions with New Zealand politics. It appears that despite being an “Enemy Alien,” Plischke’s attitude towards architecture and society was largely aligned with the positions of the first Labour Government for the quality of his work to be recognised.

The Covid-19 general election in New Zealand

The 17 October 2020 general election, in which the electorate returned 120 members of the House of Representatives, was arguably unique in New Zealand politics. For the first time since the 1996 in...

From Localism Towards Localism

Localism has become a buzzword in New Zealand politics. Though well-established overseas, it is, however, still a relatively new concept here. In this essay, Oliver Hartwich explains how his experience of German localism shaped his policy work in Britain, Australia and now New Zealand.

Information culture of Ghanaian immigrants living in New Zealand

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explore the information culture of Ghanaian immigrants living in New Zealand. The values, beliefs and behaviours that influence the ways information is identified, accessed, used, shared and preserved, defines people’s information culture. Some Ghanaians have migrated to New Zealand for different reasons, including studies, work and resettlement. To live successfully and peacefully in a foreign country, they need specific information and to understand where to find, use and share it. This paper investigated the factors that influence the beliefs and perspectives Ghanaians hold around information the information they use in New Zealand.Design/methodology/approachA qualitative approach was adopted. Both questionnaire and interviews were used to collect data from 27 Ghanaians living in different regions of New Zealand. Basic questionnaire analysis was done in survey monkey. Interview transcripts were analysed manually by reading through severally using colour patterns to identify key concepts and themes and using tables to organise them.FindingsThe main areas Ghanaians are interested in using information about in New Zealand include education, health, information on environmental issues, New Zealand politics and sports. Few Ghanaians are interested in information about entertainment and religion and agriculture as these areas do not have much impact on the purposes for their lives in New Zealand. Although most Ghanaians consider themselves poor record-keepers, they accord high value to the information they seek and use in New Zealand. Their preferred information source is the World Wide Web, although other sources such as libraries and academic databases are also considered useful. The most preferred and trusted approach of sharing information is face-to-face is considered. Social media, WhatsApp, mobile phones, etc. are also considered reliable ways of communicating information.Research limitations/implicationOnly 27 Ghanaians participated in the study, their circumstances surrounding the life in New Zealand may be completely different from other Ghanaians. So their views may not fully reflect the situations of all Ghanaians in New Zealand. Also, the fact that most participants were familiar with the researcher could impact their responses.Practical implicationThis paper provides a useful understanding of the information cultural patterns of Ghanaians and can provide a useful basis for further investigations of Ghanaians and other immigrants’ life patterns in New Zealand.Originality/valueAlthough other studies have looked at the Ghanaian immigrants in other countries, this is the first study that looks at the information culture of Ghanaians in New Zealand.

Technology, popular culture and everyday life: The electoral defeat of New Zealand Internet MANA

The development of the Internet and social platforms was expected to have a profound influence on citizens’ ability to influence politics, transforming traditional methods of political communication. This article examines the digital campaign strategy of the Internet MANA alliance during the 2014 New Zealand General Election. Internet MANA adopted digital strategies that had proven successful overseas and had the potential to radically transform New Zealand politics. The campaign, however, culminated in a disastrous electoral defeat. The article argues that online media strategies alone cannot explain election outcomes. Instead, we need to explore the ways in which digital campaign strategies interact with the electoral system, mainstream media and political ‘brands’. Going beyond the specifics of New Zealand politics, this article raises questions about the role of technology on political communication practices.

Leaving Politics Behind? Diasporic Nationalism in London

Up to a million New Zealanders live overseas at any one time, many residing in London. Exploratory research with members of New Zealand-oriented civil society organisations established in London highlights a strong perception that the expatriate experience provides a certain distance from New Zealand politics – particularly ‘bicultural’ politics – that encourages boundary-crossing relationships and a stronger sense of belonging amongst Māori than experienced at home. This is an important finding but this article questions whether such politics are really absent, since interview data reveals that London-based organisations and their members undertake significant ‘political’ work in connecting expatriate citizens to ‘home’ and in protecting New Zealand’s reputation. These activities reinforce forms of nostalgia that prioritise European/Pākehā norms and, ultimately, fail to acknowledge ongoing tensions in New Zealand’s national story.

Media coverage of New Zealand’s 2014 election campaign

New Zealand’s 2014 general election campaign was seen by many observers as out of the ordinary: it was variously described as ‘weird’, ‘bizarre’ and ‘crazy’. However, did media coverage reflect the unusual nature of the actual campaign? This study’s content analysis of that coverage reveals that the news media’s concentration on ‘non-policy’ issues meant that much of it was dominated by alleged scandals, which were reported with a negative tone, and less space was devoted to policy. However, this does not indicate an extraordinary shift in New Zealand politics. Although seen by many as damaging to democracy and antithetical to a robust public sphere, these are now often features of the media-dominated ‘modern’ campaign.

Harry Holland's ‘Samoan Complex’

ABSTRACT‘Harry’ Holland, one of the early leaders of the parliamentary Labour Party in New Zealand, was an anomalous figure in early 20th-century New Zealand politics. In addition to a principled adoption of militant socialism, he stood apart from the rest of the House of Representatives due to his pronounced interest in Samoan affairs. This interest was so acute that one of his Labour colleagues, John A. Lee, remarked that he possessed a ‘Samoan complex’. This paper addresses the lack of critical attention paid to this facet of his career. Even though Holland's attitudes towards Samoa were sometimes couched in the same vocabulary as the coloniser, he always stood on the side of the colonised. His endorsement of Indigenous self-government was ahead of its time, and his campaigning played a key role in the Samoan struggle for independence. At a broader level, Holland was possibly the most significant of a cohort of colonial critics who questioned New Zealand's right to govern Pacific Islanders and who sought to rein in New Zealand's more overbearing Pacific Island administrations.

Multiple sites of Māori political participation

This article examines what might be included in a definition of Māori political participation that moves beyond a predominant focus on voting in New Zealand general elections. I suggest that the proliferation of Māori governance organisations in recent years means that Māori participation within these organisations must also be considered as part of wider political participation. In addition, I argue that Māori engagement with local authorities deserves further close examination to explore the multiple ways in which political participation occurs. Using a broader definition of Māori political participation and highlighting its many facets indicate that Māori engage in more varied ways in New Zealand politics than previously recognised.在新西兰，普选的投票是关注的焦点，毛利的政治参与不在其内。本文讨论了毛利政治参与的界定还可以包括哪些内容。作者认为，毛利治理组织近些年的兴旺发达说明毛利人的参与这类组织，也应被视为更广泛的政治参与之一部分。另外，毛利人与地方当局的交往也值得密切的关注，需要探讨其政治参与的多重方式。广义地理解毛利人的政治参与，关注其多面多相，可以让我们看到，其实毛利人参与新西兰政治的途径要比以往我们所看到的丰富变化得多。

LEAVING THE MINORS: THE GREEN PARTY OF AOTEAROA NEW ZEALAND AND THE 2011 GENERAL ELECTION

The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand has emerged as a successful environmentally focused party with a solid base. The 2011 General Election represented a high-point for the party, distancing it from the other minor parties. This article explores examples of factors affecting the success of Green parties, and examines the strategy of the New Zealand Green Party prior to the 2011 election. The findings indicate that the party has developed stable support through the development of a consistent policy base and pragmatic approach to its role in parliament. This has allowed the Greens to establish a position following the 2011 election as the third party in New Zealand politics.

Palmer: the Parliamentary Years; Maori and Parliament: Diverse Strategies and Compromise

Raymond Richards - Edited by Maria BarghShould academia and politics mix? Two recent books published about very different topics in New Zealand politics provide some light on the relationship between academic intellectuals and parliamentary politics. Both books offer examples of academic intellectuals jumping into the political sphere, with varying results. Typically New Zealand has a rather flimsy relationship between the realms of central government and academia. Unfortunately, intellectuals tend not only to stay out of the 'issues of the day' but also parliamentary politics full stop.

Government formation in New Zealand under MMP: Theory and practice

This article examines the theory and practice of government formation, with particular reference to the experience of New Zealand since the introduction of the mixed member proportional (MMP) system in the mid-1990s. As predicted by coalition theory, virtually all the coalitions and related multi-party governance arrangements under MMP have been ideologically connected. But contrary to certain theories, they have not all been minimum-winning in nature. Moreover, by international standards, some aspects of government formation under MMP have been highly unusual. These include the negotiation of many different types of formal inter-party agreements and novel multi-party governance arrangements, most notably the adoption of very flexible approaches to the management of inter-party dissent. The unusual bargaining outcomes, it is argued, can be attributed to the flexible nature of New Zealand’s constitutional arrangements (including the accommodating institutional rules which govern inter-party bargaining), a pragmatic political culture, a party system characterized by a degree of multi-dimensionality, and the complex parliamentary arithmetic which followed several MMP elections. Whether the recent models of multi-party governance will become enduring features of New Zealand politics remains unclear.

Executive power 60 years on: has anything changed?

When New Zealand changed its electoral system from first-past-the-post (FPP) to mixed member proportional representation (MMP), the move was heralded as the end of old politics. Prime ministers and their Cabinet would no longer be the ‘elected dictatorship’. The executive would now be constrained by greater checks and balances. The two-party system that had held New Zealand politics hostage for at least 60 years would end and instead a greater diversity of interests would be represented in the House of Representatives, a House that could better hold the executive to account. This was the aim, but has it happened? This article examines recent instances of executive actions that are akin to those taken in the FFP era that MMP has been unable to eliminate. It also offers suggestions for how to increase the accountability of the executive by strengthening the constitution and other branches and offices of state.