Youth Labor Force Research Articles

Eupsychian Management: Understanding the Paradigms to Empower Youth Labor Force

“India is a very young country”, most of its population lies in the age range between 18-30 years making India one of the youth dominant labor force in the world. With the new age of passion, commitment, creativity, technology and drive among youths, youth manpower is here to stay. In the midst of current trends of globalization and urbanization in India, it is up to the youth intellects to utilize their energy towards business excellence directly influencing the nation’s GDP and growth. Attention of Gen Y job seekers does not prioritize money as their sole job agenda, they also focus on growing as a professional: psychologically, behaviorally and intrinsically. Eupsychian management is a part of theorist Abraham Maslow’s vision to see a time when organizations are managed by self-actualizing people and their zest results in psychologically conducive environments where employees are intrinsically motivated and empowered to achieve organizational goals and make societal contributions. In the current business trend, more and more companies are focusing on employee oriented culture to achieve organizational goals. The present paper aims to elaborate the concept of Eupsychian management and its relevance in Indian business excellence. This concept will be elaborated in two parts: Part I sheds light on the theoretical base and implications. It includes the historical grounds of Maslow’s work on Eupsychian management, assumptions of Eupsychian management policies and its inference on employee psyche and work morale. Part II illuminates applications of Eupsychian management through case studies of Indian companies and its impact on organizational essentials like work ethics, employee engagement, work-life balance, quality of working life, work culture and employee satisfaction. These case studies have been selected on the basis of 2015 survey of employee-friendly organizations by the Economic Times, Business Today and India Times News.

KARAKTERISTIK DEMOGRAFI, SOSIAL DAN EKONOMI SUMBER DAYA PEMUDA INDONESIA

The productivity of youth must be increased in the development process of Indonesia. According to the 1990 population census, there are 50.7 million youths (people at the age between 15-29years). Out of that number, only 52.1 percent who have directly participated in the development process, because their main activities are working. Of the rest, 20.6 percent took care of houses; 17.1percent studied; 3.6 percent were looking for a job, and 6.6 percent were included in the non productive group. Out of 52.1 percent or 26.4 million youth who worked, 33.4 percent worked below the normal working hours (less than 35 hours per week). Based on the field of work, 52.8 percent worked in the agricultural sector. According to the type of job, 91.2 percent worked as rough or unskilled workers, and based on the work status, 65.1percent worked in the informal sectors. These numbers reflect on the low quality of Indonesia's youth labor force, and this must be immediately removed, mainly through education, remembering that 61.6 percent of youths have no more than primary education.

Consuming work: youth labor in America

Acknowledgments 1 Consuming Work: Introduction to Youth Work in America 2 Would You Like an Application with Your Coffee? 3 Fun or Exploitation? The Lived Experience of Suburban Youth Work 4 Pay or Play? The Youth Labor Force in the United States and Other Industrialized Countries 5 They Need Me Here: Work as a Perceived Alternative to School 6 White, Young, Middle Class: Aesthetic Labor, Race, and Class in the Youth Labor Force 7 Origins of the Gender Wage Gap: Gender Inequality in the Youth Labor Force 8 Conclusion: The Economic Recession and the Future of Youth Labor Appendix: Notes on Methodology References Index

The Australian labour market in 2013

The year 2013 saw slowing growth in the Australian economy and labour market, relative to 2012. Slower rates of increase in gross domestic product and employment led to rising unemployment and underemployment rates, fewer job vacancies, and increased caution on the part of the Fair Work Commission about the appropriate rate of increase in Australian minimum wages. Compared with other Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries, however, the Australian labour market continued to perform well, with lower unemployment rates for all age groups and higher labour productivity growth. The main areas of weakness are falling male full-time employment, high youth labour force underutilisation, and rising earnings inequality associated with falling relative earnings for the lowest paid.

Where Are the Ugandan Youth? Socio-Economic Characteristics and Implications for Youth Employment in Uganda

This paper undertook a structural analysis of the youth labor force in Uganda by documenting their location in the Ugandan economy by residence, region, sector, and employment status. The data were obtained from the Uganda National Household Surveys 2002/03, 2005/06 and 2009/10. We find that the youth population structure of the country poses a big challenge in an effort to create employment, particular for the youth. The majority of the youth labor force is located in the rural compared to the urban areas of the country. Whereas we find quite impressive labor force participation rates and the employment population ratio, they do not necessarily reflect more and better employment opportunities because of the high degree of informality where most of the youth are underemployed. Over 90% of the youth were employed in the informal sector outside agriculture with slightly more female youth than their male counterparts. The quality of the youth labor in terms of education is improving though will lower attainment rates at postsecondary level, however, the quality of the youth labor force is higher in urban than in rural areas. An increase in self-employment is observed which is an indication of high rate of job creation is in the informal economy. Consequently, there is a limited participation of the youth in professional and technical occupations and in paid employment. By gender, it’s surprising to observe that there more female youth employed as professionals compared to their male counterparts. However, it is noteworthy that the percentage of both male and female youth employed as professionals is on average less than 1%. Connected to this is the finding that there is a higher proportion of the youth labor force employed in agriculture despite its dismal contribution to GDP. Whereas the country experienced sectoral shifts in GDP composition, with the services and manufacturing sector becoming more important than agriculture, there are no sectoral shifts in employment with agriculture remaining the main employer of the youth labor force. Very low youth unemployment rates are observed suggesting a significant time underemployment. Additionally, there is a significant proportion of the youth that are skill underemployed; their educational attainment was higher than the educational level required by their current main jobs. Youth unemployment problem is more of an urban phenomenon with a higher proportion of the youth unemployed in Kampala compared to other regions. Our findings suggest that increasing labor productivity in agricultural as well as in the non-agricultural informal sector where the majority of the youth are located might help to solve the youth unemployment and underemployment predicaments. There is also need to ensure access to cheap finance by the youth, practical education, secure premises for informal businesses, and design policies to slow down the current population growth rates.

How can Korea Boost Potential Output to Ensure Continued Income Convergence?

Korea’s rapid growth has slowed in recent years, suggesting lower potential growth. This paper uses an array of techniques, including statistical filters, a multivariate model and the production function, to estimate Korea’s potential growth. The main finding is that trend growth has fallen from around 4¾ percent during 2000-07 to around 3¼ -3½ percent by 2011-12. Absent reforms, it is projected to fall further to around 2 percent by 2025, primarily due to declining working-age population. However, Korea’s potential growth can be maintained at a higher level by putting in place a comprehensive structural reform agenda, including increased female and youth labor force participation, liberalization of product and labor market regulation. Staff simulations suggest that such reforms could lift potential growth by around 1¼ percentage point over the next decade, maintaining potential growth at around 3¼ percent, counteracting the effect of population aging, and enabling Korea to continue to converge to income levels of the United States.

How Can Korea Boost Potential Output to Ensure Continued Income Convergence?

Korea’s rapid growth has slowed in recent years, suggesting lower potential growth. This paper uses an array of techniques, including statistical filters, a multivariate model and the production function, to estimate Korea’s potential growth. The main finding is that trend growth has fallen from around 4¾ percent during 2000-07 to around 3¼ -3½ percent by 2011-12. Absent reforms, it is projected to fall further to around 2 percent by 2025, primarily due to declining working-age population. However, Korea’s potential growth can be maintained at a higher level by putting in place a comprehensive structural reform agenda, including increased female and youth labor force participation, liberalization of product and labor market regulation. Staff simulations suggest that such reforms could lift potential growth by around 1¼ percentage point over the next decade, maintaining potential growth at around 3¼ percent, counteracting the effect of population aging, and enabling Korea to continue to converge to income levels of the United States.

THE MINIMUM WAGE, UNEMPLOYMENT, AND THE YOUTH WORKFORCE (AGES 16-19): A CORRELATION AND COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF SELECT CATEGORIES INCLUDING THE GENERAL U.S. LABOR POPULATION FOR YEARS 2003-2012

ABSTRACT Over the span of ten years (2003-2012), the U.S. mandated minimum wage saw incremental increases totaling nearly 41 percent, from $5.15 to $7.25 which seemingly correspond with significant fluctuations in the U.S. job market including relatively severe unemployment among those ages16-19. This study will examine the relationship between both economic trends and the possibility that such wage hikes can adversely affect employment conditions especially among the youth labor force. Keywords minimum wage, unemployment, civilian workforce, youth population, regulations, labor statistics

A Glimpse of Urban Youth Unemployment in Ethiopia

The problem of urban youth unemployment is rapidly assuming dangerousproportions in many developing countries including Ethiopia. Ethiopia has thelargest youth population and youth labour force constitutes a fast growingproportion. The objective of this article is to explore the employment status, issues, causes, and possible policy options. The study used both secondary and primary data sources. The study indicated that urban youth unemployment in Ethiopia is fast growing mainly due to the imbalance between the demand and supply sides of the job market. Thus, labour absorption is problematic. Recommendations and possible ways of interventions have also been forwarded.

Working at Cross-Purposes

PERHAPS it is naivete, but when it comes to making policy in education, the business community's left hand doesn't seem to know what its right hand is doing. The pell-mell rush to add more requirements and rigor to the high school curriculum, for example, is being fueled by business leaders' alarm over the performance of young people in school, over their plans for college, and over their entry-level skills (even though the hiring practices of most corporations in this country eschew the new high school graduate). Even Microsoft's chairman, Bill Gates, one of the most enlightened school reformers from the business world, doesn't seem to see the connections between what business says it wants and what business actually does. He told a Senate hearing this spring that today's students are fully immersed in the digital culture, while their schools are stuck in the demands of 50 years ago. Consequently, many high school students today are bored, unchallenged, and disengaged from the high school curriculum, Gates argued. Thus they either drop out or simply try to get by. True. But when school lets out for the day, many of those same young people are engaged in propping up a consumer economy as low-wage workers. By working low-wage jobs, they help businesses make their bottom line, and, as an added benefit, those businesses prosper from the teenage buying power that comes from having part-time work. If many students fall asleep in class, don't finish their homework, read less and less for leisure, and don't care about delving deeply into academic instruction that, as Gates so rightly pointed out, has not adapted to change, who can blame them? Teenage employment is sanctioned by our laws and fostered by a low-wage economy. It also is a lot more appealing to a generation focused on instant gratification and on buying the latest digital toy. By the time they are seniors, 80% of high school students have been employed at least part time, and at any given moment, at least 30% are gainfully employed outside of school hours. Official research about youth employment is far out of date and is strongly influenced by the ups and downs of the economy. However, it is obvious that youth employment policy and business interests have intersected over the years. In the 1970s, at least three federal commissions studying high schools recommended work experience for high school students. Then A Nation at Risk came along in 1983 with a suggestion that young people should spend more time on academic studies and less on employment during high school. But some programs today incorporate work experience as a tool to keep students engaged and enrolled in high school. In 1998, a federal study recommended limiting the number of hours that 16- and 17-year-olds could work during the school year. This proposal, from the Board on Children, Youth, and Families of the Institute of Medicine (National Research Council), stemmed from concerns about child labor. While there are time limits on the 14- and 15-year-old crowd, the law was never changed for older teenagers. They can legally work as much as they want, as long as the occupation is not hazardous. Do the benefits of working outweigh its distractions? Research is mixed on the issue, but the changing demands on high school graduates probably call for a new look at the effects. Some studies cautiously concluded that adults who had been employed while in school earned slightly higher wages than those who did not work. One study found that this wage advantage dissipated over time. Another study (this one of men only) looked at income at age 27 and found that going to school and not working had much bigger payoffs than combining school and part-time work. (These studies are cited in a U.S. Department of Labor Report on the Youth Labor Force from 2000. …

PROBLEMS OF IDENTIFYING AND REGULATING THE STRUCTURE OF THE LABOUR MARKET IN DEPRESSIVE LITHUANIAN REGIONS

In order to identify labour market problems in the depressive regions of Lithuania and to provide guiding lines in the search for their solution, it is necessary to conduct a systematic analysis of the structure of employable population encompassing the characteristics of segments of employed and unemployed persons as well as individuals not registered with the official labour market. Correlation and factor analysis of eighteen macroeconomic indicators investigating into indicators of all municipalities of the country and depressive regions separately (20 municipalities where the unemployment rate exceeded the average in the country by 1,5 times in 2004) enabled evaluation of the significance of employment and unemployment indicators as well as impact thereof on other indicators chosen for the analysis to feature the trends of social and economic development on national level and in depressive regions in 1996–2004. Apart from special sociological research, characterization of the structure and peculiarities of labour force is confined to assumptions of logical analysis, but the invented technologies give grounds to maintain that dynamics of the employment indicator reflects the trends and outcomes of the development of economic activities only to a certain limited extent. Relation of the unemployment indicator, particularly that of long‐term unemployment, with other macroeconomic indicators is much tighter. However, as we can see from the analysis, relevantly big share of employable individuals not participating in the labour market has been little analysed by the structure, though most probably this share consists of the following basic groups: unemployed “volunteers”, “labour migrants”, unofficially employed individuals and persons employed in in‐kind farms. Yet, the analysis of statistical data shows that this is not an idiosyncrasy of depressive regions of the country. In the analysis of the structure of the labour market, the following problems extremely important in the depressive regions of Lithuania may be singled out: long‐term unemployment trap determines emigration of youth and better skilled labour force; consequently this results in prevalence of senior and pension‐age population, unskilled labour force and out‐of‐skill individuals in the structure of employable population, and in unofficial, ineffective “survival” employment in small, quasi‐in‐kind farms that have become a traditional way of life of rural population.

Youth unemployment and its reduction measures

Abstract The efficient use of the labour force in post‐industrial society predetermines the competitiveness of the economy and encourages social development. In this context, youth unemployment is a particularly undesirable phenomenon, reducing the efficiency of youth labour force within the level of general labour, raising social costs, and restricting social development. The position of young people on the labour market depends on a number of social, economic and demographic factors, leading to the conclusion that youth unemployment as a socio‐economic phenomenon is a particularly negative result of the interaction between these factors. The aim of the paper is to discuss the theoretical assumptions of the youth integration to the labour market and to discuss the subsequences of their unemployment. Another target of the paper is to propose the policy measures for rising economic activity of the youth. The authors of the article suggest that the youth integration to the labour market could be increased b...

YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT AND ITS REDUCTION MEASURES

The efficient use of the labour force in post‐industrial society predetermines the competitiveness of the economy and encourages social development. In this context, youth unemployment is a particularly undesirable phenomenon, reducing the efficiency of youth labour force within the level of general labour, raising social costs, and restricting social development. The position of young people on the labour market depends on a number of social, economic and demographic factors, leading to the conclusion that youth unemployment as a socio‐economic phenomenon is a particularly negative result of the interaction between these factors. The aim of the paper is to discuss the theoretical assumptions of the youth integration to the labour market and to discuss the subsequences of their unemployment. Another target of the paper is to propose the policy measures for rising economic activity of the youth. The authors of the article suggest that the youth integration to the labour market could be increased by integrated decisions based on qualified services of vocational training.

Unemployment persistence of different labour force groups in Finland

Fractional integration long memory models are used to estimate the unemployment persistence of different labour force groups. The data comes from Finland, and has youth and total labour force unemployment rates for both males and females. It is found that unemployment is less persistent for females and young people than for males and the whole labour force.

Outcomes of School Desegregation: Findings from Longitudinal Research

This report, derived from the report Trent submitted to the court in the Liddell case and his testimony on March 19, 1996, looks at some important noncognitive outcomes of school desegregation. It is based on his analyses of national survey data including the National Longitudinal Study of the High School Class of 1972-Employer Survey, the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth Labor Force Participation-1979 cohort, and the National Survey of 1980 High School Sophomores and Seniors. Trent points out that these national longitudinal survey data show that desegregated schooling has a positive, statistically significant benefit for Black students' later earnings and occupational attainment. The National Survey of 1980 High School Sophomores and Seniors, commonly known as the High School and Beyond, or HSB, study, is based on a national longitudinal probability sample of over 58,000 individuals who were high school sophomores and seniors in 1980. The survey sample was designed to oversample schools with high minority populations, thus producing sufficient numbers of Black and Hispanic students to do certain analyses. The HSB obtained extensive information on students' educational and employment experiences, family information, self-concept, locus of control, orientation toward work, and demographic characteristics. It also obtained data on high school characteristics and location. Both the 1980 senior and sophomore samples were surveyed in 1980, 1982, 1984, and 1986. In the base-year survey conducted during spring 1980, over 30,000 sophomores completed questionnaires administered in 1,015 public and private high schools across the country. The first follow-up survey was conducted in 1982, obtaining data from 25,000 enrolled high school students and over 4,000 who had left high school. In 1984, the second follow-up study obtained data from more than 10,000 students who had remained in high school and more than 3,000 who had left their original school before graduation. The third follow-up survey was conducted in 1986 and included over 13,000 students from the 1980 senior class. Sponsored by the U.S. departments of Labor and Defense, the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth Labor Force Participation (NLS-Y) is a national survey of 12,686 young persons throughout the United States. My analyses used data from the base year of the survey, which began in 1979, through 1985. The study's base-year and subsequent followup surveys consist of three independent probability samples. There are two civilian samples: (a) a cross-sectional sample designed to yield the appropriate representation of various racial, ethnic, and income groups in the 14-to-21-year-old age cohort; and (b) a supplemental sample designed to oversample Black, Hispanic, and economically disadvantaged non-Black, non-Hispanic youth. The third sample is a clustered probability sample of the 17-to-21-year-old age cohort in the military, stratified by branch of service and geographical location. Women were oversampled in the military sample. This threesample design provides an especially rich base of data on Blacks (2,923), Hispanics (1,924, for which specific ethnic groups are identifiable such as Puerto Rican, Mexican, and Cuban), and Whites (6,721). The NLS-Y questionnaire pinpoints respondents' education, job training, and work experiences. Its education items include questions about each respondent's schools, such as their racial/ ethnic composition and the provision of bilingual and/or English-as-a-second-language services and programs. There are also abundant items on job characteristics, work history, and income. Periodically, NLS-Y survey items have asked about respondents' attitudes and opinions, the results of which were available in 1985, six years following the base year. The National Longitudinal Survey of the High School Class of 1972 (NLS-72)Employer Survey (NLS-ES) is a probability sample of 4,078 employers of young adult workers who had participated in the earlier national longitudinal study. …

Households, Local Labor Markets, and Youth Labor Force Participation

Drawing on studies dealing with the relationship between family and work, the authors develop a model of youth labor force participation incorporating household, local economic, and individual variables. Data are from the 1980 Public Use Microdata Sample D (PUMS-D) for 16-to 18-year-old males and females living with their parents. The findings suggest that household structural characteristics and family resources have a significant effect on youths entering the labor force. Implications of the findings are discussed.

関東地方における都市人口移動の分布パターン

Migratory flows involving an urban environment include movements into, out of, and within towns and cities (Lewis, 1982, p.118). Urban migration refers to all of such movements, that is, in-migration, out-migration and intra-urban migration. Previous studies have put emphasis on differences between the former two and the last one types of migration. But both yield insights into the urban residential mobility.The purpose of this study is to elucidate distribution patterns of urban migration in the Kanto district where rapid urbanization has created the most advanced society in Japan. 125 administrative cities in the Kanto district constitute one dimension of the geographic matrix (Figs. 1 and 2). And the other dimension represents attributes of migration, which are divided into four variable groups named as mobility (Table 1), sex ratio (Table 4), age structure (Fig. 5) and migration field (Fig. 8). It sums up to 61 variables and the data are derived from the Population Census of Japan 1970 and 1980. In order to eliminate the garrulous correlation, the principal component analysis is applied to the variable groups individually (Tables 2, 5, 7 and 8). Then, by means of Ward's method of cluster analysis, the 125 cities are classified into three types in the mobility (Table 3 and Fig. 3), four types in the sex ratio (Table 6 and Fig. 4), five types in the age structure (Figs. 6 and 7), and seven types in the migration field (Figs. 9 and 10). The results are summarized as follows (Fig. 11) : 1. The cities with low mobility are distributed in the outer suburban zones of the Tokyo Metropolitan Area. In the inner suburbs, cities show high mobility of the in-and out-migrations. And, in terms of intra-urban migration, high mobility characterizes the cities with large population or high centrality.2. It can be observed that Tokyo and its inner suburban cities tend to be male-dominant in the in-migration. However, it is not sure whether the distribution has a zonal structure or not, and the sex selectivity is of less significance especially in the intra-urban migration.3. The youth labor force aged 15-19 is the most important age group in explaining the distribution pattern of age structure. The out-migration of this age group shows a very strong contrast between the high mobility level of cities located in the outer suburban zones of the Tokyo Metropolitan Area on the one hand and the low mobility level of those located in the inner suburbs on the other. Additionally the cities with high centrality are characterized by the high mobility level of in-migrated 15-19 age group.4. Generally speaking, the number of in-and out-migrants decreases rapidly with the increase of distance to travel, and thus the migration field exhibits a horn-like shape which is common to all of the cities. However, there are differences between those migration fields in terms of the location of another peak of shape, which represents the distance from Tokyo and determines the types of migration field. Therefore it becomes very apparent that the distribution of those types forms a concentric pattern centering around Tokyo.5. In quantitative comparison between the four distributions of urban migration mentioned above, the intensity of concentric pattern becomes lower in the order of migration field, mobility, age structure and sex ratio (Table 9). Also, in terms of urban population size, it can be confirmed that there is the high level of correspondence between the two distributions, that is, mobility and city size (Table 10).

Boy Labour in Late Victorian and Edwardian England and the Remaking of the Working Class

The question of skill among the English labour force in the years 1870-1914 has received a good deal of attention during the past decade. It is central to a vigorous and continuing debate about the extent of structural change in the working class, which in turn has important ramifications for the interpretation of the rise of New Unionism and class politics. The older view that these years witnessed the creation of a more homogeneous and less stratified working class has been challenged by scholars who posit instead a continuation of the fragmented, hierarchical and occupationAally distinct nature of the Victorian workforce into the prewar period.1 This paper will examine the youth labour force in these years and will attempt to link changes occurring within this group to the wider debate about structural change in the workforce. It will be argued that there was indeed a gradual but widespread extension of skill among the working class, and a relative decline in the position of the artisan elites of the earlier period. This process largely took place through changes in both apprenticeship and boy labour, which had as their overall effect a greater access to skill among unindentured boy labourers and a gradual devaluation of the technical expertise acquired through apprenticeship. These trends in part explain the emergence of a large body of semi-skilled workers, a group which grew out of the growing predominance of new types of boy labour, and around which a less stratified working class could crystallize. The working-class adolescent of late Victorian and Edwardian England was, for at least one third of his time, an actual worker, employed in a multitude of functions among the nations' industries and services. With one exception, however, the phenomenon of boy work has not been the subject of any sustained historical analysis in recent years.2 This is a surprising gap, since a perusal of the literature on social issues during the period would show that it was a major topic of debate. Trade unionists cited the growing use of boys for non-vocational labour as a major source of journeyman unemployment, while middle class observers of the youth scene bemoaned the disappearance of apprenticeship, the progressive loss of control over the youth's life that this involved, and the dangerous amounts of money to be found in the boy labourer's pocket. It was generally feared that industrial developments were tending to create a mass of unskilled or low skilled adult workers with little craft pride or industrial discipline from a growing army of boy labourers unbound by any system of trade teaching and unmotivated by any incentive to develop job skills. These fears disguise the true nature of the processes at work, but they do reveal an awareness among contemporary observers of the dynamic element involved in teenage labour, and the effects that changes in the

Sex and Ethnic Group Differences in Mathematics Achievement: Results from the National Longitudinal Study

The mathematics test achievement of 11 914 young men and women, aged 15 to 22, who participated in the National Longitudinal Study of Youth Labor Force Behavior in 1980 was analyzed to assess sex, education, and ethnic group effects. The mathematics knowledge and arithmetic reasoning subtests of the Armed Services Vocational Aptitude Battery were the measures of achievement. A multivariate analysis of variance revealed significant main effects for sex, education, and ethnic group membership. Generally, the mathematics achievement of all groups increased the longer they were in school. White males showed the greatest benefit of continued education, and blacks as a group showed the smallest. However, significant two-way interaction effects confounded these general trends.

Sex and Ethnic Group Differences in Mathematics Achievement: Results from the National Longitudinal Study

The mathematics test achievement of 11 914 young men and women, aged 15 to 22, who participated in the National Longitudinal Study of Youth Labor Force Behavior in 1980 was analyzed to assess sex, education, and ethnic group effects. The mathematics knowledge and arithmetic reasoning subtests of the Armed Services Vocational Aptitude Battery were the measures of achievement. A multivariate analysis of variance revealed significant main effects for sex, education, and ethnic group membership. Generally, the mathematics achievement of all groups increased the longer they were in school. White males showed the greatest benefit of continued education, and blacks as a group showed the smallest. However, significant two-way interaction effects confounded these general trends.