ABSTRACT This article explores the first five years of the Irish young people’s anti-abortion group Youth Defence. Using newspaper articles and archival sources, I illustrate how the group effectively mobilised the category of ‘youth’ in their activism. ‘Youth’ was used to excuse their militant activities and any violence associated with the group. I also argue here that while the group’s activism was profoundly influenced by American campaigners, their rhetoric and activism also embodied nationalist and Catholic tropes. The establishment of Youth Defence also marked a turning point in the anti-abortion movement in Ireland. As older strategies appeared to be losing momentum, the young activists used very imaginative ways of operating but also built on older activists’ methods such as the engagement with transnational connections. I show how the activism of these young people, while focused on the abortion issue, also represented a reaction against broader social and cultural change in Irish society. In subsequent sections, I focus on the activities of Youth Defence and show how their activism, which attracted significant media attention, represented a new wave of more militant anti-abortion activity in Ireland, which provoked tensions both among the public and within the wider anti-abortion movement. Fundamentally, the article aims to show that while the anti-abortion cause was the main reason for activists joining Youth Defence, it also enabled them to channel wider anxieties around young people’s experiences, national identity and changes in Irish society, into protest. In exploring the history of Youth Defence, this article contributes to the history of conservative activism in Ireland and the wider history of the anti-abortion movement.

This study examines climate change-related emotional responses among young adults engaged in climate activism and an intergenerational group of non-activists through an ecofeminist lens, which highlights interconnected oppression within patriarchal societies. The objectives were to understand how environmental decline influences young adults' climate engagement, thoughts, actions, and behaviors and to describe the emotional and psychological impacts of the climate crisis on both young adults and the intergenerational group. The study comprised two phases: young adult activists created digital stories, and an intergenerational focus group of non-activists viewed these stories and participated in a discussion. Thematic analysis constructed key themes: among activists, youth environmental awareness, psychoterratic syndromes, and activism; among non-activists, climate change perspectives and intergenerational injustice. Both groups expressed concern, anxiety, sadness, and grief, although activists reported experiencing these emotions more frequently and expressed worry about human health. Activists also conveyed hope for climate action, similar to older non-activists, whereas younger non-activists reported feelings of hopelessness and lack of motivation, and older non-activists showed little interest in collective action. Despite emotional burdens, young activists remained hopeful and motivated through collective efforts. Both groups underscored the disproportionate responsibility placed on young people to address climate change, calling for greater support and equitable distribution of responsibility.

Social media has emerged as a transformative force in democratic participation, challenging traditional media gatekeeping and enabling citizen-led political mobilization. This systematic review examines how social media platforms fostered democratic engagement during Kenya's 2024 Gen-Z movement, in which young activists used X (formerly Twitter), Facebook, Instagram, and TikTok to organize protests against the Finance Bill 2024. The movement demonstrated how digital platforms enable rapid information dissemination, coordinate collective action, and amplify marginalized voices beyond traditional media narratives. Through a systematic thematic analysis of secondary literature and documentation of the 2024 protests, this paper reveals that social media facilitated unprecedented direct engagement between citizens and government leaders, including Kenya's first presidential participation in an X-space discussion. However, significant challenges, including misinformation, digital surveillance, state-sponsored censorship, and the rural-urban digital divide, constrained the movement's full potential. The findings suggest that maximizing social media's democratic potential requires prioritizing digital literacy programs, strengthening independent journalism, ensuring equitable access to technology, and protecting digital rights. This study contributes contextually relevant insights into digital activism in African democracies and offers lessons for global democratic engagement in the digital age.

ABSTRACT Can the legal system be used to accommodate climate justice claims? Recent years have seen an explosion of lawsuits against states and state actors for failing to instigate the necessary measures to curb the climate crisis. At the same time, climate activists are also being met with increasingly harsh repression, often facing legal prosecution. The aim of this article is to understand what happens with justice claims when they are transported from the streets to the courtroom. Using interviews, observations and document analysis, I examine two Swedish cases of climate litigation: 1) the Aurora case, a group of young activists suing the state for insufficient climate action, and 2) the legal aftermaths of civil disobedience actions. I argue that in these cases, justice is understood as mainly as question of who should take responsibility for alleviating the consequences of the climate crisis. I argue that at the same time as activists are challenging the obfuscated responsibility for the climate crisis, the normative justice discourse limits the kind of justice which can be achieved through the legal system, leading to new forms of obfuscation.

Abstract Young people in the United States (and beyond) access spaces for activism in varied ways, including the out‐of‐school time sector, where youth activism (YA) groups draw on informal learning pedagogies to engage young people in collective action. Existing research has highlighted tensions between education and activism in these spaces and offered models for understanding the multifaceted aims such settings hold, yet knowledge of the relationship between education and activism in out‐of‐school informal learning settings remains underdeveloped. Drawing on empirical evidence from a case study with an urban American YA group, this article analyses data gathered through ethnographic and participatory methods to explore the relationship between informal learning experiences and activism. Findings show that young people's learning experiences within the YA group included reflection, discussion and skills development that enhanced understanding. Additionally, practitioners shared that the young participants became leaders in their schools and local communities as a result of the YA group's informal education. The empirical evidence critiqued the developmental emphasis in education on adult intervention; rather, practitioners shared the necessity to understand young activists as bringing crucial knowledge and values into the space. However, this acknowledgement was varied in practice. Accordingly, this article offers further conceptualisation to the relationship between activism and education in informal learning spaces.

The limited capacity for gender-perspective legal advocacy among young women activists hinders the struggle for women's rights at the local level. The "Women’s Advocacy School" program in Baubau City aims to strengthen legal literacy, advocacy techniques, and collaborative cross-organizational networking. Employing a participatory community development approach, the program included intensive training focused on women’s legal standing, issue analysis, and public communication. The results demonstrated a significant increase in participants' conceptual understanding and self-confidence. Participation dynamics improved markedly, evidenced by critical interactions in forums, with 27% of participants actively engaging as inquisitors and 7% as reflective respondents to complex issues. This success confirms that structured advocacy education models can effectively transform young activists into competent agents of change. The program recommends sustained institutional support to replicate this model and broaden the impact of gender advocacy regionally.

This study focuses on a generational analysis of social conflicts in the mid-1920s Soviet village. The findings are based on archival documents, periodical press materials, and theoretical-methodological approaches from social history, generation studies, and juvenile history. New data is introduced regarding the nature of youth policies implemented by authorities and the structure of rural society during this period. It demonstrates that older generations resisted young activists and clashed with them over issues such as anti-religious propaganda, morality, and daily behavior. Special attention is given to the migration of part of the peasant youth to cities due to socio-political changes associated with the NEP era, which deepened intergenerational divisions. Evidence shows that negative perceptions of Komsomol movement and emerging generational contradictions significantly influenced subsequent dynamics of village development, particularly under conditions of later collectivization. It has been established that political and social processes of the 1920s substantially transformed relationships within rural communities, laying foundations for new forms of social interaction. The conclusion emphasizes that applying a generational approach in historical research provides profound insights into transformative processes occurring during the Soviet period, illustrating the extent of societal transformation experienced by Soviet society.

ABSTRACTScholars of youth civic development have assessed agency using a wide range of constructs, including motivation, efficacy, empowerment, and sociopolitical control. We propose a multidimensional framework and describe the development and validation of a measure of civic agency, conceptualized as competence, drive, individual power, and collective power. In Study 1, we developed a set of items and employed exploratory factor analysis with a pilot sample of adolescents (N = 295, Mage = 17.1, 65.4% youth of color, 47.9% female, 15.8% nonbinary), which supported our hypothesized four‐factor model of civic agency. In Study 2, we conducted confirmatory factor analysis of our final items with a separate adolescent sample (N = 1120, Mage = 16.2, 73.0% youth of color, 55.7% female, 23.3% nonbinary), which demonstrated measurement invariance on race/ethnicity, gender, and age. In Study 3, we validated our scale in a sample of young activists (N = 342, Mage = 19.1, 57.6% youth of color, 72.6% female, 23.0% nonbinary). Confirmatory factor analysis supported a four‐dimensional hierarchical structure and we established measurement invariance between adolescents and young adults. Overall, the 16‐item Civic Agency Measure consistently demonstrated validity and reliability. We discuss the utility of our work for advancing sociopolitical development theory and supporting adolescents' efforts for social change.

Abstract Recent years have seen a growing scholarly interest in youth activism (YA), a phenomenon often viewed as a positive development in response to declining civic and political engagement among young people. However, most of the research focuses on the activists themselves and gives less attention to how YA is perceived by the broader youth population. This article explores the shared and divergent perspectives of young activists and their peers who remain on the sidelines. The article focuses on Poland, a country in which YA is gaining traction. The research involved discussion groups with secondary school students and interviews with prominent young activists in Poland. The study found that activists and non‐activist students shared similar views on key issues like education reform, climate change, human rights and abortion rights. However, they differed in how they defined activism and what forms of activism they deemed acceptable. Activists tended to use a narrower definition, reserving the term for those deeply committed to social or political causes. In contrast, students embraced broader definitions, identifying even small acts of volunteering or awareness‐raising as activism. This difference is important, since how we define YA can shape our understanding and evaluation of youth participation. Additionally, while activists often supported radical tactics, students expressed disapproval of methods they saw as disruptive, like blocking traffic or defacing public spaces. These findings highlight how negative perceptions of YA can potentially discourage wider youth participation.

In the 1970s, young activists of the Turkish revolutionary left found themselves in France as refugees, students, or workers. Amongst them, members of Devrimci Yol (Revolutionary Way), galvanized by the intensity of the struggles in Turkey, decided to do their bit by organizing migrant workers from Turkey. So they organized the struggle of undocumented garment workers in Paris in 1980. At the end of a mobilization involving hunger strike, occupation, marches, and public demonstrations, several thousand workers obtained victory. During this episode, Devrimci Yol militants combined in a singular way the anti-imperialist discourse with an analysis of the conditions of exploitation of foreign labour in Europe. However, when the September 1980 coup d’état led to massive repression and arrests in Turkey, activists in France were forced to abandon their effort towards immigrant workers to concentrate on supporting their imprisoned comrades or those forced into exile. Based on archival material and interviews in Turkish and French, the study of this episode allows us to reflect on the possibilities of politics inscribed in the multiple temporalities of a transnational space between the global North and South. Moreover, it explores the tensions between anti-imperialist and immigration labour movements.

This paper examines the role of youth activism in contemporary public policy formation, analyzing the mechanisms through which young activists influence policy agendas and outcomes. Drawing on political mobilization theory and policy process frameworks, this study investigates how youth movements translate social grievances into policy change across different issue domains. Through comparative analysis of climate activism, gun violence prevention, and education reform movements, the research identifies key factors that determine the policy impact of youth activism, including institutional access, coalition building, and strategic framing. Findings suggest that youth activism achieves greatest policy influence when movements combine insider advocacy with outsider pressure, maintain sustained engagement beyond initial mobilization, and successfully frame issues in terms of intergenerational justice. The study contributes to understanding of youth political participation and offers insights for both activists and policymakers regarding effective channels for youth voice in democratic governance. Youth activism - The primary subject of study Public policy - The main outcome/influence being examined Political participation - The theoretical framework and broader context Social movements - The methodological and theoretical approach used in analysis Intergenerational justice - A key conceptual theme that distinguishes youth activism from other forms of political engagement

ABSTRACT This paper explores students' political socialisation and activism at school. It draws on research from two datasets: interviews with 24 activists aged 15–25, and data from a national survey of 1600 school students in Wales. Wales offers a unique perspective as a case study for the enactment of young people's civil and political rights, given the focus on children's agency and citizenship in Welsh policy and legislation. The political socialisation of young activists in the study largely occurred outside of school through engagement with social movements and social media. However, participants also viewed school as a space for activism. They described attempts to change their school policies on a variety of environmental and social justice issues. They were sceptical about institutional forms of participation, such as school councils, and preferred student‐led advocacy groups or more disruptive forms of activism as more effective avenues for change‐making. Participants did not readily connect their activism to ideas encountered in lessons, suggesting that the official curriculum did not sensitise them politically. However, the hidden curriculum —including informal conversations with politically engaged teachers and witnessing strike action—did appear to foster their motivation for change. The research indicates that young people are claiming expertise on social justice issues and challenging hierarchical models of teaching and learning in line with critical pedagogic principles.

This article examines the reactions of young people and, more specifically, youth activists in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Specifically, we demonstrate how online involvement bleeds into the offline political activity of young people related to the war in complex ways. While Central Asians rely on online activity to discover and interact with news about the war, the war has catalyzed a variety of political activities both online and offline, though the war is but one of many political traumas that have elicited responses from society. Our interviews with young activists reveal common themes across Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. In both cases, the war brought about conflicts within the activist community and vibrant discussions in the arenas of language politics and decolonization. This newfound youth activism may not result in increased formal political participation (e.g., voting, protesting), but it could have a lasting impact on the everyday contribution and efficacy of young people in their societies.

ABSTRACT A generational rhetoric has been noted within the ‘pro-life’ movements of many countries in recent years, with activists claiming to be part of ‘the pro-life generation.’ In order to address what is truly ‘generational’ about the ‘pro-life generation’, this article offers a socio-historical analysis of how the movement opposing abortion has developed in Belgium, from the creation of the first group in 1968 to the present day: what does it mean to be the ‘pro-life generation’? What historical, sociological, or strategic rupture are these young activists attempting to embody? To understand the intended break with the past implied by the notion of ‘generation’ this article will examine the movement through multiple lenses: discursive, structural, sociological, and strategic. Drawing on various sources, including ‘pro-life’ publications, interviews, participant observation, and documentaries, I explore how the decline in ‘pro-life’ mobilization between 1990 and 2010 paved the way for a younger, more gender-diverse cohort to emerge. Although these activists emphasize a break with the past and embrace a ‘pro-woman’ rhetoric, these generational changes remain largely superficial and the foundational principles of the anti-abortion movement remain intact, revealing that the term ‘generation’ serves to distance the current movement from the outdated, predominantly religious, image of its historical predecessors.

ABSTRACT Young people traditionally face social expectations about how they should behave according to their position in society. However, these expectations can clash with the realities of a rapidly changing world. This study uses Bourdieu’s concept of hysteresis to explore how young activists in Boorloo (Perth, Western Australia) navigate the climate crisis. Hysteresis describes the misalignment of one’s internalised disposition and behaviours (their habitus) with the external world and is a useful tool to explain how young people respond to climate change and the associated environmental crises. We argue that young people today experience hysteresis because they are expected to patiently and silently wait and learn while decisions continue to be made that further harm the planet and increase the crisis. This disconnect, however, allows the development of a new set of norms and behaviours, that is, a new habitus; a habitus that is generational while also being radical and ecological.

ABSTRACT In this study, we shed light on the extent to which intersectional action is a feature of youth activism in the UK. We employed a longitudinal thematic analysis, examining both text and visual components of young activists’ social media postings, and used an intersectional solidarity framework to interpret data. Our findings show that youth activists often adopt frame-bridging engagement strategies that broadly move toward intersectional forms of activism, depending on the activism issue and current events in international and local politics. For the study’s UK context, we found that the intersectional mobilizations of social media make possible the creation of a ‘common sphere of action’, in which youth activists connect, familiarize, interact, and support each other across different activism domains. These findings advance current understandings of youth activism by demonstrating how social media cultivates intersectional activism through enabling frame bridging and cross-movement solidarity, highlighting the potential for intersectional strategies to enhance collaboration among youth movements adapting to evolving political landscapes.

Although adult allies often play crucial roles in mentoring and supporting young people who are activists, there remain gaps in our understanding of how community leaders interpret youth activism and the nature of organizational supports they provide for Black young people. We aimed to clarify perceptions about young people's involvement in social activism surrounding policing among community leaders who serve Black young people (ages 12-21) in Baltimore, Maryland. We interviewed 11 community leaders. Results indicated community leaders believed young people engage in activism due to mistrust and negative perceptions of police, a desire for justice, and to influence policies and laws. Most participants supported youth activism and emphasized the importance of increased adult involvement in amplifying youth voices. Some expressed concerns regarding youth activists' understanding of movement goals and their safety while protesting. Most community leaders reported that their organizations supported youth activism, though the level and nature of support varied widely. Participants shared strategies their organizations implemented to facilitate and sustain youth engagement in activism. Findings highlight the need for structured support systems that empower and protect young activists. Future efforts should foster intergenerational collaboration, enhance educational resources on activism, and develop policies safeguarding youth participation in social movements.

ABSTRACT Just like children and young people, education is intimately woven with the future. In this article, we engage critically with the notion of the future as a multidirectional temporal horizon, intertwined with histories of the past and conditions of the present. We propose a concomitant contestation of commonly held misconceptions around education and childhoods/young people, usually rooted in linear understandings of time, and structured through Western/colonial legacies. Taking young people's visions and acts of otherwise educational imaginaries as our primary point of departure, we use the theoretical lens of ‘reparations’ to explore the work of Not A Trend, a youth-led activist organisation that advocates for the decolonising of the English schools, discussing how past, present, and future are intertwined in the future-making practices of youth striving for more just futures of education. We avow that understanding young people as 'education future-makers', who envision and produce just educational imaginaries, can help us enhance our perceptions of the nexus between youth and futures. The co-authorship of this article is a collaboration between a young activist and an early career researcher, itself an exploration of the forms that intergenerational solidarity can take in the project of imagining more just futures together.

For more than 280 days, large numbers of pro-European Georgians have taken to the streets to protest the decision of Bidzina Ivanishvili and the ruling Georgian Dream party to suspend Georgia’s EU accession process. At the forefront of these demonstrations stand young activists who passionately believe in Georgia’s European future. Young Georgians look to the […]

The relationship that contemporary youth have with the future is marked by the intersection of multiple crises that affect their everyday experiences and future aspirations. In the face of this unfavourable socio-economic and existential condition, studies show that young people not only succeed in coming to terms with uncertainty and precariousness but also look to the future in terms of possibilities and hope. Within the framework of a more general reflection on the crisis of the future in contemporary societies, understanding the connection between agency (political agency, in particular) and the future in the experience of youth becomes central. Starting from the analysis of 42 narrative interviews with young people engaged in unconventional political practices in Italy, this article focuses on the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic crisis on youth political activism, paying particular attention to the temporal dimension. The results show that young activists re-signified the crisis in terms of an unexpected opportunity to reshape their repertoires of action as well as their ways of relating to the future. This re-signification has taken the form of real utopias that, while unfolding in the everyday, also take on an active idea of the future.