World Supremacy Research Articles

Локк и Каролина

Twice in his life (in 1668–1674 and 1696–1700) John Locke held relatively high government positions. The article gives a brief account of his first office, which included drawing up “The Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina” (1669). “Constitutions” presented a structure of a colony, seen as a project of a future civil society. It was a scheme of absolutist aristocratic republic, and of limited democracy of freemen with underlying labor of slaves, serfs, and indentured ser­vants. Confrontation, uncompromising struggle with the Evil, and a wide war for Empire, and World Supremacy, all that deemed to be a divine dispensation on the very eve of the Second Coming.

Format Quad jako narzędzie Stanów Zjednoczonych w rywalizacji z Chińską Republiką Ludową

Quad format as an instrument of the United States in competition with the People’s Republic of China In the last years, international tensions in the Indo-Pacific region have become more frequent and intense. Some of them are caused by the spectacular economic growth of the People’s Republic of China in the last 40 years, which implies Beijing’s increasingly assertive stance on the international stage and the growth of China’s military power. To counterbalance the growing power of the People’s Republic of China, Indo-Pacific countries will steadily increase their focus on opportunities to operate in the framework of multilateral formats. One of them is Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad), which includes Australia, India, Japan, and the United States. The Quad group, due to the potential of its members, has a chance to become a format that will effectively inhibit China from potential aggressive actions in the Indo-Pacific region. However, because of the existing disparities within the Quad countries, as well as the ongoing rivalry between Beijing and Washington for world supremacy, the United States may use the format too instrumentally. The success of the Quad group in the future will be determined by US’s attitude related to the partnership-based treatment of the other three format members.

“If That Be Treason, Let Them Make the Most of It!”: Olin Downes, the Spanish Civil War, and Civil Liberties in the United States

“If That Be Treason, Let Them Make the Most of It!”: Olin Downes, the Spanish Civil War, and Civil Liberties in the United States

Which Country Is the Largest Oil Producer in the World – the USA, Russia or Saudi Arabia: The Question of Measurement – What and How

Current and past statuses and dynamics of oil production and methods of oil measurements in different countries – under different temperatures and preassures – are considered and analyzed. The author uses methods of comparative and systematic analyses, which are implemented for assessing oil production in the USA, Saudi Arabia and Russia – the world’s leading oil producers – and globally (in the world’s context) in the past, currently and in the foreseeable future (throughout 2050). Crude oil and field (crude + lease NGLs) are considered. Oil developments in the USA, Saudi Arabia and Russia are analyzed separately with their main oil fields being covered. In the past a status of the world’s largest oil producer was taken in rotation by Russia and Saudi Arabia. Before 1992 the world supremacy in oil belonged to Russia but afterwards and until 2014 – mainly to Saudi Arabia. The article mainly concludes that now (since 2014) the USA produce more oil (crude oil + field condensate) than any other country of the world, even without accounting for indigenous biofuel liquids and mostly thanks to the massive tight-oil production.

States, Nations, and Civilizations

Nation-states are inherently part of cultural formations, sustaining, legitimating, and inspiring them. The nations sustaining contemporary states are very different, and major routes of historical nation-state formation can be distinguished, which means that global discussions of nation-states cannot be confined to such states “in a European sense” only. Civilization(s) is a concept with different meanings in singular and in plural, belonging to different semantic fields, at least in European languages. As a singular concept it arose in mid-eighteenth century, distinguishing a high degree of social and cultural development from “barbarism” and “savagery”. It spread rapidly across European languages in the nineteenth century with European world supremacy and evolutionism, as a European self-designation. Civilizations in plural first appeared on a large intellectual scale after World War I, the horrendous slaughters of which shattered the Western ideas of continuous evolution and progress, and of the West as the unique pinnacle of human development. In the plural, civilizations have been used in philosophies of comparative history and evolution, but it may also be used as a tool of cultural analysis. In this sense, civilizations refer to large, ancient enduring cultural configurations, to the deepest layer of contemporary cultural geology. In terms of current demographic size five major such civilizations can be identified. They impinge upon the political culture of states, upon the visions and the language of the state rulers. They do not clash, and they do not determine state behaviour. Nations and civilizations are compared as cultural entities or referents, with a view to laying a basis for analytical comparisons of nation states and civilization-states, in particular their implications of agency, time and history, including their different historical contexts of emergence. The nation and civilization designations of states also related to a wider range of contemporary state categorizations. Contemporary politics and political theorizing of civilizations are looked at in brief empirical overviews of the impact of civilizations upon international relations in the wake of Samuel Huntington’s thesis of “clashes of civilizations”, and of the promise of civilization states as a political project, and as an illuminating tool of cognition.

The Chinese Dream – A Dream or Reality!?

Abstract This article is written to highlight the ways in which China engages in the competition to conquer world supremacy. China is regularly hailed as a potential new superpower. There are views on rapid economic progress, increasing military power, a very large population and increasing its international influence, as signs that it will play an important role in the world in the 21st century. However, other opinions warn that economic chimeras and demographic imbalances could slow or even stop China’s economic growth. The Chinese dream is a concept that has been promoted by the Chinese president Xi Jinping since late 2012 within the Chinese society to describe a set of personal and national paragons for the future of China. It is currently widely used by journalists, governmental officials, and activists to describe the individual’s role in the Chinese society, as well as the Chinese nation’s goals for the future.

IDEOLOGIA, UTOPIA E CRISI DELLA POLITICA

Political parties inspired by the values of liberalism, democracy and socialism no longer appear to be capable of conceiving long-term projects for their fellow citizens and humanity. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, large and small powers entered into a sordid struggle for world supremacy, sparking both local and global conflicts, and heralding the return of nationalism as a dominant ideology. This essay sets out to demonstrate that the posited “end of ideology” is groundless: traditional ideologies are unable to envisage a future of progress because they passively submit to the ideology of the absolute sovereignty of states and the just war to defend national interests. The future of humanity is threatened by a new arms race – regarding both nuclear and conventional weapons - to which governments are dedicating vast amounts of money; money which should actually be invested in saving the planet from global warming and the sixth extinction of animal species now under way. The path taken by the people of Europe, with the construction of the first supranational Union in history, should be a source of inspiration for formulating the policies necessary to construct a world order based on peaceful cooperation between states and to ensure that all citizens of the world enjoy the same rights of freedom and solidarity that, albeit imperfectly, have been achieved in Europe. Human progress is a utopia that can become a reality.

El Aula. La arquitectura del Estado del Bienestar en los Países Bajos.

<p><em>Durante la Guerra fría, el enfrentamiento entre el bloque occidental y oriental por la hegemonía mundial trascendía la esfera de la política y abarcaba ámbitos como la cultura o el estilo de vida.<strong> </strong>Los dos sistemas prometían un futuro de progreso y felicidad a una sociedad deslumbrada por la ciencia y la tecnología. En Europa occidental, la Sociedad del bienestar encontró en el estilo internacional el medio de expresión de sus aspiraciones de igualdad y modernidad, una vez liberado de la estética maquinista y la intransigencia funcionalista de entreguerras. En este sentido, el brutalismo se convirtió en uno de los lenguajes arquitectónicos oficiales del Estado del bienestar y bajo sus principios se construyeron gran parte de los equipamientos públicos sanitarios y educativos de la posguerra. Uno de los edificios paradigmáticos de la nueva monumentalidad brutalista en los Países Bajos es el Aula del TH Delft (1966) obra de la comunidad de arquitectos van den Broek & Bakema. Más allá de consideraciones estéticas, el Aula encarnaba las aspiraciones humanísticas de una vanguardia arquitectónica, el Team X, para la que el hombre y por extensión la sociedad, debían recuperar la centralidad en la construcción de un hábitat más diverso y democrático.</em></p>

Exporting a Prince, Ideas and Institutions to Greece, 1862–4: Mid–Victorian Perceptions of Britain's Stand and Mission in the World

The expulsion from Greece of King Otho in 1862 and the Greeks’ decision to offer the throne of their kingdom to Alfred, the second son of Queen Victoria, provided a good opportunity for commenting on national progress for the following two years. Through the description of the gloomy condition of Greece, all the errors and omissions that a state should avoid in its struggle for political stability and material improvement were exhibited. Moreover, British comments celebrated the ‘exemplary’, the principles of government, the material and the scientific advancement that had given Britain its world supremacy. On the whole, British confidence in the reforming power of economic progress remained strong enough to enable writers to believe in the abilities of the Greeks to advance in ‘modern civilization’. In a sense, the debate occasioned by the case of Greece was enlarged upon in the question of the elements of national strength. Within this wider perspective, commentary and judgmental pronouncements on other European nations facilitated the discovery and display of elements that could be widely accepted as constituent parts of British national identity and international success in the mid–Victorian era, such as free institutions, industrial progress and a ‘liberal character’.

Black Star, Crescent Moon: The Muslim International and Black Freedom beyond America * By SOHAIL DAULATZAI

The ‘Negro problem has ceased to be a Negro problem. It has ceased to be an American problem and has now become a world problem, a problem for all humanity’.1 Malcolm X, speaking in 1964 at Harvard University, firmly tied the movement for civil rights and Black identity in the United States to the global movements of liberation of the 1950s and 1960s. Sohail Daulatzai utilizes Malcolm X’s ‘Black internationalism’ as a lens for examining the ‘political and cultural history of Black Islam, Black radicalism, and the Muslim Third World in the post World War II era’ (p. xiii). He develops an historical narrative ‘in which the Muslim Third World framed and inspired a radical anti-imperialist challenge to American and European power’ (p. xix), providing an alternative to dominant imperialist and Cold War liberal narratives. Daulatzai’s narrative begins with an analysis of the emergence of anti-imperialist radicalism in the years after World War II. The key to this examination is Daulatzai’s presentation of the life and influence of Malcolm X. The logic of what Daulatzai calls Cold War liberalism identified anti-colonialism and civil rights radicalism with communism while young Black activists like Malcolm X, in the 1950s, came to identify their cause with global movements of liberation. One of the major events in this history is the 1955 Asian-African Conference in Bandung, which articulated ‘a clear challenge to white world supremacy and American-Soviet dominance’ (p. 20). Daulatzai emphasizes the importance of the Bandung conference in shaping Third World and Black solidarity, and in defining Malcolm X’s project of internationalizing the domestic civil rights movement in America.

Warfare, Economic Performance And The Struggle For World Hegemony In The Early Modern Period: Guns Versus Butter In Eighteenth-Century Britain And Spain

Testing the existence of budgetary trade-offs in eighteenth-century Britain and Spain can contribute to resolve the debate on the economic impact of warfare and its relationships with the military potential of nations and the struggle for world supremacy during the early modern period. We have constructed several empirical models to search for trade-offs in order to show which country had the whip hand in achieving its military and economic objectives. Britain was ahead of Spain for several reasons. Britain was more efficient in deploying the available resources because it built an effective national bureaucracy. Furthermore, the institutional reforms made from the seventeenth century onwards increased the level of resources through enhancement of the British economy.

Review: Cold War on the Home Front: The Soft Power of Midcentury Design by Greg Castillo

Book Review| September 01 2011 Review: Cold War on the Home Front: The Soft Power of Midcentury Design by Greg Castillo Greg Castillo. Cold War on the Home Front: The Soft Power of Midcentury Design. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press: 2010, 312 pp., 97 b/w illus. $24.95, ISBN 9780816646920 Pat Kirkham Pat Kirkham Bard Graduate Center Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians (2011) 70 (3): 387–388. https://doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2011.70.3.387 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Pat Kirkham; Review: Cold War on the Home Front: The Soft Power of Midcentury Design by Greg Castillo. Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 1 September 2011; 70 (3): 387–388. doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2011.70.3.387 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentJournal of the Society of Architectural Historians Search Written in a lively and engaging manner, Cold War on the Home Front: The Soft Power of Midcentury Design is a major contribution to our understanding of Cold War propaganda, particularly as it played out in post—World War II Germany around issues of modern living and the availability of goods. Although the book focuses on the "soft power" of particular types of persuasion, the "hard" politics of the United States' effort to maintain world supremacy and the Eastern Bloc countries' attempt to counteract them underpins the exhibitions of model homes and furnishings discussed by Castillo. He situates the home and home furnishings at the center of the ideological battles between the United States and the USSR at a time when "America unleashed the largest international propaganda effort ever mounted in a time of peace" (24). Marshall Plan officials sought to persuade Europeans of the benefits of capitalism, characterized by an... You do not currently have access to this content.

Will India Become a World Economy Power?

India's economic rise during the last decades has surprised most of the economists, including the Nobel Laureate Paul Krugman. Which are the ingredients of such an economic roadmap and why hasn’t India's economy boosted along with those of the Asian tigers during the 80s or later, with China’s economy? Once India became an important economic player, it can no longer be neglected in international political relations as the struggle for world supremacy became more an economic and technological competition, military rivalry going in the background. How can India maintain growth rates at such a high level? What are the prospects regarding economic and political relations between India and China?

Place of the Euro and the European Monetary System on the International Scene

All national authorities always world economic powers battled for holding world supremacy in the markets. Main tool which focuses all their attention is the currency, whether national or regional basis. It wants such as this to be one international currency given the advantages arising from this Statute. In this battle at present two major actors are involved, namely the US dollar and euro. The present work is intended as a brief overview of this struggle to highlight the role of the euro on the international scene.

Review of "The End of White World Supremacy: Black Internationalism and the Problem of the Color Line," by Roderick Bush

Review of "The End of White World Supremacy: Black Internationalism and the Problem of the Color Line," by Roderick Bush

The end of white world supremacy: black internationalism and the problem of the color line

The end of white world supremacy: black internationalism and the problem of the color line

The End of White World Supremacy: Black Internationalism and the Problem of the Color Line

The End of White World Supremacy: Black Internationalism and the Problem of the Color Line

Pensée 2: Assessment of the Field

What has changed in the field of Middle East studies over the last five years, especially when perceived from the vantage point of the United States? Certainly a lot, due mostly to the reverberations of the 9/11 terrorist attacks and the ensuing haphazard U.S. adventure first into Afghanistan and then Iraq in apparent search for the culprits, accompanied by a strong underlying interest in gaining access to oil and other natural resources, as well as sustaining world supremacy. Perhaps as a consequence of these developments, MESA membership escalated, especially among younger cohorts of Americans now interested in the culture and languages of the region, and studies of Middle East and Central Asia as well as Islamic studies once again increased in public significance. Yet the dark side of these developments was of course present once again in the—once again haphazard—associations often made in popular culture among Islam, the region, and terrorism: orientalism tended to rear its ugly head, as all of these were analyzed as the “other,” entirely distinct and separate from “us.”

A Pact with the Devil: Washington's Bid for World Supremacy and the Betrayal of the American Promise ‐ by Tony Smith

<i>A Pact with the Devil: Washington's Bid for World Supremacy and the Betrayal of the American Promise</i> ‐ by Tony Smith

A Pact with the Devil: Washington's Bid for World Supremacy and the Betrayal of the American Promise by Tony Smith

A Pact with the Devil: Washington's Bid for World Supremacy and the Betrayal of the American Promise <i>by Tony Smith</i>