World Revolution Research Articles

The Kazakh Steppe and its Political Elite in the Conditions of Revolutionary Transit in Eurasia at the Beginning of the 20th century

The author examines the political situation in Kazakh society in the conditions of revolutionary transit at the beginning of the 20th century, taking into account the influence of foreign policy factors on it. The Great War forced the Kazakh political elite to analyse more closely the place of their region in the world and the fate of the peoples of Eurasia in the international context. Tomohiko Uyama and other authors draw attention to the international context of the Central Asian revolt of 1916. The role of foreign political forces in the events of the October Revolution and Civil War in the Kazakh steppe, as well as political orientations of the Kazakh political elite in the early 1920s, were not yet accurately taken into account. The author believes that the involvement in all-Russian processes determined the main reference points of the Alash autonomist movement in the conditions of revolution and Civil war, as well as the indifferent attitude of foreign political forces towards the Kazakh steppe. The aim of the article is to analyse the evolution of perceptions and initiatives of national figures involved in the process of Sovietisation of the region, regarding the strengthening of their power positions using the idea of world revolution. The study draws on new sources and the results of contemporary historiography of the history of the Alash movement. For Bolshevik foreign-policy strategy, the recognition of Soviet power by the Alash Orda was one of the stages in the drive towards world revolution in the colonial East. At the same time, the idea of the world revolution itself played an ambiguous role in the Bolshevik strategy. The author demonstrates that different groups of local Bolsheviks, as well as representatives of the central government, used it to achieve quite practical objectives. With the consolidation of Soviet power, the Kazakh Bolsheviks attempted to introduce the factor of the world revolution into the local political context. This was also reflected in Turar Ryskulov's project to create a Turkic Republic and a Turkic Communist Party.

E-GOVERNANCE IN THE MANAGEMENT DECISION-MAKING PROCESS

The article reveals the features of the process of development of information and communication technologies (ICT), and with them e-government, which in turn affects the state-building processes. ICTs are becoming more accessible to increase simplicity and efficiency in many areas of life. ICT is particularly promising in the field of governance and public participation. Proponents of open and e-government believe that in the digital age, governments can use information to reduce corruption and increase government transparency, accountability, efficiency, and citizen participation. Proponents of human rights argue that the successful use of ICT in governance requires access to information, education and the ability to share information with citizens. One of the main goals of e-government is to increase the level of citizen involvement in state activities and government decision-making. This goal is achieved through openness and transparency of public authorities and local governments. Citizens' trust and support of the government play a key role in the formation and successful support of a democratic state. The world revolution in information and communication technologies is currently underway. The Internet, the personal computer and the mobile phone are radically changing our lives – influencing how we work, learn and interact. Governments around the world recognize the value of e-government. With the right design and implementation, e-government can increase the efficiency of public services, simplify government regulation, strengthen public participation and trust in government, and save money for citizens, businesses and government itself. Not surprisingly, politicians and leaders seek to introduce e-government in countries around the world – from the most developed to the least developed. The use of information technology by public authorities (such as global networks, the Internet and mobile computers), which have the ability to transform relationships with citizens, businesses and other branches of government. These technologies can serve a variety of purposes: better delivery of public services to citizens, better interaction with business and industry, empowering citizens through access to information, or better governance. Its benefits can be reduced corruption, increased transparency, greater convenience, increased revenue, and / or reduced costs.

Central Asia in Soviet and British Strategy, 1918

The author analyses Soviet Russia and Great Britain’s strategies for Central Asia, a crucial geopolitical region, the control of which allowed both Moscow and London to safeguard their state interests at the final stage of the Great War. The development of these plans was accompanied by intense internal political struggles in Britain over the 'Bolshevik menace' to British possessions in Asia and the crisis in the Ottoman Empire, Persia, and Afghanistan, which spawned ethno-confessional movements of various stripes. The author compares the role and place of Central Asia in Moscow's and London's foreign policy: while the former sought to use the situation to implement plans for a 'world revolution', the latter sought to strengthen its position in countering the national movements that sought support from the powers of the Quadruple Alliance. The relevance of the study stems from the persistence and even exacerbation of tensions in the region of interest to the author, which necessitates a study of the historical experience of dispute resolution. The novelty of the study is determined by the introduction into academic discourse of several official diplomatic documents together with the sources from private collections which are examined in a complex, comparative way making it possible to stipulate strategic goals of leading geopolitical actors at the final stage of the First World War. As the article elucidates, despite the existing domestic and foreign scholarship on the subject, various scenarios of military-political steps of Moscow and London in Central Asia require clarification while considering the German-Turkish projects of relying upon nationalistic movements under Islamic slogans.

The Comintern Concept of Fascism in Relation to the Socio-Political Situation in Latin America in the Interwar Period, 1920—1930s

The author tried to reconstruct the Comintern's view on fascism in Latin America during the period between the VI and VII congresses of the Comintern, when the anti-fascist struggle had not yet become a key activity of the international organization of the communist movement (until August 23, 1939). The author analyzed the speeches of the Cominternists, the top leadership members and high-ranking functionaries, at three forums of communist parties in the Latin America (the June 1929 conference in Buenos Aires, the October conferences of 1930 and 1934 in Moscow). During those conferences the official position of the “headquarters of the world revolution” on the problem of fascism in Latin America was broadcasted. The article shows that the leadership of the Communist International did not see fascist regimes among the existing Latin American governments in terms of their class essence, since the fascist dictatorship was considered in Moscow exclusively as the most rigid form of bourgeoisie government, a class that had yet to come to real power and begin to play a leading role in the economic and political life of Latin American countries. The term “fascisization” in relation to the socio-political situation in the Latin American region was mainly used by the Comintern to characterize the process of borrowing by local repressive and / or authoritarian regimes of fascist methods to dominate and suppress mass movements against semi-feudal remnants and imperialist expansion.

From support of Christians to the world revolution: the Assyrian question in the politics of Russian Empire and USSR

From support of Christians to the world revolution: the Assyrian question in the politics of Russian Empire and USSR

The Bolsheviks in Eastern Ukraine and their Competing State Projects (1917-1918): The Case of the Donets-Krivoi Rog Soviet Republic

After the Russian Revolution of February 1917, the definition of the Ukrainian territory became an important issue. One of the major controversies concerned the territorial affiliation of the eastern part of the country, a highly industrialised region located halfway between the Russian core and the Ukrainian periphery of the empire. This article focuses on the split within the Bolshevik Party between supporters of Donbass belonging to Ukraine and defenders of a Donets-Krivoi Rog republic attached to Russia. We show that this was not so much an ideological conflict between the "pro-Russians" and the "pro-Ukrainians" as it was a difference of views on the military and political strategy to be implemented in order to preserve the gains of the revolution and make its expansion possible. Moscow's decision to support the project of a Soviet Ukraine, thereby ruling out any possibility of separation of its eastern region, can be explained both by the desire to solve immediate problems (circumventing the provisions of a peace treaty, strengthening control over local Soviet institutions) and by the search for long-term solutions (advancing the world revolution, guaranteeing the stability of a multiethnic state that emerged from the disintegration of the Russian Empire).

From Orthodox Messianism to the Doctrine of the "World Revolution": Continuity or a Radical Break with the Past?

In the 16th century, Moscow proclaimed itself to be the the third Rome and discovered the special way or Russian Orthodox Messianism doctrine. Since the mid-nineteenth century, the idea of Russia's unique global historical role went beyond exclusively church discussions, and the idea of Moscow as the Third Rome acquired an important place in the structure of imperial ideology. Even after a break with the past, after the 1917 October Revolution, the country did not abandon the idea of Messianism, which organically fitted into the structure of Soviet ideology. At the same time, reanimation of messianic moods was carried out here in the format of the doctrine of the World Republic of Soviets and/or World Revolution. Of course, some backbone elements of old Messianism underwent a significant transformation, which can hardly be called secularization. The purpose of this article is to show that the time 1917 mid-1930s may be described with the help of a peculiar dialectic, as the unity of a radical break with the past and the specifically manifested continuity with it. Subsequently, despite large-scale changes, the idea of the peculiarity of the Russian way, firstly in Soviet and then in Russian society, including the specific perception of its past, continued to remain an influential political brand. This kind of discourse should be considered highly archaic today; however, it does not become an attribute of the distant past, retaining the attractiveness and even acquiring state ideology.

The Influence of Employer Branding Towards Generation Z Students Attractiveness on Start-up Unicorn

The development of the world revolution has changed the paradigm and stigmas of organizational quality to increase competitiveness from various human resource perspectives. Increasing global challenges have made the employer branding strategy a concern for global research. This study examines the effect of employer branding on Generation Z students' attractiveness and employer choices at unicorn start-ups in Indonesia. This study uses the Structural Equation Model Partial Least Square (SEM-PLS). This study got a total of 200 respondents who fit the criteria. This study's dimensions of employer branding are work culture, ethics & CSR, diversity, and salary & incentives. From the results of this study, the dimensions that proved to be influential were Ethics and CSR, and Diversity. Besides, work culture and salary & incentives are not proven to significantly affect the attractiveness of Generation Z students to Indonesian unicorn start-ups. Social media is proven to have a significant effect on both attractiveness and choice of workplace (employer of choice) Generation Z students at Indonesian unicorn start-ups

Tartu rahuläbirääkimiste eellugu

The Peace Treaty of Tartu that was signed on 2 February 1920 is unquestionably one of the pillars of Estonian statehood – it was a victory for the nation-state that only the biggest idealists had dared to dream of only a couple of years beforehand. At the same time, there were a few things in the peace negotiations between Estonia and Soviet Russia that were seemingly incomprehensible. Firstly, all of the peace overtures starting from the spring of 1919 came from the Soviet Russian side. Secondly, both sides at the peace negotiations emphatically considered themselves to be in a defensive war and although this may be arbitrary if we assess the proportions, both sides were actually right. While the Estonian side stressed during the Tartu peace negotiations that Estonia had no connection to Russia’s Civil War and that Estonia was fighting for its independence, then viewed from the east, that is certainly not how it appeared to be. Estonia was by far not alone in waging war against Soviet Russia. The Bolsheviks were at war with all of their neighbours that were aspiring towards independence and, needless to say, also with ‘internal enemies’, in other words the Russian Whites, whom the victorious countries of World War I (the Entente) supported for their own part. Thus, these numerous wars started conflating. Estonia fought partially in response to pressure from the Entente as well, but broadly speaking, due to practical considerations, Estonia also fought in the same sector of the front together with the Northern Corps of the Russian Whites, the later North-western Army, for almost the entire period of the Estonian War of Independence. For precisely this reason, the war between Estonia and Soviet Russia cannot be isolated from the broader sequence of post-World War I continuation wars, which had very many participants and vastly different interests. Thus, today’s ally could become tomorrow’s enemy. The only thing that joined Estonians and the Russian Whites together was their common enemy and not much else.
 Estonia succeeded in emerging from this chaos as a victor and in gaining its independence, and this regardless of the wishes of the Russian Whites, but also the wishes of the countries of the Entente, to preserve ‘a single and undivided Russia’. Yet in this regard it should not be forgotten that Estonia played a particularly important role, together with ohter border states, in impeding the spread of the Bolshevik world revolution to Europe. Since this was the main objective of the Bolsheviks, then solely for this reason, the repeated peace overtures that the Bolsheviks made to Estonia should be viewed precisely in this context. It can altogether be said that by the spring of 1919, the war had ground to a halt for the Bolsheviks. Bearing their broader objective in mind, their hands were tied on several ‘unnecessary fronts’, where the final solution could be postponed for tactical considerations.
 Hence Estonia’s military might was certainly not what forced Soviet Russia to repeatedly make peace overtures. The fact that the more concrete peace overtures were made to Estonia in situations where the Red Army held the initiative and the actual situation at the front would not appear to have implied desires for peace is particularly noteworthy. Yet at the same time, Soviet Russia’s peace overtures are far from proving Russia’s peaceful plans. First and foremost, the contradiction between theory and practice turned out to be a major problem for the Bolsheviks: the ‘revolutionary situation’ was awfully slow to develop, while on the other hand every military commander’s nightmare took shape, in other words war on several fronts and against many enemies. At the same time, the large number of enemies with many quite different interests provided the Bolsheviks with the chance to neutralise them one by one and thus remove them from the very notional, if not to say non-existent joint front. They hoped to solve the matter by way of peace treaties with those enemies whom they were unable to overpower by force yet with whom they did not have irreconcilable ideological differences. They first needed to destroy the Russian Whites and Poland, which was in their way on the road to Europe (primarily Germany). The Bolsheviks quite likely calculated that the future progress of the world revolution would provide the answer to how eternal or binding those agreements that had been signed with the ‘bourgeoisie’ were.

«Красные похороны». Новая похоронная обрядность в молодой Советской России

The article analyzes the emergence of the so-called red funeral ritual in the 1920s in Soviet Russia as an important component of political everyday life. The first part of the article examines the funeral rituals of representatives of the Bolshevik elite. The second part attempts to characterize the transformation of funeral rites among the “common” population. The analysis undertaken clearly shows the undoubted political and public nature of funeral rituals in early Soviet Russia. Initially, Soviet funeral rituals were powerfully influenced by radical utilitarianism and total nihilistic denial of the religious worldview, intensified by the excesses of the World War, Revolution and Civil War. Nevertheless, nihilism and utilitarianism, the highest expression of which was the idea of cremation, were quickly pushed out by a new funeral ritual, the key elements of which were demonstration and “theatrical ritual” with its music, processions, pretentious speeches and fireworks, in many respects borrowed from military funerals. The main role in the emergence of the red funeral ritual was played by the cult of fallen heroes, which in turn was a guarantee of political immortality of the Bolshevik leaders. As a result, the red funeral became an important element of the alternative Bolshevik culture. The concept of Vladimir Buldakov, who characterized revolutionary funeral rituals as “neo-pagan”, is at least controversial. The attempt to make funerals of the Bolshevik elites a model for mass funerals collided with conservative rituals, especially in the countryside. With regard to the 1920s, at best, we can talk about the emergence of a kind of “the effect of dual faith", a specific symbiosis of red and religious funeral rites. Thus, in the 1920s, the process of a new Soviet ritualism development was far from complete, including the Soviet party and state elites, as evidenced by the fluctuations between party asceticism with its utilitarian attitude to ashes and splendid funerals of leaders.

How Employer Branding Attract the Generation Z Students to Join on Start-up Unicorn

The development of the world revolution has changed the paradigm and stigmas of organizational quality to increase competitiveness from various human resource perspectives. Increasing global challenges have made the employer branding strategy a concern for global research. This study examines the effect of employer branding on Generation Z students' attractiveness and employer choices at unicorn start-ups in Indonesia. This study uses the Structural Equation Model Partial Least Square (SEM-PLS). This study got a total of 200 respondents who fit the criteria. This study's dimensions of employer branding are work culture, ethics & CSR, diversity, and salary & incentives. From the results of this study, the dimensions that proved to be influential were Ethics and CSR, and Diversity. Besides, work culture and salary & incentives are not proven to significantly affect the attractiveness of Generation Z students to Indonesian unicorn start-ups. Social media is proven to have a significant effect on both attractiveness and choice of workplace (employer of choice) Generation Z students at Indonesian unicorn start-ups.

CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK OF COSMPOLITANISM IN THE CONTEXT OF WESTERN VIEW

This article describes that cosmopolitanism reflects the nature of capital, striving towards where the best conditions are created for it and it is possible to obtain the greatest benefit. In the history of industrially developed countries, a complex interaction of cosmopolitanism with the idea of a nation-state is traced. The elements of cosmopolitanism were also present in communist ideology. It is in the context of cosmopolitanism that his basic thesis of building a classless and stateless society on a global scale can be interpreted. In the USSR, where during the first decade of Soviet power the expectation of a world revolution was replaced by the predominance of political principles in politics, the concept of cosmopolitanism acquired a persistently negative meaning and was perceived as a bourgeois ideology. After World War II, the state periodically campaigned to combat "rootless cosmopolitanism" and adultery in the face of Western scientific and cultural achievements. Furthermore, we can point out that a different interpretation of cosmopolitanism has led to frictions of various kinds. In essence, it should have been one of the most important factors in solving world problems. In this research work, special attention is paid to the notion of cosmopolitanism in the context of the current situation in the world. An important problem is the place of the human being in the world as a matter of philosophy or the place of the human being in the system of state politics as a matter of political science.

Operatic Encounters in a Time of War

Absolute war, total war, world revolution: the nature and scale of the global conflicts that took place around 1800 have been explored (and contested) both at the time and ever since, and recent scholarship has begun to resituate the literary, visual, and theatrical art of the period within this landscape of perpetual conflict. Opera historians, though, have until recently largely steered clear of the operatic mediation of war beyond its most local manifestations. My article returns to the subject of opera and war, to reflect on how an expanded understanding of wartime, in reaching beyond the actual war event (Favret, 2010. War at a Distance: Romanticism and the Making of Modern Wartime. Princeton: Princeton University Press), can provide new insights into the recent scholarly work on opera’s transnational mobility (and malleability), its articulation of modernity and its framing of cross-cultural encounters.

The ‘First Exhibition of Russian Art’ in Berlin: The Transnational Origins of Bolshevik Cultural Diplomacy, 1921–1922

The emergence of a Soviet cultural diplomacy in the 1920s was hardly predictable. Bolsheviks’ propaganda for ‘world revolution’ reduced the image of Soviet Russia to one of Leninist-proletarian victory, while the rejection of diplomatic tradition and a distrust of artists and intellectuals precluded any commitment to cultural action abroad. This article explores how, when and why a Soviet cultural diplomacy developed. It focuses on two episodes related to the famine of 1921, including, based on new archival evidence, the First Exhibition of Russian Art in Berlin in October 1922. The exhibition's spectacular success paved the way for Soviet cultural diplomacy that moved away from overtly communist propaganda in order to address Western avant-garde literary and artistic milieus.

Precursores de la revolución mundial

En Regeneración, los anarquistas del Partido Liberal Mexicano, de 1911 a 1918, llamaron al proletariado estadounidense y europeo a realizar una revolución mundial que terminara con el capitalismo y toda forma de autoridad. Su pretensión era formar conscientes que expropiaran todos los medios de producción, por lo que permanecieron en Los Ángeles, California, donde tenían las condiciones para editar Regeneración y tener múltiples contactos con la prensa ácrata de Estados Unidos y Europa. Basados en la mencionada publicación, se demuestra que concibieron su actividad como parte de la lucha revolucionaria anarquista que ya había empezado en México y buscaron la ayuda de los trabajadores del mundo, tanto para que arribaran a nuestro país como para expandir las expropiaciones en el orbe.
 Los anarquistas del Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM) han sido analizados sólo como parte del proceso revolucionario en México. Desde ese ángulo se han conformado una serie de afirmaciones sobre su actuación, mismas que se han convertido en un espacio común acerca de sus intenciones revolucionarias. Sin embargo, no se aborda su llamado insistente a la revolución mundial, lo que obliga a una interpretación más compleja, que no se apega a las limitadas explicaciones que surgieron en la posrevolución.

ЕЛЕКТРОННЕ УРЯДУВАННЯ В ПРОЦЕСІ ПРИЙНЯТТЯ УПРАВЛІНСЬКИХ РІШЕНЬ

The article reveals the features of the process of development of information and communication technologies (ICT), and with them e-government, which in turn affects the state-building processes. ICTs are becoming more accessible to increase simplicity and efficiency in many areas of life. ICT is particularly promising in the field of governance and public participation. Proponents of open and e-government believe that in the digital age, governments can use information to reduce corruption and increase government transparency, accountability, efficiency, and citizen participation. Proponents of human rights argue that the successful use of ICT in governance requires access to information, education and the ability to share information with citizens. One of the main goals of e-government is to increase the level of citizen involvement in state activities and government decision-making. This goal is achieved through openness and transparency of public authorities and local governments. Citizens' trust and support of the government play a key role in the formation and successful support of a democratic state. The world revolution in information and communication technologies is currently underway. The Internet, the personal computer and the mobile phone are radically changing our lives - influencing how we work, learn and interact. Governments around the world recognize the value of e-government. With the right design and implementation, e-government can increase the efficiency of public services, simplify government regulation, strengthen public participation and trust in government, and save money for citizens, businesses and government itself. Not surprisingly, politicians and leaders seek to introduce e-government in countries around the world - from the most developed to the least developed. The use of information technology by public authorities (such as global networks, the Internet and mobile computers), which have the ability to transform relationships with citizens, businesses and other branches of government. These technologies can serve a variety of purposes: better delivery of public services to citizens, better interaction with business and industry, empowering citizens through access to information, or better governance. Its benefits can be reduced corruption, increased transparency, greater convenience, increased revenue, and / or reduced costs.

State activity and legal credo of Mykola Skrypnyk.

Peculiarities of M. Skrypnyk's theoretical and ideological substantiation of national, judicial and criminal-legal policy in his concept of state-legal development of Soviet Ukraine are investigated. Coverage of the peculiarities of the ideological platform and legal credo of M. Skrypnik in the aspect of the anthropology of law is important for characterizing his state activity as one of the main theorists of the concept of «Ukrainian path to communism». From the point of view of anthropology, convincing explanations of M. Skrypnyk's various positions and steps in the sphere of state and party policy should be sought in his ideological and psychological sphere. At the same time, in our opinion, maneuvering in the ideological substantiation of M. Skrypnyk's practical activity is explained by his utilitarian attitude to ideology as an effective propaganda means of achieving goals in state-building. In our opinion, M. Skrypnyk considered the ultimate goal of the process of socialist construction not to be the development of a "communist oasis of the Ukrainian model," but the creation of a workers 'and peasants' statehood as a single labor society based on internationalism and communist ownership. M. Skrypnyk saw the national liberation and development of the culture of amateur broad masses of workers and peasants in the process of national development, which he considered a stage in the process of socialist construction, as a transitional stage on the way to this goal. An important argument in the search for explanations of the theoretical foundations and ways of practical implementation of state and national policy of M. Skrypnyk is his vision of the nature and objectives of judicial and criminal policy. M. Skrypnyk emphasized that Soviet criminal law has a public, social, anti-individualistic character, as opposed to bourgeois criminal law, built on the principles of individualism inherent in bourgeois society. On the way to achieving this goal in the mind of M. Skrypnyk, in line with the then understanding of state and legal phenomena and processes, there was a transfer of priorities from the rights and interests of the individual to the collective interests - declaratively to the interests of the proletariat. Man was not seen by him as the highest value and "measure of all things." Priority was given to other values: the "world revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat," the elimination of the class division of society, and the defense and construction of the socialist state. According to the content of the concept of state and legal development of the USSR, M. Skrypnyk can really be considered one of the main theorists of the "Ukrainian path to socialism." However, the very concept of the future socialist state, set out in its creative heritage, does not seem to be a theory of Ukrainian national communism, as characterized by some researchers, and awaits a deeper study by historians of law.

Reflections on the History of a Century Ago on the Basis of the Collection of Documents “Lithuania — Russia 1917—1920”

Based on archival documents from the Lithuanian and Russian archives, as well as taking advantage of the latest works of historians, the article presents a polemical view of some aspects of the history of the 20th century, relevant for Lithuania and Russia. These are the problems of the red terror, world revolution, propaganda, as well as the preconditions for peace between Lithuania and Russia. The author emphasizes that the peace treaty between Russia and Lithuania not only allowed the two states to build bilateral relations on the basis of peaceful cooperation, but also became one of the treaties that Soviet Russia concluded for possible peaceful and smooth relations with Europe, including the mediation of Lithuania.

ВОСПРИЯТИЕ РЕВОЛЮЦИИ 1917 Г. РУССКИМИ ЭМИГРАНТАМИ ПЕРВОЙ ВОЛНЫ В ПРАГЕ

The article assesses the influence of the Bolshevik revolution of 1917 on the emergence of ideological and political trends among the representatives of the Russian emigration. In the absence of any opportunity to influence the situation in which Russia found itself in 1917, the emigrants decided to focus on the analysis and study of the experience of the revolution and the Civil War, as well as to discuss possible options for the development of events and their impact on the future of the country. The author considers such trends of emigrant political thought as smenovehovstvo and eurasianism, the common idea of which was the realization of the need to accept the Bolshevik revolution and its results in order to preserve the unity and power of Russia. Special attention is paid to the collections of articles “Change of Milestones” and “Exodus to the East”, which marked the beginning of the emigrant ideologies under consideration, as well as to their authors, who attempted to comprehend the role of the Russian intelligentsia in the new political and economic conditions. In addition, the article examines such trends among representatives of Russian emigration as “returnism”, the cult of personality and the world revolution. Studies of the history of eurasianism and smenovehovstvo allow to conduct a more in-depth study of the life and activities of the Russian Diaspora in the 1920s – 1930s, as well as to present the diversity of the processes of the ideological and political heritage of the Russian emigration of the first wave in Czechoslovakia

Accounting Profession: Steps into the Future (African Perspective)

Advancement of technology have seen major changes in the way accountants carry on with their business. The purpose of this paper was to explore the various perspectives of the effects of technology on the future outlook of the accounting profession. The perspectives explored include the relationship between accounting profession and world revolution; nature of accounting and its relationship with technology; future of accounting; and changes in accounting education. This paper employed literature review methodology. The paper concludes that, there are certain aspects of accounting profession that are likely to be transformed by technological advancement; however, the foundations of accounting profession remain intact.