Working Class Pupils Research Articles

Changes in Sex Differences in Scottish Examination Results since 1976

This study describes trends in the size and distribution of sex differences between Scottish secondary pupils in their national certificate examination results between 1976 and 1984. It also examines the relationship between sex differences and social class, and between sex differences and geographical location. We employ data from the Scottish School Leavers Surveys which describe three nationally representative samples of pupils who left school in 1976, 1980, and 1984. The findings show that ten years ago there was no sex difference in overall examination attainment, but by 1984 there was a considerable female advantage. The female advantage in English increased between 1976 and 1984, and the gap in arithmetic, which previously favored males, no longer remained in 1984. The findings also show that social-class inequality far outweighs sex inequality: differences between pupils in the top and bottom social-class categories in their mean levels of performance were about 1.25 to 1.5 standard deviations, compared with sex differences, which at most were about .25 of a standard deviation. The performance of working-class pupils relative to middle-class pupils improved over the eight-year period; however, the study did not lend support to theories that hypothesize sex differences are larger for either high or low social-class pupils. The study suggests that differences in the local opportunity structure may be a determining factor of sex inequality: in rural areas the attainment and achievement scores of males were considerably below the national average. Rural females, who had worse employment prospects at the end of fourth year, remained at school longer, had better examination results, and had higher rates of entry into post-secondary institutions than their male peers.

How Illiteracy Became a Problem (And Literacy Stopped Being One)

In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the conjunction of fairly widespread literacy with a new radical political discourse produced a powerful cultural movement in England. In responding to it, the ruling bloc devised new modes of ideological intervention which had significant effects on the shape of the emerging state apparatus. By the time Forster's Education Act was introduced in 1870, the political “problem” had been redefined in terms of the illiteracy, deficient language, and debased tastes of working-class pupils. This history raises questions about the conceptualization of hegemony and resistance in the sociology of education.

Perceived earnings functions and ex ante rates of return to post compulsory education in England

This article offers a direct empirical test of one of the main tenets of the human capital model. It shows that by the end of their compulsory education English pupils in general are aware of the relationship between educational qualifications and average earnings. For the first time in Britain direct calculations are made of ex ante perceived rates of return to upper secondary and higher education. The perceived rates correspond closely to the actual rates estimated by earlier studies. The article also provides useful evidence of differences between social classes and ability groups. In particular it shows that the human capital model offers a much less satisfactory explanation of the behaviour of low ability and working class pupils than it does of high ability and middle class pupils.

Some Assumptions in the Assessment of Educational Disadvantage

The evidence for the persistence of educational under-achievement by children from working class homes is so well documented that it requires no extensive re-exposition here. Those who find confirmation in figures helpful are referred to a series of post-war government and other publications. In particular reference can be made to the most recent Education Statistics (HMSO, I975). For the historical background to these data three Reports (Crowther, I959; Newsom, 1963 and Plowden, 1967) are illuminating. Additional and wide-ranging material can be found in Douglas, Ross & Simpson (1968). The 'facts' do not however 'speak for themselves', rather these indicate a trend. A fuller understanding requires that we go beyond descriptions and to an analysis of underlying factors in order to account for these trends. Three seminal approaches which seek to provide such accounts can be identified. The objective in this overview is an attempt to explain why otherwise important contributions to understanding educational processes have had marginal effects only on improving the relative educational attainment of working class pupils. Advancement towards equal opportunity may be elusive because the obstacles to this are entrenched in the divisions of the society (Westergaard & Resler, I976).

Attitudes of Offenders and Non‐Offenders towards School

Summary As a result of group discussions with working class pupils from areas of high delinquency it was postulated that there were at least three broad and overlapping categories of pupils attending comprehensive schools in these districts. These were termed school‐orientated pupils, nonchalant pupils and anti‐school pupils. An attempt was then made to ascertain some of the main differences in attitudes towards school between offenders and non‐offenders. Generally speaking it was found that non‐offenders occupied the first and second of the above categories and offenders the second and third. Questionnaires were given to 120 pupils composed of a group of 60 non‐offenders and a group of 60 offenders. All the pupils were attending school but while all the non‐offenders were still at day school most of the offenders were in the care of their local authorities. The offenders were found to have presented more problems for the school authorities either through misbehaviour or truancy. On attitude items (Likert...

Profiting from a Comprehensive School: A Critical Comment

volvement but, on the contrary, by the very persistence of such barriers'. This may very well be true, but such a conclusion cannot be drawn from the material which he presents. His article can be criticized both in respect of (i) the presentation and analysis of the empirical results of the investigation, (ii) the conclusions which are inferred from these results. In each case there are extraordinary inadequacies which need to be pointed out. (i) There are inexplicable inconsistencies in the categories which Mr. Holly chooses for inclusion in his tables. Tables I and 2 give figures for middle class and 'less-skilled' working class pupils, but do not mention children of the skilled working class. Table 3 includes skilled working class boys (but not girls), introduces a new category 'unskilled working class' children, but excludes all reference to middle class and 'lessskilled' working class pupils. The unskilled working class children do not appear again in the remaining tables. No explanation is offered for the inclusion or exclusion of different groups in the various tabulations. One section of the article deals with differential participation in 'school activities'; but what these activities consist of is not specified. They presumably represent voluntary extra-curricular activities, but of what kind? It is obvious enough that this might have considerable relevance for the interpretation of the results. To take one simple possibility. Holly finds that girls participate more in 'school activities' than boys do (Table 6(a)). This might merely be because the range of activities which are provided by the school are oriented more towards girls than boys. No data are given whereby the reader might assess such possibilities. Holly states that in analysing the class background of the school-