White Man's Country Research Articles

Books

The transformation of Anglo‐Jewry Harold Pollins, Economic History of the Jews in England, Fairleigh Dickinson, University Press: Associate 3033–2 University Presses, 339 pp., £20.00. Elements of Jewish identity and survival Marion Berghahn, German‐Jewish Refugees in England: The Ambiguities of Assimilation, Macmillan, 1984, ix and 294 pp., £20. N. Kokosalakis, Ethnic Identity and Religion: Tradition and Change in Liverpool Jewry, University Press of America, Washington, DC, 1982, xiv and 262 pp. Barry A. Kosmin and Caren Levy, Jewish Identity in an Anglo‐Jewish Community, Research Unit Board of Deputies of British Jews, 1983, 45 pp. Migrant women and work Annie Phizacklea (ed.), One Way Ticket: Migration and Female Labour, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1983, 157 pp., £4.95. Political ‘race’ and the class struggle Robert Miles and Annie Phizacklea, White Man's Country: Racism in British Politics, London and Sydney, Pluto Press, 1984, 184 pp., £4.95. Riot and responses Harris Joshua, Tina Wallace and Heather Booth, To Ride the Storm: The 1980 Bristol ‘Riot’ and the State, Heinemann, London, 1983, 221 pp., £6.95. Mary Seacole and her wonderful adventures Ziggi Alexander and Audrey Dewjee (eds.), The Wonderful Adventures of Mrs. Seacole in Many Lands, Falling Wall Press, ISBN 0 905046 23 4, £3.95 p.b. Time longer than rope Roger D. Abrahams and John F. Szwed (eds.), After Africa: Extracts from British Travel Accounts and Journals of the Seventeenth, Eighteenth, and Nineteenth Centuries Concering the Slaves, their Manners, and Customs in the British West Indies, New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1983, 444 pp., 19 illustrations, index. ISBN 0–300–02748–6. £40 h.b., £10.95 p.b. A sourcebook for Muslim family law Keith Hodkinson, Muslim Family Law: A Sourcebook. Croom Helm (London and Canberra), 1984, £14.95. A new research resource Victor F. Gilbert and Darshan Singh Tatla (with an introductory essay by Colin Holmes), Immigrants. Minorities and Race Relations (A Bibliography of Theses and Dissertations presented at British and Irish Universities, 1900–1981), Mansell Publishing Ltd., London, 1984, 153 pp., £13.50. The education of ethnic minority children in British schools Sally Tomlinson (with the assistance of Hilary Tomes), Ethnic Minorities in British Schools, Heinemann Educational Books, London, 1984, pp. 154, £15.00 h.b., £6.50 p.b. Public policy and black people Aaron Haynes, The State of Black Britain, Roots Books, London, 1983, pp. 160, £3.75

Zimbabwe's Independence: Geographical Problems and Prospects

Zimbabwe's heritage is the product of 90 years of Rhodesian history; so an historical perspective is a prerequisite for interpretation of current circumstances, notably the deeply divided socio-economic structure with its interdependence of markedly different sectors each with its spatially distinct bases. Recent trends and current tendencies for change within and to this structure offer a problematic situation that calls for restraint and statesmanship from all involved and especially the government. Within the general complex of problems facing Zimbabwe, those associated with excessive and growing pressure of population upon a deteriorating rural resource base are seen both as a particular ecological concern and an important part of the national scene. The efficacy of widespread rural development as a solution to these particular problems is questioned; and the urban basis of the present economy is seen as the foundation for an urban-orientated development strategy. MOST FUNDAMENTAL problems in human geography are complex and each has a political dimension. In most cases political factors contribute to the origins and nature of the problem; and political forces usually are prime determinants of problem-solving policies. It is, however, no less important to appreciate the role of political ideology and philosophy in the identification and definition of problems; and the labelling of a condition frequently implies a treatment. There is, therefore, a three-fold justification for reviewing even fundamental problems in the light of any significant change in political circumstances; and the transition from Rhodesia to Zimbabwe is sufficient occasion for such a review. Zimbabwe faces a complex of interrelated problems which, in various forms, occurs throughout much of the Less Developed World. These problems can be usefully expressed in terms of goals and intervening obstacles; and most may be subsumed under a few major needs: the need to raise rapidly the standard of living and the quality of life of society as a whole; the need for peace (that is, a state of friendliness?not merely an absence of strife) and understanding throughout society as a whole; the need to use and conserve the nation's natural heritage in such a way as to enhance the resource base available to future generations; and in order to facilitate progress towards these goals, the need (i) to reduce the rate of population growth by reduction of the birth-rate, and (ii) to improve the spatial distribution of the population in relation to natural and social resources and in relation to opportunities for economic and social development. The particular form of such problems in Zimbabwe is conditioned by 90 years of Rhodesian history. Rhodesia was conceived and developed as a White Man's Country, as a colony rather than a protectorate, in which commercial economic activity was to be undertaken primarily by white settlers and locally based companies which provided the requisite capital, technology, management and skills for rapid progress. The colonial

The Old Slave Mart Museum, Charleston, South Carolina: Rediscovering the Past

THE OLD SLAVE MART MUSEUM, CHARLESTON, SOUTH CAROLINA: REDISCOVERING THE PAST Edmund Drago and Ralph Melnick The Old Slave Mart Museum of Charleston, South Carolina, has stood for the past four decades as a reminder of an era and an institution sorely in need of further understanding as a means of creating a more harmonious future in this country. Not always popular in so proudly Southern a city as Charleston, Miriam Wilson, and after her, Judith Chase and Louise Graves, have made strong efforts at collecting and maintaining the past in what is considered by some to be its historical setting. Long before Miss Wilson purchased the Mart building in 1938, some denied the historical authenticity of the site. Early guidebooks neglected even to mention slavery, and the few that did put it in a most favorable light, while referring to 6 Chalmers Street as something other than a former slave market. As a rejoinder to the traditional "prejudices" of those who wished to propagate a "partisan history," the following 1919 statement makes clear its author's position on the Mart and the question of slavery: No. 6, Old Slave Market, so-called. Many visitors to the city, particularly those who have imbibed the traditional prejudices against old time Southern slavery, enquire for the tourists' traditional "Slave Market." Asa matter of fact no such market existed in the city. Most of the Southern owners of slaves never sold them, and the workers on the various plantations—the best cared for peasantry the world has ever seen—passed by inheritance from father to son. But this class of property was subject to the same vicissitudes as all others and sales ofslaves were necessary from time to time. We refer to this as conditions existing in the nineteenth century. Such sales were made by brokers who had to lodge and feed the slaves while in their custody, and hence they required house room and often a room therein in which any auction sale took place. There were several such buildings in the neighborhood of Broad. State and Church Streets, but as has been said no general market for this purpose. The sale of slaves was largely discontinued, and whenever possible families were not divided by such sales. Unfortunately the word "Slave" was given to the African—a word most distasteful to the ears of free men. But the condition of the Southern slave was the best of any peasantry in the world. . . . They were cared for in youth and old age. Kept healthy, fed, clothed, and their spiritual wants catered to. It was the greatest compliment to the Southern people's good influence on the race, that in about one hundred years, they had raised it from cruel barbarism tobe worthy, in the view of the statesmen of 1865, to become voting citizens of Civil War History, Vol. XXVII, No. 2Copyright® 1981 by The Kent State University Press 0009-8078/81/2701 -0003 $01 .00/0 CHARLESTON, SOUTH CAROLINA139 a white man's country. The same partisan history which stigmatizes the institution of slavery , designates this building as a Slave Market, which market, however, never existed.' Eight years prior to her purchase of the property, Miss Wilson, having researched the period, became convinced that the Mart was indeed an authentic antebellum structure that had once operated as a slave market. Her 1930 guidebook, Street Strolls Around Charleston, S.C., acknowledged the disputatious nature of the building. No. 8, The Old Slave Mart. The location of this is often disputed, but everything the writer has been able to find regarding this building points to its having been used for the sale of trained servants and artisans, who were sold one at a time to the highest bidder. The auction block stood on the west side of the room. Originally there was a balcony over the entrance, but the present owner changed the front to turn it into a garage. . . .On the left of the above building is a building with turrets, often mistaken for the 'Slave Mart.' This building housed the old German Volunteer Fire Company. It is now used as a Negro Lodge.2 Despite her efforts, the old arguments against the...

Aesculapius Was a White Man: Antebellum Racism and Male Chauvinism at Harvard Medical School

T HE DECLARATION that this is a white man's country has echoed time and again down the corridors of America's past, and expresses with appalling succinctness the fusion of racial and male chauvinisms and American nationality. Recently, due to the social ferment of our times, scholars have begun to give unprecedented attention to the oppression of American minorities, especially racial minorities and women. Long overdue, these studies have helped to fill very basic gaps in our knowledge of the total American experience. But one of the effects of these studies has been evasionary: they have tended to focus on the minorities rather than those responsible for the plight of the outgroups. While studies by scholars like C. Wright Mills and G. William Domhoff have demonstrated that power in America has been almost exclusively a monopoly of white men, they have neither analyzed the relationships of the oppressions of different outgroups nor explored adequately the motivations of white men in America. While studies by historians like Winthrop Jordan and Eleanor Flexnor have respectively analyzed the subordination of blacks and women, they have been fragmented by the specialization inherent in academic disciplines. Such a fragmented approach has discouraged comparative analysis of the stereotypes applied to blacks and women, and fails to recognize how the oppression of different groups served common needs of white men. Thus a fascinating and disturbing question still remains largely unanswered: Why have white men historically relegated people unlike themselves to specially defined places? Possibly a study of the admissions controversy at Harvard Medical School in 1850 can serve as a test to probe the linkages between racial and sexual oppression in American culture. Traditionally Harvard Medical School had been an institution for white men only. But in November 1850, the faculty admitted three black men Delany, Daniel Laing, and Isaac Snowden, and a white woman Harriot K. Hunt.1 Actually the admission was hardly an expression of enlightened views on race and sex. The faculty understood that the black students would emigrate and practice medicine in Africa. Their application for admission probably would have been denied had they wished to remain in America. Oliver Wendell Holmes, Dean of the Harvard Medical School, asked Dr. H. H. Childs of the Pittsfield Medical School for advice on the admission of black, students. In his reply, dated December 12, 1850, Dr. Childs wrote that he was willing to train blacks sponsored by the American Colonization Society. We For the debate on Delany and whether or not he received a degree from Harvard Medical School, see Theodore Draper, Martin Delany: The Father of American Black Nationalism, New York Review of Books, March 12, 1970; An Exchange on Black History, Ibid., May 21, 1970; Writing Black History, Ibid., July 2, 1970. 128

Slaves without Masters: The Free Negro in the Antebellum South

Part 1 The emergence of the free negro caste, 1775-1812: the origins of the free negro caste from slavery to freedom the failure of freedom the free people of colour of Louisiana and the Gulf ports. Part 2 The pattern of free negro life: new patterns of growth a white man's country - white racial attitudes and policies the economics of marginality the sources of free negro identity the free negro community the mechanics of white dominance. Part 3 The crisis of the 1850s: the best of times, the worst of times freemen and freedmen. Appendices: slave and white populations manuscript sources consulted.

A White Man's Country. An Exercise in Canadian Prejudice.

A White Man's Country. An Exercise in Canadian Prejudice.

The British Empire as a “White Man's Country”—Racial Attitudes and Immigration Legislation in the Colonies of White Settlement

It has been said with at least the spirit of truth that the British Empire was founded in a fit of absence of mind. And certainly the growth of Great Britain into a power on whose possessions the sun literally never set was not the result of clearly conceived policy or of some governmental master plan emanating from the corridors of Whitehall. Religious deviationists, commercial adventurers and jailers in quest of prisons were more often than not the founders of British colonial settlements. Given such a history, it is not surprising that enthusiasm for empire grew but slowly in Britain and that no lofty rationale for imperial advance was for many years forthcoming. Eventually, humanitarianism, evangelical Christianity and the “civilizing mission” associated with “bearing the white man's burden” combined to produce an imperial philosophy of sorts — a rather undefined dedication to “fair play” and an official determination that all subjects of the crown, regardless of race, color, religion or ethnic background, should be equal before the law.The common conception of Empire was reflected in an article in the April 1896 issue of the North American Review. “Wherever her [Britain's] sovereignty has gone,” the writer, David Wells, contends,two blades of grass have grown where one grew before. Her flag wherever it has advanced has benefited the country over which it floats; and has carried with it civilization, the Christian religion, order, justice and prosperity. England has always treated a conquered race with justice, and what under her law is the law for the white man is the law for his black, red and yellow brother… If injustice is done him, the English courts are open to him for redress and protection as speedily and impartially as to any white man.

British Food Journal Volume 50 Issue 8 1948

The Report states that the population of Queensland continues to increase. In January 1947 it was estimated to be just over a million. There was an increase of 57,785. The population of Brisbane at the same time was 400,000 and the increase was 46,400. From these figures it seems that while the population of the State, excluding Brisbane, increased by less than 6 per cent the population of the capital city increased by more than 11 per cent. The Report remarks “ it is disturbing to find such a drift to the city as in the past Queensland had the lowest proportion of metropolitan population of any State except Tasmania.” “ Drift ” is the keyword to the statement just quoted. It suggests a sort of haphazard migration by twos and threes into the city with a corresponding decrease in the population of the countryside. This is surely not what the State of Queensland wishes to encourage. Queensland has an area of some six hundred and seventy thousand square miles and a population of a million and a half all told. Apart from mining and existing primary and secondary industries the State has unlimited pastoral and agricultural possibilities. With regard to agriculture, after allowing for districts difficult of access by present means of transport or naturally unsuitable, there remain great areas of excellent land only waiting for the plough to turn—things hoped for into things done. It is said in the Report that Queensland is “ the only place in the world where large numbers of white men continually perform hard manual labour without any coloured help whatsoever in a tropical climate.” Queensland is therefore a white man's country. It wants men who will go on the land and make good in some capacity or another. We judge that those who hanker after a town life are somewhat out of focus. Coloured labour is not wanted. Men from these islands would be welcome if suited by physique and by temperament for life on the land. Moreover they are followers of the political and social traditions common to the Australians and ourselves. In a word they would fit readily into the conditions of life they would find in Queensland. The alternative is to look for immigrants from Europe. From what the writer has seen in Europe and in the United States of such people, it seemed to him that they would require in many cases a good deal of licking into shape before they conformed to the social and other requirements of Anglo‐Saxon civilisation. It would in fact become a matter for the close attention of the Public Health Authorities. The administration of the Health Acts, 1937–46, and the local regulations based thereon, has always been limited in its scope due to the great area to be administered and with a staff, energetic and efficient as they undoubtedly are, are numerically unequal to the task. Thus in one case journeys of 4,000 miles had to be taken ; in another 7,700 miles and both by means of train, car, and boat. A mere recitation of the mileage covered is not the main point. Anyone living ten miles out of London and whose daily work takes him into London travels about the same distance every year, but the conditions of travel in the two are too obviously different to need more than passing mention. Hence visits by the health inspectors to the townships are short and “ in the country settled farming districts and small mining communities are entirely neglected and never receive assistance, advice, or any supervision.” It may be remarked that to the disadvantages arising from the shortage of technical help in the field must be added those due to shortage of labour and of materials of all kinds. The rat nuisance, perhaps danger is the better word, is always present. Control may be obtained here and there, but eradication is impossible. The Brisbane river frontages have had no rat proofing from 1941 to 1947. It is “ a big engineering job.” The war and shortages already referred to are the cause of the delay. Mosquito control is quite as urgent. The Government subsidy inaugurated in 1943 on a 50–50 basis by approved schemes of concreting, draining and so forth has up to date cost the Treasury £216,000—Brisbane has had about 70 per cent of this. The figure just given is a measure of the need for adequate control. The apparently high prevalence of malaria in the medical returns is largely due to the contraction of the disease by troops during their period of active service overseas.

White Man's Country. Lord Delamere and the Making of Kenya

White Man's Country. Lord Delamere and the Making of Kenya Get access White Man's Country. Lord Delamere and the Making of Kenya. By Elspeth Huxley. Two Volumes. ( Macmillan, 25s.) H.R.T. H.R.T. Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar African Affairs, Volume XXXV, Issue CXXXIX, April 1936, Pages 223–225, https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a101562 Published: 01 April 1936

White Man's Country: Lord Delamere and the Making of Kenya

White Man's Country: Lord Delamere and the Making of Kenya

The Need for the Development of Creative Abilities Among Negro Students

Within recent years there has come into existence the need of more careful thinking in the field of so-called creative education. Wide publicity which has been given to the work in the arts such as may be objectively seen in pictures, poems, models, etc., have only tended to enhance a narrow conception of the term Creative Education. The progress in this direction, when carried to some logical conclusion, demands a radical change in our mode of thinking and in our entire educational procedure. It is hoped that a discussion of some of the principles underlying a progressive program of creative education and how it should affect Negro students will evoke some thought which will be favorable for the emergence and development of the creative capacities of Negro students. A creative act is any experience or activity which represents for the individual or creator a new meaning, a new analysis, a new synthesis, a new control, or a new product. There are two viewpoints from which to interpret the creative act-sociologically and psychologically. From the viewpoint of sociology, only those acts are creative which result in producing something which is original to the culture of the period. Such a narrow interpretation of the creative act means that it is limited only to those of superior intelligence, which would be naturally discouraging to those persons who have no reason to believe that they are the especially talented or gifted intellectual elite. From the psychological point of view all growth is contingent upon the creative act. The child who learns for the first time that the little thing with a colored mass on one end is a match which can be changed into fire, has performed a creative act, even though everybody else in the household already knew the fact. That this new and broader conception of the creative act should take hold to and become an integral part in the education of Negroes is obvious. Slavery has left implanted upon the Negro certain characteristics which it should be the job of Negro education to overcome. The masses of Negro youth in our schools still display certain weaknesses which are not by any means inherent but rather an aftermath of the period of slavery. Lack of initiative and the belief that he cannot succeed because he is a Negro and because this is a white man's country, an inferiority complex of intellect, a loose feeling of a racial solidarity and independence-not an independence with the meaning of self-sufficiency without regard for the other groupbut failure to possess a courage and knowledge and power to contribute to the growth of American civilization, are some of the weaknesses found in a large majority of our Negro students today. Coming out of the confusion of purpose in our Negro schools should be developed a program of creative education as an integral part of pro-

White Man's Country: Lord Delamere and the Making of Kenya

White Man's Country: Lord Delamere and the Making of Kenya Get access 55. White Man's Country: Lord Delamere and the Making of Kenya. By Elspeth Huxley. 2 vols. 1935. (London: Macmillan. 8vo. 315, 333 pp. 25s.) H. A. Wyndham H. A. Wyndham Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 14, Issue 5, September-October 1935, Pages 732–733, https://doi.org/10.2307/2601886 Published: 01 September 1935

White Man's Country: Lord Delamere and the Making of Kenya

THE author of this most interesting book is the daughter of a Kenya settler, reared and educated in Kenya. It is perhaps the most comprehensive account of the pioneer activities in farming and politics of European colonisation of those highlands in east equatorial Africa that has yet appeared. It is written round the life of that father of his adopted country, Lord Delamere, the ablest and most intelligent leader that the settlers have produced. White Man's Country: Lord Delamere and the Making of Kenya By Elspeth Huxley. Vol. 1: 1870–1914. Pp. xiii + 315 + 12 plates. Vol. 2: 1914–1931. Pp. vii + 333 + 12 plates. (London: Macmillan and Co., Ltd., 1935.) 2 vols., 25s. net.

Southern Rhodesia: A White Man's Country in the Tropics

N Southern Rhodesia we have a country unique in many respects. Here is a community of white people living in the tropics and leading a life which is a compromise between that of such countries as India and a true European democracy. Climatically and politically it is a white man's country: socially it is a white aristocracy with a black proletariat. It is, of course, not altogether a new experiment in social evolution, since similar problems are encountered in South Africa; but contrasts are more pronounced in Rhodesia because the evolution of both white and black society has been comparatively much more rapid. We have covered, thanks to railways and telegraphs, more history in thirty years than the Cape covered in two hundred. Our white people have passed in a few years from the pioneer stage with its roughness and hardships to the era of up-to-date hotels and motor cars.

The Japanese Invasion

brotherhood of man. Brotherhood implies one Father and can not exist between peoples holding entirely different ideas as to the Fatherhood of God and man's responsibility to man. If we were going to Japan they might ask us to live up to their Golden Rule, but they seek to come here where they can not be assimilated, so we say to them, You would not want us to come to you to try to make over your country by a flood of whites; therefore, do not come to us, for we will not have our country changed by a flood of yellow, for this is a white man's country. We can not take in a race which can not come here with ties all cut from foreign relationship; whose children are not free to ever become children of America as the children of American white citizens are; a race of people which is yellow ethnologically, who, if married to whites, will have half-breed children regardless of the plane they occupy; a race which is not servile in character and can not live side by side with the whites without showing aggression such as we have witnessed in California.