Modernisation of curricula on renewable energy technologies and energy efficiency for the built environment in Higher Education Institutions of Western Balkan countries

The CONNECT 2025 conference, held in Neum between August 24 and August 30, was conceived as a scientific platform to enhance cooperation among Western Balkan countries. Its overarching aim was to strengthen regional integration through science and to align researchers and policymakers with the European Research Area (ERA). The conference facilitated interdisciplinary dialogue, professional networking, and thematic sessions on Open Science. Presentations emphasized transparency, accessibility, and inclusivity in scientific inquiry, while participants engaged in discussions with distinguished European scholars. The discourse on Open Science emerged as the most impactful theme, highlighting its role in democratizing access to data, publications, and educational resources. This model was recognized as a catalyst for accelerating research processes and fostering collaboration. The Ubuntu philosophy: “I am what I am because of who we all are” underscored the collective progress, linking dimension of scientific individual achievement to societal advancement. CONNECT 2025 demonstrated that science functions both as a vehicle for mobility and as a rationale for return, bridging nations through shared knowledge. For young researchers from the Western Balkans, the conference provided critical opportunities to establish networks, broaden perspectives, and cultivate collaborations essential for sustainable development.

Intending to empower young researchers and shape their ideas for potential future discoveries to mitigate the growing risk of global problems, the Conference CONNECT 2025 made meaningful contributions. This event resulted in the exchange of knowledge and experiences among Western Balkan countries and partners from Germany, Hungary, and Turkey. During the Conference from 25th to 29th August, participants gained new insights into the importance of networking through interactive sessions between students and experts. The most meaningful aspect of the event was the supportive atmosphere, which contributed to active engagement and strengthened collaboration across the European research network.

Largely relying on the 2004/07 enlargement process and the soft power of the values and norms that were incorporated as normative principles in its accession conditions, the European Union has successfully supported the peaceful development, democratisation and economic marketisation of post-communist East Central Europe and the Baltics. However, the EU’s impact on developments in the other two regions of post-communist Europe – the Western Balkans (WB) and six post-Soviet Eastern Partnership (EaP) states – has been less positive by far. The paper argues that the primary reasons for the EU’s less successful impact on developments in the WB and EaP countries should be sought in the EU's decision to stop using the enlargement process as the main instrument for promoting and spreading EU values and norms to candidate countries following the completion of the 2004/07 enlargement round. While the EU had persistently refused to include the EaP states in the enlargement process until very recently, the enlargement process for the WB states since 2007 has primarily been used to address stability–security challenges in the region and advance related foreign policy goals and priorities of E Member States

The European Union has been instrumental in promoting reforms in areas such as the rule of law, anti-corruption measures, and human rights protections. Furthermore, its conditionality policy has provided a powerful incentive for the governments of the Western Balkan (WB) countries to make progress in these areas, and the EU’s financial and technical assistance has helped to support these efforts. Although there have been some concrete achievements because of these efforts, there have also been significant challenges and setbacks in these countries’ democratisation process. The objective of this paper is to assess if, and to what extent, the EU has been successful in promoting democratic values in the countries of the Western Balkans? For this purpose, a qualitative analysis is conducted with secondary data from many sources, here including reports from international organisations, policy events as well as the rhetoric review of the progress reports delivered to the WB countries. Taking into consideration the results of the analysis, I argue that there are three main factors affecting the EU’s capability of being a successful promotor of democratic values in the Balkans, namely: internal political instability; external pressures from a broader geopolitical context; and a ‘not-to-willing’ EU.

Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) constitute a substantial segment of the private sector, driving job creation and economic growth. The study utilizes data from the World Bank’s Enterprise Performance Survey to examine the challenges facing SMEs, as perceived by enterprise managers, and their impact on growth in the Western Balkan countries (WBCs). This study draws on contingency theory and adopts a resource-based perspective. The empirical analysis employs a probit regression. Firm growth is used as the dependent variable, measured by sales growth, while firm characteristics and external business environment obstacles serve as explanatory variables. The research findings indicate that barriers constraining firm growth in WBCs include informal-sector competition, electricity shortages, access to finance, tax rates, tax administration, business licensing and permits, political instability, inefficient courts, and crime, theft, and disorder. Internal firm characteristics, such as having a written business strategy, are positively associated with firm growth, whereas firm size is negatively associated. This research contributes to both policy-making and practical applications.

Foreign policy positioning of the Western Balkan countries in the context of the EU enlargement strategy by 2025

Children’s rights, including access to education and healthcare, protection from abuse, and participation in decisions affecting their lives, are fundamental human rights established by the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC). The Western Balkan countries (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia) have ratified the UNCRC and aligned their national legislation with international and regional standards. However, practical implementation remains uneven due to institutional weaknesses, limited resources, socio-cultural barriers, and fragmented governance. This study uses a mixed-methods comparative approach, combining quantitative data from UNICEF and the KidsRights Index with qualitative analysis of legislation, policies, and institutional mechanisms. Findings show Serbia and Montenegro perform best, North Macedonia demonstrates progress in education but limited child participation, while Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo face significant gaps.

The integration of the Western Balkan countries into the European Union is a key element of the EU’s enlargement policy and a strategic priority for regional stability, economic development and democratic consolidation. Despite varying degrees of progress, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia continue to pursue EU membership as a path to institutional reform and socio-economic progress. While reaffirming its commitment to enlargement, the EU has linked eligibility for membership to comprehensive reforms in governance, the rule of law, the independence of the judiciary and the fight against corruption. However, the accession process has been slow and complex, influenced both by internal political dynamics within the candidate countries and by growing enlargement fatigue among EU member states. This paper examines the current state of EU-Western Balkans relations, the challenges and opportunities facing the accession process, and the geopolitical implications of further EU enlargement to the region. A successful enlargement would not only integrate the Western Balkans into the EU’s political and economic framework but also strengthen the Union’s strategic presence in Southeastern Europe in the face of increasing global competition.

The enlargement of the European Union towards the Western Balkans has faced significant slowdown in recent times, despite nominal support for enlargement from both the EU and the candidate countries of the region. This paper examines the factors contributing to the stagnation of the enlargement process, categorizing them into internal and external factors. Internally, the EU is facing what is dubbed “the enlargement fatigue” phenomenon, where the EU and its Member States are not fully committed and are less enthusiastic towards further EU enlargement. What further exacerbates the problem are the various internal crises the EU has faced in recent times: the 2008 financial and eurozone crisis, the migrant crisis, Brexit, and the recent COVID-19 crisis. Furthermore, the process of enlargement has become politicized in the sense that Member States use their status in the negotiation process for political leverage and gain. On the other side, externally, the region of the Western Balkans is home to foreign non-EU geopolitical influences of Russia, China, Turkey, and the Gulf states. However, more importantly, Western Balkan countries still have major problems with state capture, corruption, and the weak rule of law, which severely hamper their ascension processes. This study employs a comparative and descriptive approach, synthesizing primary EU documents and secondary academic sources to provide a comprehensive analysis of the evolving enlargement framework. The findings suggest that while EU engagement remains crucial, both the EU and Western Balkan states must undertake substantive reforms and commitments to break the current impasse and revitalize the accession process.

ABSTRACT This paper analyses the impact of Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine on conscription policies in Western Balkan countries—Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia. Employing the theoretical framework of the security dilemma, it examines how geopolitical tensions have shaped regional defence strategies, including shifts in conscription policy in Serbia and encouraged broader debates on recruitment and security preparedness in neighbouring countries. Serbia's decision to reinstate mandatory conscription illustrates how perceived threats and historical alliances amplify regional insecurity and revive militarization discourses. NATO-aligned countries such as Albania, Montenegro, and North Macedonia have refrained from reinstating conscription, opting instead to bolster their professional military forces through increased defence spending and recruitment efforts. Kosovo's security challenges, especially its tense relationship with Serbia, underscore the complexities faced by countries in the region, influencing internal debates on conscription. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, divergent entity-level alignments further complicate cohesive national defence policies.

Deemed instrumental in reducing GHG emissions in the upcoming decades, the transition towards electric mobility constitutes a well-articulated objective in multiple governance levels. The ability to reach the established goals for transport decarbonisation and climate change mitigation is broadly determined by consumer behaviour; therefore, understanding consumer preferences is fundamental. This study aims to explore consumer awareness, perceptions, preferences and public support for electric mobility in Albania, Montenegro, Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina. Information on the consumer’s readiness to use electric vehicles, the eventual knowledge gap on the topic, the potential role of the government and the perceived barriers and concerns are gathered by making use of exploratory sequential mixed-method research, which combines insights from interviews with the primary data of a questionnaire-based survey conducted using the snowball non-probabilistic sampling technique. Electric mobility is emerging in the selected countries, and multiple uncertainties act as barriers to EV penetration. Findings suggest low awareness and knowledge of electric mobility and electric vehicles. Nevertheless, there is a positive attitude towards electric mobility, while costs, limited infrastructure, and frail confidence are restraints to their actual behaviour (switching to electric mobility, including EVs, e-bikes, and other alternatives). Public authorities can build confidence around e-mobility through incentivisation schemes,investments in public, accessible, affordable charging infrastructure, and adjustments in the regulatory framework.

Non-performing loans are a crucial determinant of the stability of the banking and financial sector within an economy. Their mismanagement can often lead to numerous financial problems and even banking crises. The level of non-performing loans is influenced by many factors, especially macroeconomic variables. Given the importance of the financial system in financing a country’s economic activities, as well as the role of reducing unemployment in socio-economic well-being, this paper aims to examine the impact of macroeconomic factors—including GDP, unemployment, and inflation—on non-performing loans in the Western Balkan countries. For the empirical analysis, this study employs OLS panel regression models, fixed effects (FE), and random effects (RE) models, using data from the World Bank covering the period 2000–2024. The findings highlight a positive and significant relationship between the unemployment rate and non-performing loans in the Western Balkans during this period. Conversely, GDP has a negative impact on non-performing loans, while inflation does not show any statistically significant effect. This study fills an empirical gap regarding the Western Balkan countries by suggesting that improvements in macroeconomic factors can contribute to the strengthening of the banking and financial system.

This paper explores the role of media discourse in shaping public perception regarding Albania’s European Union (EU) integration through a comprehensive quantitative analysis. Based on a structured survey of 347 participants across six Albanian need for comprehensive media training, enhanced ethical standards, and improved transparency in reporting. This research underscores the necessity for a responsible media ecosystem that effectively informs and meaningfully engages the public in EU integration discourse, with comparative insights drawn from similar processes in Western Balkan countries. universities, the study investigates media consumption habits, platform preferences, and public perceptions of media credibility and influence in covering EU-related topics. The research employs a mixed-methods approach within a quantitative framework, utilizing descriptive statistics, correlation analysis, and comparative methodology to examine attitudes across demographic and professional variables. Key findings indicate that traditional media, particularly television, remains the primary source for EU-related news (cited by 65% of respondents), though social and online media platforms are gaining significant traction, especially among younger audiences (18-25 age group). While 43% of participants acknowledge the media’s constructive role in raising awareness and supporting EU integration, substantial concerns persist about misinformation—primarily attributed to social and online media platforms (68% of respondents). The study identifies critical challenges including political and economic pressures on media content, highlighting the urgent

<p>The consequences caused by the Covid 19 crisis have had a negative impact on the public finances of the countries of the Western Balkans. Their fiscal stability was negatively affected by the many geopolitical changes that followed. Will changes in the global market slow down the process of accession of the Western Balkan countries to the European Union? These changes are caused by the consequences of the war in Ukraine and Gaza, the change in political circumstances in America, the strengthening of the BRICS alliance and Russia's turn towards African and Asian countries. The aim of this research is to review the public finances of the Western Balkan countries based on the evaluation of their fiscal consolidation. Based on a descriptive and comparative analysis, it will be possible to conclude whether and, if so, to what extent the path of integration of the Western Balkan countries into the European Union is difficult.</p>

Abstract Background The objective of this study was to analyze the burden of non-communicable diseases (NCDs) in Montenegro (ME), using Global Burden of Disease (GBD) 2021 estimates. The results for 2021 were then compared to those from 1990, for 5 neighboring Western Balkan countries (WB5), which share high burden of NCDs, notably cancer and cardiovascular disease, with mortality rates higher than those of the EU. Methods We extracted the results of the GBD 2021 study using GBD results tool. We analyzed changes in NCDs from 1990 to 2021 in ME and compared the results with those of the WB5 for the main causes of death and disability, through averages of all six countries and individual countries ranking. Results ME performed significantly worse in 2021 compared to 1990 in age-standardized YLL, YLD and DALY rates. DALY for NCDs increased by 41% for men and 44% for women. This increase was primarily due to the rise in YLLs (+7,267/100,000 in men; +6,549/100,000 in women), followed by the contribution of YLDs (+2,207/100,000 in men; +3,206/100,000 in women). Compared to the WB5, ME DALY ranking for NCDs in 2021 was worse than in 1990. In 2021, the YLD rates for NCDs in ME were lower than the comparator countries average, but YLL and DALY rates were higher. Ischemic heart disease (+1,021 DALYs/100,000) and stroke (+550 DALYs/100,000) had the highest DALY rates in men, while stroke (+1,118 DALYs/100,000) was the highest in women. Tracheal, bronchus and lung cancer had high rates in both, men (+537 DALYs/100,000) and women (+190 DALYs/100,000), while breast cancer in women (+181 DALYs/100,000). Conclusions NCDs burden in ME increased between 1990 and 2021, primarily due to an increase in mortality. This has contributed to a decline in its ranking among comparator countries in terms of DALY rates for NCDs. Considering that the diseases with the highest burden are preventable, strategies for prevention and early detection should be integrated into routine primary healthcare activities. Key messages • Ischemic heart disease and stroke are leading contributors to the NCDs burden in Montenegro. • Investing in targeted prevention strategies is crucial to reducing the NCDs burden.

The article analyzes the level of regulatory and institutional readiness of Ukraine to implement the European Union’s cohesion policy. Particular attention is paid to the relationship between the formal approximation of legislation to the acquis communautaire and the actual institutional capacity to ensure strategic planning, interdepartmental coordination and effective administration of structural funds. The methods of comparative legal analysis, content analysis of regulatory and legal acts and strategies, as well as elements of case analysis on the example of Croatia and the Western Balkan countries are used. The study found that although Ukraine has taken a number of important steps towards adaptation, such as the adoption of the State Strategy for Regional Development, the introduction of digital management tools and the consolidation of the partnership principle, significant gaps remain in the formation of specialized management bodies, the creation of an effective system of financial control and performance monitoring. Additionally, the concepts of institutional capacity, Europeanization and multilevel governance as theoretical frameworks of the study are analyzed. The results of the study indicate that the key challenge for Ukraine is not only the regulatory implementation of European requirements, but also the formation of a capable institutional architecture capable of effectively implementing the goals of cohesion policy in the context of European integration. Directions for further research are proposed, in particular: assessment of institutional capacity at the regional level; improvement of the system of performance indicators; study of policy coordination models; analysis of factors of absorption capacity of regions. The results obtained can be used in strategic planning of reforms in the field of regional development, as well as in preparation for financing from EU funds.

By 2024, Albania’s food and non-alcoholic beverage prices reached 100% of the EU average, up from 68% in 2012, despite a nearly 30% ‎appreciation of the local currency. This was the sharpest increase in food prices recorded in the Balkans during the period, despite the country recording similar growth rates to the regional average. Food prices in Albania are today at levels higher than in countries such as the ‎Netherlands and Spain, which have significantly higher GDP per capita and household wellbeing than Albania (GDP per capita at 35% of ‎the EU average, second from last in the Balkans). In 2024, Albanian families, who allocate nearly 40% of their income to food, face price levels comparable to those of much wealthier EU households. This study provides a robust, regression-based comparative analysis of food price inflation ‎in Albania from 2013 to 2024, benchmarking trends against the European Union (EU), key EU trade partners (Italy, Greece, Germany), and ‎Western Balkan economies. It compares food inflation dynamics across two periods, pre-COVID (2013–2021) and post-COVID (2022–‎‎2024), and evaluates the role of currency appreciation in moderating domestic price pressures. Using harmonized consumer price data and ‎exchange-rate-adjusted regression models, the study reveals that Albania’s food prices have risen earlier, faster and more persistently than in ‎its peer countries, even as the Albanian lek appreciated nearly 30% over the decade. While food price movements in Albania appear to align ‎with EU trends, statistical modeling shows a significantly stronger elasticity and an amplified domestic response, particularly before 2021. ‎Once exchange rate effects are accounted for, Albania’s correlation with EU food prices collapses, unlike in other Western Balkan countries ‎or EU trade partners, indicating that FX gains were not passed on to consumers. These findings provide strong empirical evidence that Albania’s inflation outcomes are not simply imported but are domestically amplified due to weak market competition, non-transparent pricing, and limited regulatory oversight. The paper concludes that internal structural issues have muted the pass-through benefits of currency appre‎ciation to consumers, while price increases closely followed the trend observed in the EU. This underscores the need for stronger competi‎tion policy and more inclusive market mechanisms to ensure that macroeconomic gains support household welfare. The paper is especially ‎relevant to policymakers, central banks, international institutions, and researchers seeking to understand how structural inefficiencies can ‎offset macroeconomic advantages in small economies‎.

The Visegrad Group countries (Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary, and Slovakia) and the Western Balkan countries share strong historical trade and cultural ties, and their trade relations are becoming increasingly significant in the context of geopolitical changes and economic transformations in the region. Recent trends indicate growing mutual trade, and analysis of the Trade Complementarity Index reveals high trade compatibility, confirming the potential for effective cooperation. The Trade Intensity Index also shows high values, particularly for Hungary. This paper evaluates trade exchanges and examines the intensity and compatibility of economic relations, with a focus on the Visegrad Group countries’ trade with Serbia, their key trade partner. The results suggest that enhanced cooperation between the regions could bring substantial economic benefits and strengthen regional stability and competitiveness.

In an era characterized by escalating concerns regarding environmental sustainability, this research assumes a pivotal role in the discourse on economic decision making, targeting government officials and economists. It employs a methodologically rigorous approach to investigating the impact of adopting a green economic paradigm on a nation’s economic growth. The Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) model was applied, followed by advanced panel data models, including the fixed effects model, the random effects model, and the Hausman Taylor model. The Hausman test affirmed the suitability of the Instrumental Variable (IV) Hausman-Taylor model, demonstrating superior consistency and efficiency compared to fixed effects and random effects models. This study was conducted over a long-term horizon, spanning 12 years from 2010 to 2021, with a total of 516 observations involving 43 countries (37 OECD countries and 6 Western Balkan countries). The selection of the Hausman-Taylor model addressed the issue of endogeneity, recognizing the potential influence of economic growth on the variable itself in subsequent years. Consumption emerges as a robust and statistically significant driver of economic growth. This revelation accentuates the potential for policy interventions aimed at stimulating consumption as a means to foster economic expansion. Conversely, the adverse impact of corruption on sustainable development shown in results, as the empirical results expose a statistically significant and negative relationship between corruption levels and economic growth.