Wartime Legacies Research Articles

The Effect of Wartime Legacies on Electoral Mobilization after Civil War

The Effect of Wartime Legacies on Electoral Mobilization after Civil War

Play against the informality? Institutional reliance and strategic adaption in Chinese cultural governance

ABSTRACT The current Chinese Book Quota System derives from a traditional socialist model that integrates cultural governance, ruling party ideology and infrastructure management. Such a wartime legacy no longer suits demand from modern consumers, and yet bureaucratic management sustains the inefficient institution, which has accidentally fostered a countervailing informal market and in turn stimulates cultural policy changes. This article uses informal book number transactions and the complementary institutional effect of such informality, namely restructuring the state-owned, regulating the non-state-owned and adaptive digital regulation, to demonstrate one Chinese governance outcome of formal-informal linkages. Book quota system is doomed to be obsolete, nonetheless, its development in the visible future depends on party-state weighing domestic ideological guidance and a more vociferous stance in the international battle of cultural symbols.

Theorizing the Influence of Wartime Legacies on Political Stability after Rebel Victories

This paper develops a theory which explains how wartime processes and relationships result in positive or negative ‘wartime legacies’ which can influence the degree of political stability experienced by countries after civil wars that end in rebel victory. Specifically, it predicts that variations in a) the character, scope, and extent of rebel-civilian wartime interaction, and; b) the decisiveness, costs, and payoffs of victory, combine to influence the legitimacy, capacity to govern, and capacity to control that rebels have when they capture power. These legacies in turn shape incentives and opportunities for violent challenge to the new regime in the postwar environment, thereby lowering or raising the prospects for political stability. To illustrate the utility of the theory, it is applied to three cases which experienced differing levels of political stability following rebel victory; Cuba, Uganda, and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Conversations with Sir John Hamilton Baker QC: Aspects of Resolving the Legal History of the Common Law

Professor Sir John Baker was born in Sheffield in April 1944 towards the end of the Second World War. His path into Legal History was via the Edward VI Grammar School in Chelmsford, and University College London in the early 60s. It was his good fortune that lecturing arrangements still in place at UCL as a wartime legacy caused him to fall under the inspirational guidance of Professor Toby Milsom at LSE for his Legal History tuition. By the time John Baker moved to Cambridge in 1971 he had been called to the Bar at the Inner Temple, and his interest in the development of the common law in the late mediaeval/early Tudor period was firmly grounded. The next forty years were spent at Cambridge, where he established an enviable reputation as an innovative and meticulous scholar, whose publications output has become legendary. He retired from the Downing Chair of the Laws of England in 2011, and was knighted for his services to Legal History in 2003. This article by Lesley Dingle attempts to highlight some aspects of Professor Baker’s illustrious career, and should be read in conjunction with his entry in the Cambridge Eminent Scholars Archive, both of which are based on interviews that she conducted with Sir John in the Law Faculty in February-March 2017.

Conversations with Sir John Hamilton Baker QC: Aspects of Resolving the Legal History of the Common Law

AbstractProfessor Sir John Baker was born in Sheffield in April 1944 towards the end of the Second World War. His path into legal history was via the Edward VI Grammar School in Chelmsford, and University College London (UCL) in the early 1960s. It was his good fortune that lecturing arrangements still in place at UCL as a wartime legacy caused him to fall under the inspirational guidance of Professor Toby Milsom at LSE for his legal history tuition. By the time John Baker moved to Cambridge in 1971 he had been called to the Bar at the Inner Temple, and his interest in the development of the common law in the late mediaeval/early Tudor period was firmly grounded. The next forty years were spent at Cambridge, where he established an enviable reputation as an innovative and meticulous scholar, whose publications output has become legendary. He retired from the Downing Chair of the Laws of England in 2011, and was knighted for his services to legal history in 2003. This article by Lesley Dingle attempts to highlight some aspects of Professor Baker's illustrious career, and should be read in conjunction with his entry in the Cambridge Eminent Scholars Archive, both of which are based on interviews that she conducted with Sir John in the Law Faculty in February-March 2017.

Urban Modernity versus the Blood Diamond Legacy: Angola’s Urban Mining Settlements in the Aftermath of War

For most of the latter half of the 20th century, war carved the contours of settlement and mining activity in Angola. The aim of this article is twofold: first, to contrast migrant and urban livelihoods during the war, distinguishing between artisanal guerrilla diamond-digging settlements and the refuge ‘government cities’, and, secondly, to compare recent patterns of migration, livelihoods, mineral production and aspirations among urban residents. This article focuses on four urban settlements in the Lundas’ diamond-producing provinces, tracing wartime diamond growth in boom towns and cantonment in government cities. Post-war urban regeneration is characterised by investment in formal planned cities, and constraints on the informal mining boom towns and their garimpo artisanal miners. Questions are posed regarding these settlements’ population movements, livelihoods, residents’ conceptions of urban life and their quest for modernity. Amidst the multiplicity of wartime legacies and the envisaged reconstruction, renewed perceptions of urban life are increasingly focused on non-mining livelihoods.

Inside the Black Box: Political Economy of the Trans-Pacific Partnership’s Encryption Clause

Among other provisions of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) Agreement, a new clause on encryption technology (‘Encryption Clause’) is particularly noteworthy. By tracing the history of decades-long encryption control, this article underscores how this clause implicates international order. Modern encryption technology was conceived and developed during World Wars. Painted by such a war-time legacy, encryption has been treated as a ‘dual-use’ technology and has been subject to export control since the end of World War II via the Coordinating Committee for the Control of Multinational Trade (COCOM) and, later, the Wassenaar Arrangement. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Western bloc became divided on encryption policies. The US was most concerned with national security and once attempted to introduce the mandatory key escrow scheme to provide a level playing field for its high-tech industry. Resistance to the US’s hard line approach towards encryption at home and abroad led the nation to relax its export controls, thereby ending Crypto War 1.0. With the rise of emerging economies, however, Crypto War 2.0 is now resurfacing, and through the Encryption Clause, the US seeks to remove trade barriers that are hostile towards products employing foreign cryptography. Yet, underlying intellectual property right (IPR)(issues and the role of intelligence units in the formation of technical standards may once again move trade negotiations into the shadows.

The paradox of power-sharing: stability and fragility in postwar Lebanon

ABSTRACTThis article examines the consequences of civil war and power-sharing settlements for the development of sectarian networks of mobilization. While power-sharing presents a viable mechanism for ending civil war, it allows the participating militias-turned-parties access to state resources and leaves their population networks and organizations intact. This continuity reduces the militias-turned-parties’ start-up costs for violent mobilization in the future, enabling them to mobilize more effectively than new parties with no combat experience. I exploit rich variation in the wartime legacies and settlement status of the major postwar parties in Lebanon to explain whether and how parties mobilized during the clashes of May 2008, the most serious internal violence to plague Lebanon since the end of its civil war in 1990.

Japan's Security Bills in the Relations with Korea

This paper explores the interconnectedness of Japan’s constitutional reinterpretation and revised security bills with Korea’s security, and attempts to pave the way forward a cooperative security network, while reconsidering “intergovernmental needdriven pragmatism” as a useful framework. Both Korea and Japan share a security interest in the face of North Korea’s threat and specifically, Japan considers China’s proliferating FTA networks as threatening to its survival as seen in the Abe’s statement. Their security interests are likely to create a common need transcending wartime legacies. In putting the need in motion forward a cooperative security network, a few prerequisites need to be reconsidered. A few unclear and contradictory points embedded in the bills should be clarified largely through intergovernmental consultation. Korea’s public sentiment would not allow to deal with the security agendas between the two countries. The U.S.-Korea-Japan tripartite meeting can be conceived as a way to ameliorate Korea’s anti Japan sentiment and to draw out Japan’s support for Korea in times of contingencies. In common, the two publics consider Korea-U.S. and Japan-U.S. alliances as a way to guarantee their security. The meeting would bring Korea a considerable benefit including its stronger counter over North Korea’s threats. With intergovernmental consultation, Abe’s more efforts to remove wartime legacies and an unreliable Japan’s image from a Korean perspective would promote a cooperative security network.

Sword of the Spirit, Shield of Faith: Religion in American War and Diplomacy

In Sword of the Spirit, Shield of Faith Andrew Preston draws attention to the important role that religious ideas and institutions have played in shaping America's relationship with the world. More than simply a synthesis of existing scholarship, this work is based on an immense amount of archival research, drawing on the holdings of several presidential libraries, theological schools, and the papers of several religious denominations. The publisher should be commended for putting out a reasonably priced book of this length (613 pages of text) that includes extensive endnotes and a comprehensive bibliography. Preston's readable account starts with the founding of British North America in the early 1600s and ends with President Barack Obama accepting the Nobel Peace Prize in 2009. The most interesting sections of this work examine World War II and the Cold War. Reinhold Niebuhr and the Christian realists loom large in the debates over how to respond to the threat of Nazi Germany and later the Soviet Union. To understand Franklin D. Roosevelt, Preston insists that one must take into account his Christian faith and his firm belief in protecting religious liberty and promoting interfaith tolerance. To Roosevelt, the Nazis transcended American national security, threatening the very existence of religion in the world. One of the most significant wartime legacies of World War II would be the efforts of the Commission on a Just and Durable Peace established by the Federal Council of Churches to lay the groundwork for public acceptance of the United Nations in 1945.

“To Serve Revenge for the Dead”: Chinese Communist Responses to Japanese War Crimes in the PRC Foreign Ministry Archive, 1949–1956

AbstractUsing newly available documents from the PRC Foreign Ministry Archive, this article traces the evolving legacies of the War of Resistance in the first seven years of the People's Republic. Analysis is offered of PRC campaigns against Japanese bacteriological war crimes, criticisms of American dealings with Japanese war criminals, and the 1956 trial of Japanese at Shenyang. Throughout, behind-the-scenes tensions with the Soviet Union and internal bureaucratic struggles over the Japanese legacy regarding these matters are revealed. The article thereby aims to shed light on how the War of Resistance affected post-war China's foreign relations, demonstrating how the young Republic advantageously used wartime legacies as diplomatic tools in relations with the superpowers and within the orchestrated clangour of domestic propaganda campaigns.

Molecular biology in postwar Europe: towards a ‘glocal’ picture

This special issue of Studies collects a set of original papers on the making of molecular biology in postwar Europe. It includes several contributions on countries which have not yet received much attention in the historiography of molecular biology, for example, Italy, Spain, Germany, or Switzerland, along with new perspectives on better known cases such as France and Britain. Yet not all papers deal with developments on the national level: some papers focus on single laboratories or follow specific research tools and practices; others adopt comparative approaches and international perspectives. While each study per se offers much rich material and analysis, together they document the breadth of new scholarship in the field and, through the common time frame and the European focus, introduce a comparative perspective which contributes significantly to our understanding of the early history of molecular biology and to the postwar transformation of the sciences more generally. The picture which emerges differs from conventional ‘big picture’ accounts in that it is based on in-depth local studies. That we focus on developments in Europe does not mean that we turn a blind eye to American developments. On the contrary, the scientific and political relations to the United States and how these played out in the different national contexts, as well as in the attempt to build a European laboratory, become one of the central themes. Other questions raised by the set of papers are: the impact of the different wartime legacies on national developments; the role and relative weight of postwar economic developments, national science policies, and local or national research tra-

Holidays at Home in the Second World War

The way of looking at British civilian life during the second world war, characterized by Angus Calder's 1991 book, The Myth of the Blitz, has little to say about wartime holidays. Paul Addison who, like Calder, helped to implant the 'myth' of wartime solidarity, in later editions of his The Road to 1945 argues for a much more restricted 'Whitehall consensus';' attitudes to wartime holidays seem not to have informed his argument. Mark Donnelly's general study Britain in the Second World War (1999), is equally silent on the subject, as is Arthur Marwick: the broad sweep of the latter's History of the Modern British Isles (2000) contains only the briefest reference to the 1930s holidays with pay legislation, without going on to look at its wartime legacy. Even collections of essays about 'cultural' or recreational activity on the home front, like Kirkham and Thom's War Culture (1995) and Hayes and Hill's Millions Like Us? British Culture in the Second World War (1999) generally disregard holidays. Colin Griffin's essay, 'Not Just a Case of Baths, Canteens and Rehabilitation Centres', however, in the Hayes and Hill collection, usefully confirms that the family leisure activities organized by the Miners' Welfare Commission complemented arguably outshone the official 'Holidays at Home' programmes in mining areas during the war. Most recent works on the history of holidays, too, say little about the detail of wartime holidays, whether 'at home' or in conventional resorts. Lencek and Bosker's The Beach (1999) has rather more to say about restrictions on pleasure travel in the USA than in Britain. J.K. Walton's The British Seaside (2000), like James Walvin's earlier Beside the Seaside (1978), makes the important point that some British resorts, notably Blackpool, did well out of the war, thanks to a combination of military 'occupation', the influx of government and private employment from London, and the concentration of such holiday traffic as existed on Britain's northern and western coasts. Walton also links wartime 'myth' with the postwar explosion of the holiday trade: 'The Second World War interrupted the process of democratisation of

Legacies Versus Politics: Herbert Hoover, Partisan Conflict, and the Symbolic Appeal of Associationalism in the 1920s

The concept of a policy legacy has come into widespread use among scholars in history and the social sciences, yet the concept has not been subject to close scrutiny. We suggest that policy legacies tend to underexplain outcomes and minimize conventional politics and historical contingencies. These tendencies are evident in the revisionist literature on American politics in the aftermath of the First World War. That work stresses continuities between wartime mobilization and postwar policy, especially under the auspices of Herbert Hoover and the Commerce Department. We maintain that a rupture marks the transition between the war and the Republican era that followed and that the emphasis on wartime legacies distorts the political realities of the Harding–Coolidge era. We conclude by noting the risks of policy legacy approaches in historical analysis.

Aftermath of Alliance: The Wartime Legacy in Thai-Japanese Relations

At the end of World War II, American Office of Strategic Service (OSS) officers in Bangkok were dismayed to discover that, contrary to their expectations, the Thai showed little animosity toward the Japanese. The OSS unit reported in August 1945 that ‘there has been very little in the way of hostile reaction’. Japanese accounts confirm this, with a Foreign Ministry study, for example, concluding: ‘The general attitude of Thai officials and citizens toward Japan just after the war's end was relatively sympathetic….’