War In Northern Uganda Research Articles

Promoting Recovery After War in Northern Uganda: Reducing Daily Stressors by Alleviating Poverty

Findings from a representative survey of youth in northern Uganda suggest that former female child soldiers experience a range of distress symptoms, have initial problems reintegrating, and have fewer education and employment opportunities than males. Given the multiple layers of needs, the findings pose a question of where best to intervene. Would broad-based economic programs address this population's poverty while also indirectly addressing mental health symptoms by reducing stress and improving social capital? This article describes how these findings led to the development and evaluation of an economic and social program designed to reduce daily stressors and improve this population's economic, social, and psychological outcomes through livelihoods training, a cash grant for small business development, and follow-up support.

Negotiating Reintegration and Meanings of Space: Formerly Abducted Youth in Uganda

ABSTRACTThe war in Northern Uganda has ended, and youth who were abducted by the Lord's Resistance Army continue to return to communities. Research conducted in the summer of 2010 in two locations in Uganda, Gulu and Masindi, shows that the process of reintegration is an ongoing process in which formerly abducted youth (FAY) negotiate social relations for reintegration in a very interactive way. FAY consciously decide to stay quiet about their past to avoid compromising social reintegration. The experience‐oriented approach has allowed for an in‐depth exploration and understanding of the reintegration process from the perspective of FAY. In Northern Ugandan cosmology, meaning given to FAY personal spaces dominates. With FAY facing social exclusion by community members and the need to overcome boundaries to reintegration, coping mechanisms are adopted to facilitate reintegration and to carve out personal space within the Northern Ugandan cosmology. In the exploration of the process of negotiating reintegration, a conceptual model is adopted and adjusted to represent personal space within Northern Ugandan cosmology. The main findings suggest that FAY negotiate social relations for reintegration in a very interactive way and that they consciously decide to stay quiet about their past so as to not compromise social reintegration. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

“Death Does Not Rot”: Transitional Justice and Local “Truths” in the Aftermath of the War in Northern Uganda

The article looks at the way Acholi in northern Uganda address war-related matters of “peace” and “justice” beyond the mainstream human rights discourse reflecting some of the basic concepts that are decisive for the way people deal with transitional and local justice. The relationality and the segmentary structure of Acholi society play major roles in categorising “peace” and “war” while being at odds with the globalised standards of human rights that have been brought into play by international agencies, civil society and church organisations as well as the Ugandan state. A major argument is that a one-dimensional understanding of the cosmological underpinnings of rituals as a locally embedded tool of transitional justice (TJ) has an impact on the failure of TJ in northern Uganda. Thus the article highlights the specific cultural dilemmas in which the process of peace currently appears to be stuck.

Gulu in War … and Peace? The Town as Camp in Northern Uganda

This paper begins by exploring the unique place of Gulu Town within the 20-year civil war in northern Uganda (1986–2006). It describes the conditions faced by the large internally displaced population of Gulu during the war and explains why the town has remained relatively stable despite the massive influx it experienced of uprooted rural Acholi. The paper explores the social changes that have occurred among the displaced population within Gulu’s tenuous urban environment, focusing on the breakdown of male, lineage-based authority and on the impact of town life on women and ex-rebels. Finally, the paper charts the changes in displacement patterns that have occurred in Gulu since the end of the war as a new landless and marginalised population seek haven in town and as social conditions and tensions, instead of improving, worsen with peace.

Multilayered Justice in Northern Uganda: ICC Intervention and Local Procedures of Accountability

In an effort to redress the effects of the civil war in Northern Uganda, local, state and international officials have begun to study the feasibility of re-adapting the procedures of local justice, including mato oput, a local procedure practiced by the Acholi tribe. This article examines this evolving multilayered project of justice in Northern Uganda. It addresses two features of this model: (1) the central features of local justice, in particular mato oput, and (2) the complementary relationship between mato oput, the state, and the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) victims’ unit and the victims’ trust fund. It argues that closer and more effective ties between the ICC and local procedures of justice can be developed. Not only does this relationship constitute an evolving framework for addressing the political realities of ICC intervention, but it also raises many important practical implications for reaching out to the local population.

<em>Sverker Finnström. Living with Bad Surroundings: War, History, and Everyday Moments in Northern Uganda</em>. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2008

Reviewed by: Living with Bad Surroundings: War, History, and Everyday Moments in Northern Uganda Julia R. Hanebrink Sverker Finnström. Living with Bad Surroundings: War, History, and Everyday Moments in Northern Uganda. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2008. xi-286 pp. Maps. Photographs. Notes. Acronyms. Figures. References. Index. $23.95 (Paper), ISBN 978-0–8223-4191-8. $84.95 (Cloth), ISBN 978-0-8223-4174-1. The Acholi people of northern Uganda have been in the throes of a prolonged civil conflict between the Ugandan government, led by Yoweri Museveni, and the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) since 1986. Sverker Finnström presents an insightful, thought-provoking critical ethnography aimed at revealing the everyday experiences of those living amidst violence, and explores how people engage their local surroundings in search of balance, control, meaning, and understanding when situated within what is ultimately a global conflict. During five phases of field research between 1997 and 2006, Finnström collected stories from and observed the daily lives of Acholi informants. The spaces between active fieldwork enabled him to return to his Swedish homeland and engage in what he refers to as “participant reflection rather than participant observation” (21). While he certainly engaged in participant observation in northern Uganda, the author suggests that–aside from often being a financial necessity–phased research as a methodology enables the researcher to take a profound spatial and temporal step back in order to reflect, read, write, maintain a critical distance from the research material, receive feedback from his Ugandan interlocutors, and allow meanings to emerge. The book begins with Finnström exploring the relationship between European imperialism and racist ideology and provides an ethnographic, sociopolitical, and historical background to the current struggles facing northern Ugandans. The author challenges the colonial and postcolonial depiction of the Acholi as an inherently violent people, as well as the commonly held conclusion that the Acholi ethnic identity was purely a colonial creation. Instead, he puts forward the concept that ethnic identity is “lived, imagined and politically manipulated” (55). The reader is encouraged to pay closer attention [End Page 164] to the lived experiences of traditions and beliefs rather than focusing on the ultimate function and meaning of these phenomena. The second chapter describes the political, economic, social, cultural, and ethnic tensions associated with the postcolonial period that saw continued governmental violence and the rise of the LRA. On one end of the spectrum, the crisis in northern Uganda is frequently described by the international community as humanitarian rather than political. On the other end of the spectrum, ethnic, religious, and pseudocultural faultlines are used to exoticize or fetishize political violence. Finnström rightly criticizes such reductionist explanations of conflict for depoliticizing and ultimately masking the root causes of violence. Chapter 3 presents manifestos allegedly written by the LRA, in order to help the reader understand the political agenda of the rebel group as well as issues relevant to Acholi people. These documents are often overlooked due to the focus on the atrocities carried out by the LRA rather than the conditions, including international policies, that led up to the present conflict. Finnström reiterates his assertion that the war in northern Uganda is not an ethnic one, but continues to be framed as such in order to pique the interest of an international audience. If the focus shifted to the political dimensions of the LRA movement instead of ethnic strife or religious fanaticism, the conflict would not be as seductive to the West because “as the lived complexities thicken and ethnic stereotyping fails, the world press typically loses interest” (109). Acholi youth feel they are being denied as citizens of Uganda, largely due to forced internment coupled with neoliberal development programs that outright deny or otherwise fail to provide access to basic services like water, food, healthcare, and education. Manifestos by the LRA address these disparities and while rebels are certainly not the model for upholding human rights, many Acholi youth see the LRA forces more as freedom fighters and less as terrorists. Finnström’s discussion of these documents highlights the LRA’s political agenda and coherent critique of structural violence–issues that are often ignored or denied. The...

Screening for traumatic exposure and psychological distress among war-affected adolescents in post-conflict northern Uganda

The war in northern Uganda has had a debilitating effect on the mental health of children and adolescents in the population. This study measures the prevalence and considers the aetiology of psychological distress in war-affected adolescents 4 years after the end of the conflict. This is a cross-sectional study of 205 adolescents, aged 12-19, from a boarding primary school in Gulu, northern Uganda. A war experiences checklist was developed with the assistance of local professionals. The Impact of Event Scale-Revised (IES-R) measured post-traumatic stress symptoms. Finally, the Acholi Psychosocial Assessment Instrument (APAI) was used to measure locally described mental health constructs similar to the Western concepts of depression and anxiety. Four years after the end of the war, 57% of the students were still found to have clinically significant levels of post-traumatic stress symptoms using a similar cut-off score to previous studies among the same population. Both components of traumatic exposure: (i) the number of types of traumatic event experienced; and (ii) whether the adolescent was abducted were significantly associated with psychological distress. There was a strong correlation between post-traumatic stress symptoms and internalising symptoms. War-affected adolescents may continue to suffer from significant psychological stress in the years following the cessation of conflict. Multiple exposure to a number of different types of traumatic event may directly increase the likelihood of psychological distress especially for those exposed to the most extreme violence. The feasibility of employing a locally developed and validated screening instrument is demonstrated. Implications for future research and intervention in post-conflict areas are considered.

Measuring Impact: The Importance of Evaluation for Documentary Film Campaigns

ABSTRACT Most people would agree that films can significantly impact individual attitudes and cultural narratives, but little research has sought to empirically measure these impacts. It is becoming increasingly important for documentary (and other issue-based) films to justify costs by providing data on the social “return on investment”, but care must be taken to ensure that both the questions asked and the methods used to answer them are valid and respectful. This paper introduces an emerging research agenda for the study of documentary film impacts, discussing both why such evaluation is important and key issues relevant to assessing impact. Author Keywords Film, Impact, Evaluation, Social Change INTRODUCTION Documentary film has grown significantly in the past decade, with high profile films such as Fahrenheit 9/11, Supersize Me, and An Inconvenient Truth garnering increased attention both at the box office and in the news media. In addition, the rising prominence of web-based media has provided new opportunities for documentary to create social impact. Films are now typically released with websites, Facebook pages, twitter feeds, and web videos to increase both reach and impact. This combination of technology and broader audience appeal has given rise to a current landscape in which documentary films are imbedded within coordinated multi-media campaigns. New media have not only opened up new avenues for communicating with audiences, they have also created new opportunities for data collection and analysis of film impacts. A recent report by McKinsey and Company highlighted this potential, introducing and discussing the implications of increasing consumer information being recorded on the Internet as well as through networked sensors in the physical world. As they found: "Big data—large pools of data that can be captured, communicated, aggregated, stored, and analyzed—is now part of every sector and function of the global economy" (Manyika et al. iv). This data can be mined to learn a great deal about both individual and cultural response to documentary films and the issues they represent. Although film has a rich history in humanities research, this new set of tools enables an empirical approach grounded in the social sciences. However, several researchers across disciplines have noted that limited investigation has been conducted in this area. Although there has always been an emphasis on social impact in film and many filmmakers and scholars have made legitimate (and possibly illegitimate) claims of impact, few have attempted to empirically justify these claims. Over fifteen years ago, noted film scholar Brian Winston commented that "the underlying assumption of most social documentaries—that they shall act as agents of reform and change—is almost never demonstrated" (236). A decade later, Political Scientist David Whiteman repeated this

Living with Bad Surroundings: War, History, and Everyday Moments in Northern Uganda (review)

Sverker Finnstrom, Living with Bad Surroundings: War, History, and Everyday Moments in Northern Uganda. Durham: Duke University Press, 2008. 304 pp. There is abundant media coverage including newspaper reports, documentaries, and films concerning the plight of the civilian population in northern Uganda (the Acholi) who have been living in war-ravaged conditions since 1986. Publicization of the atrocities committed by the rebel group Lord's Resistance Army/Movement (LRA/M) and its splinter groups has drawn both local and international attention. These atrocities led the International Criminal Court to issue a warrant for the arrest of LRA/M leader Joseph Kony in 2005. Additionally, the LRA/M was listed as a terrorist group in 2001 by the US government (the Bush administration) after the 9/11 attacks. Media reports, however, have not investigated the war in the context and fashion of Sverker Finnstrom. He narrates the complex nature of the war in northern Uganda by describing the situation in which civilian noncombatants, the rebels (LRA/M), the governmental (especially the army) and international agencies find themselves. He challenges the simplistic explanations rooted in ethnic stereotypes and religious fanaticism. Living with Bad Surroundings is written with sensitivity for the historical background of the Acholi people and their day-to-day realities. It highlights the impact of colonialism, independent Ugandan government regimes established after independence from Britain in 1962, and the local peoples' expectations and realities. Finnstrom aims, figuratively speaking, to address both sides of the coin, thus providing a more comprehensive understanding of the war's ramifications. Often, writers approach the subject of the war in northern Uganda from an outsider's perspective without integrating the realities rooted within the community-such an approach lends itself to inherent biases. A writer is often caught up in narrating the stark realities of the war's impacts, especially on the civilian population, thus obstructing a clear inquisition of the cause of the war and the roles of all stakeholders. The book's central theme is to understand the context in which the civilian population finds itself, these bad surroundings or what the author calls piny marac. He offers the contemporary Acholi youth's insight through their everyday experiences and struggles-success or failure. The book addresses their effort to attain good surroundings, or piny maber, given the prevailing conditions. Finnstrom describes, for instance, Tonny's (a coworker) struggle to purchase land in the Masindi district and have his mother and wife move from Gulu to this safer environment. In another instance, he depicts families' struggles to keep their children safe from rebel attacks by taking them to the overnight boarding facility at the mission before dark. He delivers a complete picture of the war in northern Uganda, clearly outlining the piny marac in which the noncombatant population is embedded. Media reports, especially those controlled by the Ugandan government, tend to portray the LRA/M as a terrorist rebel group whose ideology is based on fundamentalist Christian values and lacking a political agenda. Finnstrom not only discusses the religious motivation of the LRA/M, but also the political agenda driving the LRA/M and splinter groups. The book provides insight into the political arm of the LRA/M and its demands for justice for the Acholi. The attempt to legitimize their atrocities against civilians by citing the creation of a new religious and political order creates a scenario that conflicts with their goals-at least so far as they are outlined in their manifestos which supposedly fight for Acholi justice. The author writes with an ethnographer's perspective, providing a fresh viewpoint on the war. Language mediates identity-who people think they are-and thus his focus on the linguistic context in which words and phrases are used centers his narrative in a cultural context around which everything else revolves. …

Forgiveness as a Solution to the Northern Uganda Civil War: Opportunities and Challenges

In Northern Uganda, a rebel group called the Lord's Resistance Army led by Joseph Kony has been fighting the government since the mid-1980s in what has become Africa's longest civil war. It is estimated that more than 100,000 people have died in the civil war while others have had their lips, ears or limbs cut off and thousands of children have been abducted as fighters, laborers, and concubines. This violence, in turn, produced more than 1.8 million Internally Displaced Peoples Camps, throughout Northern Uganda. Many Northerners blame the Ugandan government for forcing them into inhumane camps and for failing to protect them from the marauding LRA.Militaristic attempts by the Government to defeat the rebels has proved futile, as a result, the Government has resorted to peace talks as an alternative solution to the civil war. The Northerners see the peace talks as the only hope and lasting solution to peace in Northern Uganda. The question that remains is; what will be done to the perpetuators of these crimes when the peace talks finally bear fruits? Legal means such as trying the perpetuators in the courts of law has been considered with the Government recently setting up a special division in the high court to try the rebels. Non legal means such as forgiveness has also been considered as a way of dealing with the rebels. The Acholi and other Northern tribes of Uganda do have a longstanding tradition of resolving intra-tribal disputes through apology, negotiation, compensation, and forgiveness. The Acholi people have used mato put - blood atonement - for centuries. They believe that killing a person makes you unstable. By ceremonially cleansing his soul, the former soldier would exorcise the evil spirits.This paper seeks to analyze what is considered to be the cause of the civil war in northern Uganda. It argues that a solution to the civil war cannot be found unless the cause of the civil war is first taken into account.The paper will define and discuss the nature of forgiveness and evaluate the significance of forgiveness as the solution to the long standing civil war in Northern Uganda. The paper argues that the tribal ways of resolving disputes through forgiveness are alive and well, and can serve as a firm foundation for peace. The Acholi tribal chiefs will be able to devise an effective system for mass reconciliation through traditional methods.\The paper also argues that a rule of traditional justice such as the Acholi mato oput, has its weaknesses in that once the case has been addressed through the traditional process, the matter is put to rest and it is forbidden to speak of it again. This is argued that it would significantly hamper any other approach to justice and reconciliation and may inculcate the spirit of revenge in the victims of the civil war against their perpetuators.The paper also discusses the challenges to the option of forgiveness as a means of healing the wounds of the civil war and concludes by making recommendations that can be put in place while applying forgiveness to solve the long standing civil war.

Forging Forgiveness: Collective Efforts Amidst War in Northern Uganda*

This paper is a case study analysis of the sociological phenomena of forgiveness occurring in an ongoing two-decade war in northern Uganda. Building on a long-term relationship with the region and utilizing the methods of participant observation, semi-structured interviews, and a qualitative questionnaire, I identify two especially important social mechanisms that correlate with the prevalence of forgiveness discourse amongst the Acholi people of northern Uganda: (1) a communal sense of war fatigue and (2) a sense of Acholi collective identity, which the religious and cultural leaders have emphasized to promote a pervasive public dialogue of forgiveness. While recognizing that forgiveness in northern Uganda is contested, findings from my study point to how forgiveness opens a space for some Acholi to assert power and express agency in their lives after years of being portrayed largely as victims. Furthermore, forgiveness also offers the opportunity for some Acholi to experience interpersonal empowerment by maintaining a locus of control through meaning-making.

Silencing distressed children in the context of war in northern Uganda: An analysis of its dynamics and its health consequences

Children in northern Uganda who are the focus of this article were born and raised in the context of war. The research presented here is based on a one-year ethnographic study (2004-2005) with children aged 9-16 years. Various qualitative and quantitative methods used in this study were geared to this age group. A grounded theory approach was followed to trace the reasons for the silencing of their distress. Throughout the study a child actor perspective was implemented: children were approached as social actors capable of processing social experience and devising ways of coping with life. We found that their lives were characterized by high rates of exposure to extreme events, such as deaths, child abductions, disease epidemics, gender-based violence and poverty. As a consequence, their level of emotional distress was high. However, they did not readily speak about their distress. The article identifies and analyses a complex set of reasons for children's distress and its silencing by the children themselves and other members of society. A distinction is made between the processes of victim blaming, self blaming, mimetic resilience and mirroring resilience. In addition, the consequences of the silencing children are presented. Children expressed their emotional suffering primarily in physical aches and pains and used pharmaceuticals and herbal medicines to minimize their distress. The result was a medicalization of psychological distress. In conclusion, we reflect on the necessity of a multi-pronged approach to address children's distress.

Humanitarianism, Violence, and the Camp in Northern Uganda

This article shows how international humanitarianism and state violence developed a sustained relation of mutual support during the civil war in northern Uganda. This collaboration was anchored in the archipelago of forced displacement camps, which at the peak of the war contained about a million people, and which were only able to exist because of, first, the violence of the Ugandan state in forcing people into them, preventing people from leaving, and repressing political organisation in the camps; and, second, the intervention of international humanitarian aid agencies, which fed, managed, and sustained the camps for over a decade. The consequence was that state violence and international humanitarianism each depended on the other for its own viability.

The Two Decade Displacement in Uganda: The Root Causes

This paper is a brief overview of the war in Northern Uganda looking at the present situation and what led to the war in the first place. The war between Joseph Kony's Lords' Resistance Army (LRA) and the Uganda People's Defence Forces (UPDF) seems to have ended in Uganda and the Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) of Northern Uganda are going back 'home' after spending two decades in the camps. The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) released a report which shows that 80% of the 1.8 million people, who lived in camps at the peak of the conflict in Northern Uganda, have left the IDP camps and gone back 'home' after two decades. The majority of them were born in the camps and so it is the only 'home' they know. The insecurity which has been keeping them in camps seems to have come to an end. Uganda is one of the few countries with a national IDP policy although it is not being implemented effectively. The root causes of this conflict date back to the colonial era when Uganda was under the British Empire. The Ugandan borders were drawn arbitrary bringing diverse peoples and cultures together. It was defined by complex and crosscutting regional divide between the Nilotic North and the Bantu South; ethnic, linguistic and religious cleavages. Integrating these diverse groups into a coherent national entity has presented a daunting challenge up to the present day. Through divide and rule, the administration played off one ethnic group against another cementing the differences between the various groups. The war arose out of the divisive political climate that was embedded by British colonialism and perpetuated by post-colonial politics. The British employed a 'divide-and-rule' strategy, pitting southerners against northerners to maintain control. Since gaining independence in 1962, Ugandan politics have been marked by continued tribal and regional divisions, most poignantly the North-South divide. The ICC arrest warrants are causing discomfiture among the Acholi community. It is feared that they are undermining the peace process by forcing the LRA leaders into a situation where they must either face trial at the Hague or continue fighting because they do not want to be arrested and taken to the ICC. They want him to undergo what they call mato oput an Acholi traditional justice mechanism. The Government and the international community are duty bound to ensure the sustainable return and integration of the IDPs. They should ensure that the IDPs have adequate livelihood opportunities and sustainable food supplies. The ICC should take into consideration people’s views, alternate justice systems and the timing of investigations in order to come up with durable transitional justice mechanisms.

A qualitative study of mental health problems among children displaced by war in northern Uganda.

While multiple studies have found that children affected by war are at increased risk for a range of mental health problems, little research has investigated how mental health problems are perceived locally. In this study we used a previously developed rapid ethnographic assessment method to explore local perceptions of mental health problems among children and adults from the Acholi ethnic group displaced by the war in northern Uganda. We conducted 45 free list interviews and 57 key informant interviews. The rapid assessment approach appears to have worked well for interviewing caretakers and children aged 10-17 years. We describe several locally defined syndromes: two tam/par/kumu (depression and dysthymia-like syndromes), ma lwor (a mixed anxiety and depression-like syndrome), and a category of conduct problems referred to as kwo maraco/gin lugero. The descriptions of these local syndromes were similar to western mood, anxiety and conduct disorders, but included culture-specific elements.

DOES TRADITIONAL CONFLICT RESOLUTION LEAD TO JUSTICE? — THE MATO OPUT IN NORTHERN UGANDA

It has been nearly 22 years since the start of war in northern Uganda, waged by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) under the leadership of Joseph Kony. Kony started this war with the spiritual and traditional belief in the need to defend the Acholi people from the National Resistance Movement (NRM), led by Yoweri Museveni, who took over power in 1986 from the Acholi general Tito Okello. In this war, thousands of people have lost their lives and many others have been adducted. On 13 October 2005 the ICC issued warrants of arrest to the top five commanders. The commanders included Joseph Kony, Vincent Otti, Okot Odhiambo, Dominic Ongwen and Rasak Lukwiya, who is now deceased. Before these indictments were issued there was a lot of debate on whether these commanders should be tried by the ICC or the traditional justice system. This led to the passing of the Amnesty Act in 2000. ‘Amnesty’ in the Amnesty Act means pardon, forgiveness, exemption, or discharge from criminal prosecution or any other form of punishment by the state. Amnesty is declared in respect of any Ugandan who at any time since 26 January 1986 engaged in, or is engaging, in war or armed rebellion against the government of the Republic of Uganda. However, the people of northern Uganda have resorted to the traditional way of conflict resolution through the mato oput ritual, and the local population prefer this system to the one that the ICC will apply to ensure that justice is achieved. It is important to note that this ritual is performed only among the Acholi people. The question may be posed: what happens to other tribes in the northern part of the country who have also suffered as a result of this conflict? Will they benefit from this traditional ritual practice in that they will be able to forgive the perpetrators and reconcile with them? Will they see this as a form of justice being achieved? Can this ritual be relied on to achieve justice as an alternative to ICC trials? This article will address some aspects of the mato oput ritual and discuss whether justice could be achieved through this traditional method of conflict resolution.

Uganda's elusive peace deal

Talks to end the 20-year-old civil war in northern Uganda are verging on collapse. Since 2006, rebels of the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) have been engaged in promising peace negotiations with the government in Kampala, but after a final deal was agreed, the LRA's enigmatic leader, Joseph Kony twice failed to appear at a signing ceremony and is now evading international mediators. There have always been doubts about the LRA's commitment to peace talks. Now calls are growing for military action against the rebels – which would carry its own risks.

Factors associated with post-traumatic stress disorder and depression amongst internally displaced persons in northern Uganda

BackgroundThe 20 year war in northern Uganda between the Lord's Resistance Army and the Ugandan government has resulted in the displacement of up to 2 million people within Uganda. The purpose of the study was to measure rates of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and depression amongst these internally displaced persons (IDPs), and investigate associated demographic and trauma exposure risk factors.MethodsA cross-sectional multi-staged, random cluster survey with 1210 adult IDPs was conducted in November 2006 in Gulu and Amuru districts of northern Uganda. Levels of exposure to traumatic events and PTSD were measured using the Harvard Trauma Questionnaire (original version), and levels of depression were measured using the Hopkins Symptom Checklist-25. Multivariate logistic regression was used to analyse the association of demographic and trauma exposure variables on the outcomes of PTSD and depression.ResultsOver half (54%) of the respondents met symptom criteria for PTSD, and over two thirds (67%) of respondents met symptom criteria for depression. Over half (58%) of respondents had experienced 8 or more of the 16 trauma events covered in the questionnaire. Factors strongly linked with PTSD and depression included gender, marital status, distance of displacement, experiencing ill health without medical care, experiencing rape or sexual abuse, experiencing lack of food or water, and experiencing higher rates of trauma exposure.ConclusionThis study provides evidence of exposure to traumatic events and deprivation of essential goods and services suffered by IDPs, and the resultant effect this has upon their mental health. Protection and social and psychological assistance are urgently required to help IDPs in northern Uganda re-build their lives.

Psychiatric disorders among war-abducted and non-abducted adolescents in Gulu district, Uganda: a comparative study

We aimed to assess the nature and patterns of psychiatric disorders among adolescents who had been war-abducted in the war in northern Uganda, compared to non-abducted adolescents living in Gulu district, Uganda. A cros sectional study that used an unmatched case-control design compared 82 abducted and 71 non-abducted adolescents for scores on measures of psychological distress and for selected psychiatric diagnoses using the Strength and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) and the Mini International Neural-Psychiatric Interview for Children and Adolescents English version 2.0 (M.I.N.I-KID). More than 90% of adolescents reported exposure to severe trauma, either through direct or indirect experiences. Significantly more war abducted adolescents reported PTSD (26.8%v.12.7%) (p=0.03) major depression (19.5%v.4.2%) (p=0.004), and generalised anxiety disorder (13.4v.4.2%) (p=0.049) than non abducted adolescents. By contrast, non-abducted adolescents reported more past suicidality (p=0.004, chi(2)=8.2) than adolescents who were abducted. However, despite high rates of psychiatric disorder, these adolescents had good psychosocial adjustment. Adolescents in war affected areas whether warabducted or not have varied and clinically significant emotional responses to different kinds of traumatic exposure. In a war-affected area, the development of a sustainable service for adolescents that tries to address the full range of mental health problems may be more appropriate than a psychological trauma service that focuses on one diagnosis.

Northern Uganda and paradigms of HIV prevention: The need for social analysis

In settings of armed conflict, traditional HIV prevention programmes that promote risk avoidance via abstinence and fidelity and risk reduction via condom use and needle exchange are not viable. In such contexts, HIV risk depends less on personal choice than on exposure to physical, emotional and structural violence. War in northern Uganda has created three realities (internally displaced people's camps, night commuters and child abductions) which increase vulnerability to HIV transmission. Based upon this analysis of northern Uganda, we offer a conceptual framework for HIV transmission in conflict settings that recognizes the importance of local and global context in creating vulnerability to HIV infection. This framework is then used to delineate strategies for HIV prevention in northern Uganda, namely the provision of a safe physical environment and access to education, medical and psychological support, and the promotion of conflict resolution strategies and human rights law.