This study aims to examine the effect of the Quality Assurance (QA) system and work discipline on employee performance at a logistics company in Gresik Regency. The research adopts a quantitative descriptive approach with hypothesis testing. The population consists of all employees holding Senior Vice President, General Manager, and Senior Manager positions who are directly involved in operational activities and weekly reporting under the Quality Assurance Unit. Using a total sampling technique, 63 respondents were included. Data were collected through questionnaires and analyzed using Partial Least Squares–Structural Equation Modeling (PLS-SEM) with SmartPLS 4.0. The results indicate that the Quality Assurance system has a positive and significant effect on employee performance. Work discipline also shows a positive and significant effect and demonstrates a stronger influence compared to the QA system. Simultaneously, the Quality Assurance system and work discipline significantly affect employee performance, explaining 71.2% of the variance in performance outcomes. These findings suggest that structured quality assurance mechanisms supported by high levels of work discipline play a crucial role in enhancing employee performance. Therefore, organizations are encouraged to strengthen quality assurance implementation while fostering a strong culture of discipline to achieve sustainable performance improvement

ABSTRACT Eight years after achieving independence, Zambia struggled with issues of national disunity, partisan tensions, economic decline and existential threats from hostile neighbours. In February 1972, President Kenneth Kaunda announced that Zambia would abrogate its original national constitution in favour of forming a single-party system under a new constitution. Kaunda appointed Vice President Mainza Chona to chair a national commission that would gather evidence from the people and report on how they wanted their new governance system to function. The Chona Commission, as it became known, was precedent-setting in its thoroughness and comprehensiveness. Drawing on primary interviews with the last living commissioners, news media articles and government documents, this study explores the procedures of the Chona Commission and identifies how it reflected democratic practice in the process of installing an undemocratic system.

The spirit of reform carried out with the noble goal of building a meritocratic system, eradicating corruption and nepotism, fighting domination over the elite and building dedication to the realization of good governance is not strong enough to eliminate the power of political dynasties and domination that have long been rooted in Indonesia. This research adopts a critical legal perspective, utilizing an interdisciplinary framework to analyze legal documents, Constitutional Court rulings, and comparative case studies. The findings of the study show that the political party system is still very thick with elitism and nepotism, which leads to political dynasties. Laws and regulations and Constitutional Court Decisions, which were originally expected to prevent conflicts of interest and curb authoritarian currents, have actually become servants of the interests of the elite. Several Constitutional Court Decisions such as age restrictions for Presidential and Vice President candidates as well as Regional Head candidates and the cancellation of the Presidential Treshold were actually made to expand the grip of the oligarchs. Coming from a unique perspective, this study makes it clear that Indonesia has a political system that’s half-and-half, where formal rules exist side by side with entrenched authoritarian practices. This leads to the elite being able to dictate the course of politics in the country and kill off any chance of a brand-new, more meritocratic system. The weak laws governing political parties and campaign donations in Indonesia make this problem even more severe. The researchers strongly recommend sweeping reforms to the legal and political systems in Indonesia. Ones that would require more realistic and enforceable regulations to combat conflicts of interest, full transparency in the funding of political parties and regular internal elections within these parties.

Stanley N. Katz served as the Class of 1921 Bicentennial Professor of the History of American Law and Liberty at Princeton University from 1978 to 1986. He left to become President of the American Council of Learned Societies, the national humanities organization in the United States. When he stepped down from that position in 1997, he returned to teaching and high-level institutional service at Princeton, including as the Acting Director of the Program in Law and Public Affairs from 2004 to 05 and 2016 to 17. Katz’s contributions to legal history include, in addition to a vast array of articles and the books cited in the footnotes below, his work as Editor in Chief of the Oxford International Encyclopedia of Legal History and of the Oliver Wendell Holmes Devise History of the United States Supreme Court. He has served as President of the Organization of American Historians and American Society for Legal History, as Vice President of the Research Division of the American Historical Association, and as a member of the Board of Trustees of the Newberry Library, the Center for Jewish History, and many other institutions. He is a Fellow of the American Society for Legal History, the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, and the Society of American Historians. President Barack Obama awarded him the National Humanities Medal in 2011.

This study conducts a discourse analysis of six speeches delivered by Vice President Sara Duterte concerning the MATATAG Curriculum, using AntConc software to examine lexical categories, specifically verbs, adverbs, and adjectives, along with their frequency patterns. Grounded in Goffman’s Politeness Theory, the research identifies the politeness strategies employed, including positive politeness, negative politeness, bald-on-record, and off-record strategies, to reveal how linguistic choices shape the public’s perception of educational reforms. The findings show that Duterte’s speeches strategically use language to emphasize urgency, inclusivity, and alignment with both national identity and international standards. Frequent verbs highlight foundational learning and reform initiatives, adverbs stress consistent and timely policy implementation, and adjectives underscore themes of inclusivity and regional cooperation. The analysis uncovers a balanced deployment of politeness strategies: positive politeness, negative politeness, bald-on-record politeness, and off-record politeness, that maintain rapport, assert authority, and engage diverse stakeholders effectively. This study fills a methodological gap, with this research utilizing AntConc software to analyze the linguistic elements and their frequency in Duterte’s speeches revealing her politeness strategies and the underlying ideologies reflected in the corpus. The implications extend to students, educators, political pundits, and future researchers, offering insights into effective communication in discourse and fostering critical engagement with political speech, as well as with the use of Antconc. This research contributes to a deeper understanding of how politeness strategies, and lexical selection in political speeches can influence educational policy acceptance and public trust.

In <i>Rucho v. Common Cause</i>, the Supreme Court held that partisan gerrymandering is a nonjusticiable political question.  The Court’s opinion admits that “[e]xcessive partisanship in districting leads to results that reasonably seem unjust.”  The injustice is the ability of the majority party to use political gerrymandering to entrench itself as the governing party and to remain so, long after that party falls out of favor. <br><br>Although <i>Rucho</i> was an Elections Clause case, it is easily applicable to states’ exercise of their Electors Clause power.  Republicans will wield this new, nonjusticiable power (and the concomitant political cover that it provides) to gerrymander the Electoral College.  And, when they do, it is likely that Democrats will follow suit.  <i>Rucho</i> encourages, enables and ensures an arms race to the end of meaningful participation by voters in presidential elections in many states. <br><br>Here is the template, using Texas as an example, for the “Gerrymandered Electoral College”:<br><br>“The set of elector candidates that is elected is the one that corresponds to the candidates for president and vice-president who win the most individual Texas Congressional districts.  The winners of each Congressional district shall be the candidates for President and Vice President who receive the highest number of votes in that Congressional district.”<br><br>This system for allocating Texas’s electoral college votes mimics the Electoral College system used to elect the President.  Unlike the existing “District Systems” in use in Maine and Nebraska, it is a winner-take-all system (thus maximizing the State’s influence on the presidential election) that is NOT based on the popular vote for the relevant sovereign territory.  Instead, it allocates all of the spoils of victory—all of Texas’s electoral college votes—to the winner of the most subdivisions of that sovereign territory.<br><br>Or Texas might insulate its gerrymandering of the Electoral College from any future corrective legislation by Congress by creating its own set of forty unique, extremely gerrymandered “Electoral College Districts” and mandating that Texas allocate all of its electoral college votes to the winner of the most individual Electoral College Districts.<br><br>The Gerrymandered Electoral College (1) satisfies the Constitutional requirement of population equality,  (2) mimics the actual Electoral College in its anti-majoritarian nature,  (3) exploits the fact that political gerrymandering is a nonjusticiable political question, and (4) in the second example above, leverages the fact that States have plenary power over the allocation of their Electoral College votes to avoid oversight, constraint or regulation by Congress.  This last aspect is particularly powerful.  Once a State establishes “Electoral College Districts” and enacts a Gerrymandered Electoral College, Congress will be powerless to override it.

Sarah Chen reviewed the tariff impact spreadsheet one more time, the numbers stubbornly unchanged from her previous three reviews that morning. As Vice President of North American Manufacturing Operations at Ford Motor Company, she had managed through supply chain disruptions, semiconductor shortages, and pandemic shutdowns. But the challenge before her on this May morning in 2025 was different—it required not just operational agility, but a fundamental strategic choice about Ford’s manufacturing footprint for years to come. The catalyst was unambiguous: new Section 232 tariffs implemented in April 2025 imposed a 25% duty on imported automobiles and certain automotive parts.¹ For Ford, which manufactured approximately 20% of its North American volume in Mexico—including high-demand models like the Bronco Sport and Maverick at the Hermosillo plant and the Mustang Mach-E at Cuautitlán—the tariffs represented a potential $2.0-2.5 billion annual cost impact.² While the Trump administration had granted certain exemptions for components that couldn’t be sourced domestically, complete vehicles remained subject to the full tariff. Chen had three weeks to present her recommendation to Ford’s Executive Leadership Team. The decision would impact thousands of jobs on both sides of the border, require potentially billions in capital investment, and shape Ford’s competitive position in the rapidly evolving automotive market. As she gazed out her Dearborn office window toward the historic River Rouge Complex—itself a symbol of Ford’s manufacturing legacy—she considered the irony: the company that pioneered modern manufacturing efficiency now faced a choice between economic optimization and political-economic realities. What should Chen recommend, and how should she weigh the competing factors of cost, resilience, political positioning, and long-term strategic flexibility?

Guarantees of Human Rights (HAM) are an important pillar of democratic life. Article 28D paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution states, "Every citizen has the right to equal opportunities in government." However, the candidate pair must meet a threshold requirement of 20% to advance in the election for the nomination for president and vice president. In Article 6A paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution, he cannot become president or vice president because he does not meet the 20% threshold, which is not in accordance with democratic principles. Other countries, including China, do not employ the presidential threshold system for selecting presidential and vice presidential candidates. The research method used is sociolegal research with an approach method, namely a historical approach. Research results in Indonesia indicate that they wish to nominate the President and Vice President, the Board People's Representatives (DPR), and the House of Representatives Regional (DPRD), especially those previously supported by political parties. Article 6A, paragraph (2) of the NRI Constitution from 1945 states that political parties, or a combination of them, propose the candidate pairs for president and vice president before the general election. Meanwhile, in practice, only one political party, the PKT, has effective power at the national level in China.

The Vice President's Black Wife: The Untold Life of Julia Chinn

NEW ORLEANS — Campus safety professionals can play key roles in helping faculty and staff manage difficult students in classrooms and other group settings. You can start by helping faculty and staff learn to differentiate concerning, disruptive, and threatening behavior, according to Harry Titus, Ed.D., Assistant Vice President for Student Affairs and Dean of Students at Lenoir‐Rhyne University; and Christopher Winn, M.Ed., Assistant Dean for Community Standards and Accountability at Coastal Carolina University, who spoke at the annual conference for NASPA — Student Affairs Administrators in Higher Education.

Series of interviews with past Mester's Editors-in-Chief.

In this column, Dr Ena Williams, PhD, MBA, RN, CENP, FAAN, FADLN, Senior Vice President and Chief Nursing Executive at Yale New Haven Health and AONL President-Elect shares pivotal moments from her journey in nursing leadership. From a transformative conversation at a train station to her philosophy on innovation and self-care, Dr Williams offers a compelling look into the values and vision that shaped her as a nurse leader.

The objective of this research was to analyze the legal framework and justice institutions, as well as their potential contribution to building an Ecuadorian society that reflects the values of justice, inclusion, and non-violence. The study employed a descriptive research methodology, utilizing documentary research to synthesize all relevant evidence. Articles from major databases were selected, as well as theses, books, and websites relevant to the topic. The results determined that there is an appropriate legal framework for the Ecuadorian justice system, but judicial independence is lacking and institutions are significantly corrupted, as evidenced by the Metastasis, Purge, and Plague cases, as well as some personal cases such as that of Leandro Norero, alias Fito, and Vice President Glas. Therefore, it is concluded that legal instruments are not sufficient to establish justice in Ecuador. In conclusion, some suggestions and recommendations are made to the Ecuadorian government to promote a more just, inclusive, and violence-free society.

Address of the Chief Executive Officer and Executive Vice President to the House of Delegates Session at the 2025 Annual Meeting of the American Association of Colleges of Pharmacy.

The article highlights the activities of the first women in leadership positions in the foreign affairs ministries of Poland and Ukraine after the restoration of state independence. In Ukraine, the first woman to take a leadership position at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, namely as Deputy State Secretary, was appointed on October 1, 2002. This position was held by Natalia Zarudna, who soon became the first woman – Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ambassador of Ukraine to Denmark and Germany and head of the OSCE Center in Astana. In Poland, a woman first held the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs in 2006. The appointment of Anna Fotyga to this position was considered politically justified. The Minister had a long political career as a representative of the 'Law and Justice' party. However, she also had experience in the field of foreign policy – she was the State Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, a Member of the European Parliament (working in the Foreign Affairs Committee), and the Vice President of the city of Gdańsk (responsible for international issues). After completing her ministerial term, Anna Fotyga served three terms in the European Parliament, where she demonstrated a principled position in support of Ukraine. The article concludes that both unique women, despite their different professional paths and positions in management, had much in common in terms of values, approaches to self-organisation and attitude towards their duties.

The inauguration of the President and Vice President is a crucial moment in the Indonesian state system that must be carried out in accordance with constitutional legitimacy. Legality and legal certainty are the foundation for inaugurated officials to have legitimate authority and be widely accepted. This study analyzes inaugurations conducted by the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) without constitutional legitimacy, focusing on procedures, formal requirements, and the MPR's compliance with the 1945 Constitution, the Election Law, and related MPR regulations. The method used is a normative juridical and conceptual approach, through a review of legislation, constitutional law literature, and analysis of hypothetical cases. The results show that inaugurations without constitutional legitimacy do not meet the formal or substantive requirements stipulated in the law. It creates legal uncertainty and can weaken the principle of checks and balances, the stability of government institutions, and political legitimacy. Officials inaugurated under these conditions face legal and political challenges that can affect government effectiveness. This research emphasizes the importance of strengthening procedural mechanisms, the role of oversight bodies such as the Constitutional Court and the House of Representatives (DPR), and public legal education to ensure that the inauguration of state officials consistently complies with constitutional provisions. Recommendations include reforming inauguration regulations to clarify the authority of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), increasing the transparency of the process, and strengthening public understanding of constitutional principles. Implementing these measures will strengthen the legitimacy of state officials, maintain legal certainty, and support democratic stability in Indonesia.

ABSTRACT In this piece, I contend that Black sororities were instrumental in Kamala Harris’s run for Vice President in 2020 and her 2024 presidential campaign. I argue that although, as non-profit organizations, the sororities could not formally endorse Harris – they engaged in racial uplift as they created political action committees (PACs) for the Harris campaigns and pushed for members to take part in mobilizing voters in Black communities. Additionally, I assert that news sources covering the campaigns reveal that as Harris faced an onslaught of misogynoir from Donald Trump and the religious right – Black sororities responded through statements that reflected that they were not only arguing in defense of Harris, but also in defense of themselves.

ABSTRACT The paper analyzes the impact of digital ecosystems on contemporary democracies, highlighting their ambivalent nature. Digital platforms foster civic participation and give voice to marginalized groups, yet they can also generate censorship, polarization, and restrictions on freedom of expression, raising ethical and social concerns. The research focuses on the U.S. presidential campaign between June and November 2024—a crucial period that allows for an examination not only of Joe Biden's withdrawal from the race and his replacement by Vice President Kamala Harris but also of the evolution of the political and communicative strategies that led to Donald Trump's victory. Through a comparative analysis of the most significant content posted by the candidates on X, Instagram, and TikTok, the study investigates differences in tone, political goals, and rhetorical strategies, showing how these platforms contributed to shaping collective narratives and broader metanarratives. The aim is to map the evolution of public opinion trends and the key macro-themes emerging from both the political agenda and voters' perceived priorities, offering a critical reflection on the polarizing dynamics that define public debate in the digital age.

At a non-promotional AstraZeneca-sponsored symposium at the European Respiratory Society (ERS) 2025 Congress, five experts were invited to discuss the current unmet need for biologic therapy in COPD, explore the roles of IL-33 in COPD pathogenesis, and review newly developed biologics for COPD that target IL-33 pathways. Andrew Menzies-Gow, Vice President, Respiratory & Immunology, Global Biopharmaceuticals Medical, AstraZeneca, Cambridge, UK, highlighted barriers to effective COPD management and emphasised the need for proactive, integrated, patient-centred care. Rebecca D’Cruz, Pulmonologist, Guy’s and St Thomas’ NHS Foundation Trust, London, UK, explained why novel COPD therapies are required and addressed the role of mucus dysfunction in COPD progression. Dave Singh, Pulmonologist and Clinical Pharmacologist, University of Manchester and Medicines Evaluation Unit, UK, described how the reduced (IL-33RED) and oxidised (IL-33OX) forms of IL-33 act through distinct pathways to promote inflammation, mucus dysfunction, and impaired epithelial repair in COPD. Stephanie Christenson, Pulmonologist, University of California, San Francisco, USA, summarised aspects of clinical trials evaluating IL-33-targeted biologics for COPD. Finally, Claus Vogelmeier, Pulmonologist, University Hospital Marburg, Germany, chaired a panel discussion of how targeting distinct IL-33 pathways might change the future landscape of COPD.

Abstract The author describes his leadership journey from growing up in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; the son of two salespeople, to playing college football and ultimately becoming the CEO and founder of Brevity. He describes the latter as an “AI‐powered role‐play (simulating real‐world interactions) and coaching platform designed to help sales teams better communicate with customers.” He gives credits to mentors and colleagues along the way. “The biggest throughline in my journey,” he writes, “is the relentless, insatiable quest for knowledge.” He realized after one year of experience that a career in accounting was not how he wanted to spend his life. He became an early employee of a Denver‐based tech startup, ThrivePass, where he became Vice President of Sales and Operations. He eventually cofounded his company by determining a market need for entrepreneurs trying to get and keep an investor’s attention. Thus came software called BrevityPitch, which is “designed to help entrepreneurs distill their ideas, build self‐conviction, and deliver a pitch in under three minutes.” He relates the importance of feedback and constructive criticism at all levels of an organization. His highest goal is to “seek knowledge, build understanding, earn wisdom, and pass it on to those around me.”