Complements Of Verbs Research Articles

Variation between Finite and Infinitival Clauses as Verb Complements in English.

This paper examines subject-control (e.g. promise, guarantee, agree, learn, decide) and object-control verbs (e.g. persuade, convince, remind, advise, instruct) which can take both finite (i.e. that-clause) and infinitival (i.e. to-infinitive) clauses as their complements and accounts for structural factors determining the distribution of the two competing constructions. The quantitative analysis of the data from the Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA) containing 570+ million words reveals the following: Compared with the simple structure of a subject-control verb immediately followed by a complement clause, a more complex structure in which a personal object (or a preposition plus personal object) is inserted before the complement clause has a far higher frequency of the occurrence of the finite complement. The same applies to the object-control verbs: Compared with the structure of the verb plus personal object plus complement clause, the insertion of prepositional phrase before the complement clause leads to a higher rate of the use of the finite complement. This shows that a more explicit form (e.g. finite clause) is preferred to a less explicit form (e.g. infinitival clause) in cognitively more complex environment and supports Rohdenburg’s Complexity Principle.

No argument–adjunct asymmetry in reconstruction for Binding Condition C

The syntax literature has overwhelmingly adopted the view that Condition C reconstruction takes place in wh-chains for R-expressions contained within arguments, but not within adjuncts of fronted wh-phrases. At the same time, this empirical picture has been questioned by various authors. We undertake a series of grammaticality surveys using Amazon Mechanical Turk in an attempt to clarify the empirical picture regarding reconstruction for Binding Condition C. We find absolutely no evidence of an argument–adjunct distinction in reconstruction for Binding Condition C. Neither arguments nor adjuncts reconstruct for Condition C. We suggest that those speakers who report such a contrast (linguists, primarily) are following a pragmatic bias, and not Condition C. While we do not find reconstruction of dependents of fronted NPs for Binding Condition C, we do find reconstruction of fronted PPs. That is, the NP complement of a fronted P must reconstruct for Binding Condition C. The literature also finds reconstruction of NP complements of verbs and adjectives. This means that fronted Ns are special in not requiring reconstruction of their arguments and adjuncts. We suggest that, syntactically, arguments of Ns are treated as adjuncts: semantic arguments simply adjoin in the same manner as true adjuncts. Syntactic adjuncts can be left out of lower copies in chains, something that we suggest follows from a left-to-right syntactic derivation plus an economy condition on copying.

An empirical study on word order in predicates: on syntax, processing and information in native and learner English

<p>This study focuses on the linearisation of verbal complements (or arguments) and adjuncts (or modifiers) in learner advanced English. The analysis is based on minimal pairs of sequences of complements and adjuncts in predicates, as in He will investigate [the construction] [in a somewhat strange way which will lead to odd results] versus He will investigate [in a somewhat strange way which will lead to odd results] [the construction]. Constituent linearisation has been claimed to be potentially subject to lexical, syntactic, processing and informative determinants. This paper analyses the influence of the verbal heads and the principles ‘complements-first’, ‘end-weight’ and ‘given-new’ on the production of predicates containing two dependents. The study has two objectives: first, to determine in which areas the ordering of such constituents in English by non-native speakers is particularly influenced by their first language (Spanish); second, to assess the plausibility of the Interface Hypothesis in a pattern which affects the so-called internal and external interfaces. Results show that internal constraints such as the length of the dependents (end-weight) and the learner’s source language (i.e. compliance with complements-first) are strong predictors of ordering choices.</p>

On the margins of perception - TO-clauses: a standard construction of perception verbs?

The main objective of this corpus-based study is to provide an account for the fact that, contrary to what some grammars postulate, TO-infinitive clauses can be – and are – used in the complementation of perception verbs in the active. The analysis seeks to answer the underlying question of whether the norms or usages mentioned in prescriptive or descriptive grammars influence the way speakers use such constructions (perception verb + NP + TO-infinitival), while confronting these norms and usages to evidence provided by attested examples. Three varieties of English – British, American and Canadian English – are thus compared so as to identify: how frequently TO-infinitivals occur as complements; which verbs take this type of complement; and in which variety and in which register they are frequently used. It is shown that the utterances provided by the corpora contradict the norms that are prescribed or described in grammars. The study puts forward a semantic explanation as to the (in)compatibility of perception verbs with TO-infinitivals, partly based on the types of these verbs. It also demonstrates that the sentences sometimes convey a meaning of sensory perception, even if an interpretation of mental judgement or inference – often mentioned in grammars – is more frequent.

Idiomaticidade, familiaridade e informação prévia no processamento de expressões idiomáticas do PB

Expressões idiomáticas são comumente caracterizadas como combinações fixas e não-composicionais nas quais o sentido figurado não constitui uma função da soma das partes; seu grau de composicionalidade, entretanto, é variável. Este artigo investiga a compreensão de expressões idiomáticas do tipo verbo-complemento no português brasileiro (ex. “pintar o sete”, “passar a bola”). Buscamos avaliar em que medida propriedades internas e externas das expressões podem influenciar no processamento das mesmas. Reportamos os resultados de um experimento de leitura automonitorada (conduzido por meio de uma maze task), no qual o segmento crítico corresponde à complementação do verbo: idiomático vs. literal (ex. abrir o coração/ a porta). Os resultados revelaram efeitos estatisticamente significativos das três variáveis investigadas, sugerindo que o grau de idiomaticidade, a familiaridade do falante com a expressão e a informação prévia afetam o processamento das expressões e, portanto, devem ser considerados num modelo que busque explicitar a representação, o acesso e a compreensão dessas estruturas.

Secondary predication and the distribution of raising to object

In Den Dikken (2017b) arguments are presented for a predicational approach to hyperraising and copy raising constructions in which the ‘raised’ DP serves as the subject of the matrix clause. In this sequel, I show that hyperraising and copy raising also occur in secondary predication constructions embedded under propositional attitude verbs such as consider. An examination of the properties of these hyperraising and copy raising to object constructions leads to the conclusion that overt subject-toobject raising (‘object shift’) definitely exists in English but is obligatory only for subjects of small-clause complements of verbs. Apart from yielding a clearer perspective on the distribution of overt object shift in English, the study also delivers a unified account of a variety of restrictions on the subject of the non-finite complement of propositional attitude verbs.

AN ANALYSIS OF STUDENTS’ ABILITY IN CONSTRUCTING INFORMATION QUESTION

Constructing information question with correct grammar is an ability that should be owned by the students. The aim of this research is to find out the research question about how the students’ ability in constructing information question is. This is a descriptive research. The data were collected from twenty-eight students of eighth grade of SMP 30 Padang that were chosen randomly. This research used test as the instrument that consist of twelve question tests that represent question word what, where, who, why, when, and how. Analysis data based on indicators of information question; question word, auxiliary verb, subject, main verb, and sentence complement. From the result of this study, it was gained that students’ abilities were very good in determining question word, not very good in determining auxiliary verb, good in determining subject, not good in determining verb, and average in determining complement. It can be concluded that students have good ability in determining question word, subject, and complement in constructing information question, while students still have low ability in determining auxiliary verb and verb in constructing information question.

Da-clauses as complements of desiderative and manipulative verbs in Slovenian

Da-clauses as complements of desiderative and manipulative verbs in Slovenian

Ditransitive Verbs: An English Print Media based Comparison of Pakistani English and British English

The present study highlights the ditransitive complementation between Pakistani English (PE) and British English (BE). The ditransitive verb complementation allows double objects in a sentence i.e. indirect object and direct object. Since the current study uses qualitative research methodology, a sample of 48 statements selected from these Pakistani Print Media sources: one newspaper, six daily magazines and two weekly magazines; eventually, 8 statements out of the 48 statements were only found suitable. Although, the findings of the present paper may be generalized as per the nature of study. Moreover, the retrieved data is analyzed in correspondence with the three patterns of ditransitive complementation of BE as introduced by Rahman (1990). Finally, the findings of the current study showed that PE utilizes infinitive phrase at the place of direct object; in view of second pattern PE leaves out indirect object and that clause remains the same between the two mentioned Englishes. Hence, in view of the third and last pattern, PE applies to infinitive in the place of indirect object and prepositional idiom. The study, hereby, has been successful in identifying the ditransitive complementation deviations between PE and BE

The (pro)nominalizer -la(ŋ) in Tamangic

Abstract As is well known, it is not uncommon in TB that nominalized clauses are used in various types of constructions, such as relative clauses, purpose clauses, verb complements, and free-standing independent clauses. Noonan (1997), for instance, shows the multi-functionality of the nominalized clause with a nominalizer -wa in Chantyal (Tamangic). The current article discusses another nominalizer -la(ŋ) in Tamangic. In many Tamangic languages/dialects the suffix la(ŋ) may be used to form possessive pronominal expressions (e.g. ‘someone’s/something’s one’). It can thus be more specifically described as a pronominalizer. There is evidence that in many Tamangic dialects the suffix has developed into a genitive marker. This paper further suggests a possibility that la(ŋ) is historically related to a number of verb suffixes, such as complementizers and finite verb suffixes used in free-standing independent clauses.

The road to auxiliariness revisited

Abstract Auxiliary verbs are known to grammaticalize from lexical verbs, but how do lexical verbs acquire verbal complements to begin with? This article provides an account of the semantic and pragmatic basis of grammaticalization of the Spanish anterior (‘perfect’) [acabar + de + infinitive] from a lexical source construction meaning finish. Based on a description of finish in terms of its qualia structure, we argue that verbs meaning finish are lexically unsaturated, with an event variable that must be assigned a value, whether implicitly by inference or explicitly by a verbal complement. We show on the basis of historical corpus data from the 13th–18th centuries that overt lexical verb complements are initially motivated by informativity: the infinitive is used to describe the event when the type of event is unexpected. However, this original constructional meaning is eventually lost due to the process of overtification, which has not been discussed in the literature on language change. Writers started using the infinitive in contexts in which the finished event is not unexpected. The subsequent development of the temporal meaning is motivated by the failure of listeners to accommodate too-costly presuppositions in a particular syntactic context, leading to the reanalysis of the constructional meaning. Consequently, overtification was a necessary condition for the subsequent temporalization of the construction. These findings shed light on possible reasons for the grammaticalization of auxiliary verb constructions, at both early and later stages in their developmental histories.

Introducing the Special Issue: Clausal and Nominal Complements in Monolingual and Bilingual Grammars

To introduce this Special Issue entitled Clausal and Nominal Complements in Monolingual and Bilingual Grammars, we begin by explaining what originally motivated this Special Issue [...]

Contact-induced variation in clausal verb complementation: the case of REGRET in World Englishes

It has been argued that in language contact situations both transfer processes from the substrate languages (Thomason, 2008) and cognitive effects derived from the language contact situation itself (Schneider, 2012, 2013) can constitute important catalysts for language variation and change. Regarding the verbal complementation system, Steger and Schneider (2012: 172), for example, notice a preference for finite patterns over non-finite structures in World Englishes (WEs), that is, a preference for more explicit forms (hyperclarity and isomorphism). On the contrary, Schneider’s study (2012) does not confirm such a preference for more explicit forms in WEs in the competition between finite and non-finite patterns. This article intends to shed some light on the differences between the distribution of finite and nonfinite complementation patterns in WEs by exploring the complementation profile of the verb REGRET in two metropolitan varieties, British and American English, and comparing them to three geographically distant varieties with different substrate languages, historical contexts, and degrees of language contact: on the one hand, two ESL varieties, Hong Kong English and Nigerian English, and on the other, one ESD variety, Jamaican English, where contact is more pronounced. The main aim of this paper is, therefore, to investigate whether potential differences in the verbal complementation systems between varieties of English are product of cognitive processes derived from the language contact situation, a matter of transfer-induced change, or a combination of both.

El complemento de régimen preposicional en español y sus traducciones al croata: observaciones preliminares

Los complementos verbales en español se clasificaban tradicionalmente en tres grupos: complemento (objeto) directo (CD), indirecto (CI) y circunstancial (CC). Mientras que las primeras dos funciones se definían con recursos formales y se comprobaban con ejemplos transparentes, Alcina Franch y Blecua (1975/1983: 869) notan que la gramática tradicional «distinguía bajo el nombre general de complementos circunstanciales una amplia y variada gama de complementos que se distinguían negativamente por no ser ni el objeto directo ni el indirecto».

Predicate raising and perception verb complements in Malagasy

Malagasy clauses have a bipartite structure, consisting of a predicate plus a topic-like constituent, the trigger, which specifies the argument of predication. Normally the predicate precedes the trigger. The question arises as to whether the trigger originates to the right of the predicate, or whether predicate-trigger order is derived through predicate fronting. I argue in favor of predicate fronting based on evidence from clausal complements in sentences denoting direct perception of an event. These complements closely resemble matrix clauses, but exhibit an order where the trigger precedes the predicate. I show that these complements are single constituents which pattern as tensed clauses with regard to binding and other tests. I also present evidence that the trigger in perception verb complements occupies the same position as triggers of predicate-initial clauses. It follows that the word order difference between perception verb complements and predicate-initial clauses reflects a difference in the surface position of the predicate. I propose that predicate-initial clauses include a finiteness (Fin) head in their left periphery which attracts the predicate (=TP) to check tense and EPP features, causing the predicate to raise over the trigger. In perception verb complements, which denote events rather than propositions, the Fin head is absent, and so predicate fronting fails to occur.

Verbs of Command and the Status of Their Embedded Complements in Chinese

Abstract This paper argues against Yue’s (1999) view that complements to verbs of commands (jiao ‘to ask/to tell,’ qing ‘to request,’ quan ‘to persuade,’ etc.) are embedded imperatives with a covert [+second person] subject pronoun. Evidence against the embedded imperative analysis include the presence of partial control, the absence of blocking effect in long-distance binding, the incompatibility between these complement clauses and the polite imperative marker qing, and the fact that Yue’s proposed covert [+second person] pronoun cannot be made overt. Since verbs of commands participate in object control, the present proposal agrees with Zhu’s (1982) treatment of verbs of command as pivotal verbs. Finally, complement clauses of verbs of command are not embedded imperatives as bie can also appear with third person subjects, which shows that the negator does not mark imperative but irrealis and deontic modality. Hence, its presence in complements of verbs of command does not lead to an embedded imperative analysis.

Die Entwicklung des deutschen zu-Infinitivs:

Abstract This paper investigates the initial steps in the diachronic development of the German zu-infinitive as a complement. So far, several alternative scenarios have been proposed to account for this development. They will be first examined in more detail and then tested on corpus data from the Middle High German and the Early New High German periods. The data comprises a set of complement taking predicates pertaining to the semantic field of manipulation and persuasion, e. g. bitten ›ask‹ and befehlen ›command‹. The corpus study will show that none of the existing scenarios individually can account for the development of the zu-infinitive as a complement of the matrix verbs under investigation. Hence, a new scenario will be proposed. Namely, the development of the zu-infinitive will be seen as a complex diachronic process consisting of several interwoven paths; each of the individual paths stems from a different diachronic source and unfolds in a particular linguistic context.

On the Transitive Object Control into ­ing Complementation Pattern in Contemporary Spoken American English: a Corpus­Driven Study

The aim of this paper is threefold: firstly, to establish whether the transitive into -ing complementation pattern is productive; secondly, to establish the semantic taxonomy of the matrix verbs taking the into -ing complementation pattern; thirdly, to investigate the existence of a correlation between the semantics and the predicate-argument structure of the matrix verbs selecting the transitive into -ing pattern in contemporary spoken American English in the COCA corpus. Goldbergian construction grammar constitutes a framework for this inquiry, whereby grammatical constructions do convey meaning, irrespective of the words used in them, with the transitive into -ing pattern instantiating a type of a caused motion construction (Goldberg 1995). The results of the patternbased, synchronic corpus inquiry are believed to constitute a contribution to the area of shifting verbal complementation, thus providing further evidence to the validity of Gunter’s notion of Great Complement Shift (Rohdenburg 2006). This paper is structured in accordance with traditional IMRD model.

“This hair-style called as ‘duck tail’”

This paper focuses on the ‘intrusiveas’-construction in complex-transitive verb complementation which was so far only attested for Indian English. Our data show that ‘intrusiveas’ is a common feature in South Asian Englishes generally, albeit to different degrees. Comparing the South Asian data with data from Learner Englishes allows to test several hypotheses concerning the origin of ‘intrusiveas’; the most robust correlation within the data points to redundancy as a motivating factor for both ESL and EFL contexts.

Profiling verb complementation constructions across New Englishes

In this paper, we explore verb complementation patterns withtoandingin native English (British and American English) as compared to three Asian Englishes (Hong Kong, Indian, and Singaporean English). Based on data from the International Corpus of English annotated for variables describing the matrix verb and the complement, we run two random forests analyses to determine where the Asian Englishes have developed complementation preferences different from the two native speaker varieties. We find not only a variety of differences between the Asian and the native Englishes, but also that the Asian Englishes are more similar (i.e. ‘better predicted by’) the American English data. Further, as the first study of its kind to extend the MuPDAR approach from the now frequent regression analyses to random forests analysis, this study adds a potentially useful analytical tool to the often messy and skewed observational data corpus linguists need to deal with.