This study examines how Fox News and CTV News presented the 2025 tariffs on Canadian imports by US President Donald Trump. Using Entman’s four framing functions and Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis (CDA), the article explores how each media outlet defined the trade conflict, attributed causality, rendered moral judgments, and suggested policy responses. Drawing from fifty-two articles from Fox News and fifty-two articles from CTV News published between January 20 and April 30, 2025, the research employed a qualitative comparative research design that integrates framing analysis with textual-level CDA. This dual-method approach enabled the identification of both surface-level narrative structures and deeper ideological mechanisms embedded in discourse. The findings reveal two sharply divergent media narratives. Fox News framed the tariffs as a moral defense against a national security threat, emphasizing American sovereignty, victimhood, and executive resolve. CTV News portrayed the tariffs as politically motivated and economically harmful, and emphasized diplomatic norms, institutional responses, and measured retaliation. The study contributes to the literature by demonstrating how media framing not only shapes public understanding of trade conflicts but also reinforces divergent national identities, political ideologies, and economic nationalism.

ABSTRACT Organized groups frequently appeal to the president of the United States for support of their policy agenda. However, even if presidents are broadly supportive of the groups in question, they may not always be able or willing to meet their demands. Social movements, in particular, which seek change that presidents might view as a threat to their existing party coalition and public support, face imposing challenges in forming partnerships with the White House. How can social movements pressure the president to support their objectives? We explore the relationship between presidents and social movements through a historical case study of the interactions between President Barack Obama and the LGBT movement during Obama's first term in office. While Obama was broadly supportive of gay rights, the relationship between the White House and social activists during his first term in office was often rocky. On the basis of in‐depth interviews with LGBT activists, White House officials, and Democratic politicians, we show how gay rights activists, with critical support from Democratic party leaders, won the White House's support on issues such as the repeal of Don't Ask Don't Tell and same‐sex marriage by pressuring Obama publicly while simultaneously providing the administration with data and guidance in private. We conclude that the relationship between presidents, parties, and social movements, while highly contentious, is a critical dimension of contemporary partisanship.

IntroductionHIV prevention and treatment supported by the United States President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) have saved millions of lives. Rwanda is among the most successful countries worldwide in achieving global targets with PEPFAR support. Abrupt PEPFAR funding uncertainty raises concerns about continued HIV epidemic control. We projected the impact of the Government of Rwanda's (GoR's) capacity to offset PEPFAR funding elimination on adult HIV epidemic and care continuum outcomes over 10 years.MethodsUsing an HIV policy model calibrated to Rwanda, we assessed capacity to sustain HIV services at: 50% (with no capacity by GoR to cover the PEPFAR funding gap), 75%, 90% and 100% (with full capacity by GoR to cover the gap). Scenarios involved reducing the number on antiretroviral therapy (ART), immediately discontinuing ART and proportionally decreasing HIV diagnosis, ART initiation, and care re‐engagement. We projected epidemic outcomes (HIV prevalence, HIV incidence, number with HIV, new HIV infections, deaths) and care continuum outcomes (percentage diagnosed, percentage on ART among those diagnosed, percentage virally suppressed among those on ART). We calculated differences in projected outcomes for partial or no capacity versus full capacity. Secondary analyses assessed the timing of the GoR's response.ResultsCompared to full capacity at 10 years, the model projected a 13.9%–38.7% increase in HIV prevalence and 69.0%–246.7% increase in HIV incidence across coverage capacity scenarios. This translated to 29,000–64,000 additional adults with HIV and 20,000–92,000 cumulative new adult HIV infections. Cumulative projected deaths increased by 10,000–51,200. The model projected continual reductions in percentage diagnosed at 10 years; percentage virally suppressed among those on ART was similar across scenarios. Higher, and more delayed, coverage capacity had projected outcomes similar to lower, and less delayed, coverage capacity. Outcomes for gradual increases in coverage capacity were generally similar to or better than full, but delayed, coverage capacity.ConclusionsEven in countries like Rwanda that have achieved epidemic control, abrupt and persistent elimination of PEPFAR funding could drastically reverse critical gains. Evidence quantifying the consequences of different capacities to sustain HIV services underscores the high stakes of rapid and sufficient action.

HIV infection is 100% fatal; however, antiretroviral therapy prevents illness, death and transmission-delaying access to treatment is a death sentence while also leading to the spread of HIV. More recently, antiretroviral chemoprophylaxis (commonly known as pre-exposure prophylaxis or PrEP) has been shown to prevent HIV infection among individuals at high risk. In 2003, President George W Bush established the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), the largest commitment by any nation to address a single disease. Over the last two decades, PEPFAR provided antiretroviral treatment to more than 20 million people, saved over 25 million lives, enabled more than 7 million babies to be born free of HIV and helped cut new HIV infections by half in the most impacted countries. Earlier last year, the US administration drastically cut overseas development funding, severely compromising PEPFAR's ability to deliver life-saving HIV services. UNAIDS modelling shows that if the funding permanently disappears, there could be an additional 6 million HIV infections and an additional 4 million AIDS-related deaths by 2029. We urge the US administration and the G7 leadership to reflect carefully on the likely and grave consequences of dismantling one of the most successful initiatives in the history of global health.

By examining both short-term price reactions and long-term dynamic interactions, this study investigates how the U.S. presidential elections affect international financial markets. Using the MSCI Developed Markets (DM) and MSCI Emerging Markets (EM) indexes, the research focuses on the elections won by Joe Biden in 2020 and Donald Trump in 2024. The TVP-VAR framework is used to examine long-term dynamics, whereas an event study technique is used to investigate short-term consequences. The results of the event study show that short-term market reactions mostly stay within their confidence bands and that average abnormal returns around the election announcement and inauguration dates do not show a clear directional change. On the other hand, cumulative abnormal returns show that while DM markets performed better during the 2024 election era, EM markets outperformed DM markets during the 2020 election period. While there is no significant divergence in average abnormal returns between EM and DM markets, the divergence in cumulative abnormal returns suggests, contrary to a paradox, that markets have priced in election uncertainty and policy expectations cumulatively over time, rather than reacting on election day. According to the TVP-VAR results, the two markets are strongly interconnected and shock transmission primarily moves from DM to EM, with brief fluctuations noted during election seasons. Overall, the findings show that the effect of U.S. presidential elections on international financial markets differs depending on the political stance of the elected leader; the Trump administration tends to favor developed markets, while the Biden administration offers a more favorable pricing environment for emerging markets.

In light of continued foreign interference in the US presidential elections, where undisclosed digital voter suppression advertising has been deployed, this study addresses the questions of who is exposed to these ads and whether and how such exposure influences voter turnout. Using a sample that resembles the US voting-age population, the study directly measures each individual's ad exposure through a user-level real-time ad tracking tool, which is merged with the same individual's survey responses to identify voter suppression content and its targeting patterns. By further matching individual-level exposure to voter suppression ads with the same individual's verified voter turnout records, the study estimates the effects of voter suppression on actual turnout. The study findings from the 2016 US Presidential Election reveal clear geo-racial targeting patterns in voter suppression: non-Whites residing in the racial minority counties of battleground states were exposed to substantially more voter suppression ads than their counterparts. Moreover, exposure to voter suppression ads was associated with decreases in voter turnout at the population level, albeit small. The sharpest declines were observed among non-Whites residing in minority counties of battleground states, suggesting that the intensified turnout suppression among the targeted segments of the electorate may have played a role in shaping turnout.

ABSTRACT The return of Donald Trump to the US Presidency in 2025 has dramatically impacted the EU’s fiscal framework. In response to Trump's aims to disengage the US from guaranteeing the security of Europe, the EU has triggered the national safeguard clause of the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP), the centerpiece of the EU fiscal rules, reformed in 2024 after three years of suspension because of the pandemic. The decision exempts member states, for four years, from complying with the EU deficit rules for defense expenditures. At the same time, Germany, the member state championing fiscal stability, ditched decades of commitment to Schwarze null and passed a constitutional amendment which enables annual spending of over 1 per cent of gross domestic product (GDP) on defense in derogation of the Schuldebremse, the constitutional debt brake (formally remained operative for the other spending). The Trump effect thus led the EU to set aside EU and national fiscal rules again to increase defense spending. The outcome is an EU operating in a sort of fiscal limbo.

Hardcore Punk in the Age of Reagan: The Lyrical Lashing of an American Presidency. By Fitzgerald, Robert, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2025. 241 pp. ISBN: 978‐1‐46‐968545‐8

Whiteness presents as stable and homogeneous or even natural, but it is a socially and historically constructed status that is never completely won. Intersectional readings of whiteness in context help show the contingency of this racial formation, dependent like all power formations on historical conditions. The concept “ordentlikheid” is applied in this article to expose the inner and outer ordering and hierarchisation of Afrikaner whiteness in South Africa. Ordentlikheid is variably translatable as respectability, dignity, or politeness. It is here used as an ethno-cultural term referencing a historically generated schema of moral worth that captures the aspirational formation of Afrikaner identity in colonial, apartheid and postcolonial South Africa. Gender looms large as co-determining the terms for inclusion and exclusion in Afrikaner whiteness, particularly through the figure of the volksmoeder. The pursuit of ordentlikheid is explored across three historical moments, characterised by shifting emphases in the intersectional deployment of differences: the rise of Afrikaner nationalism in the late 19th and early 20th century, the official ending of apartheid and transition to democracy in the 1990s, and the global rise of racial populisms with associated shifts in transnational whiteness in the 2020s. Over these three periods, varying emphases can be discerned on differences in the aspirational pursuit of ordentlikheid as part of the intersectional construction of Afrikaner whiteness. Ordentlikheid as a concept assists in understanding ethnic competition with the British due to their inferiorisation of Afrikaners as “lesser whites.” It helps to explain the rise of “purified” Afrikaner nationalism that constructed a white volk by corralling women into the heteropatriarchal volksmoeder regime of “woman/wife-as-mother”. With the fall of apartheid, Afrikaner enclave neo-nationalism emerges, marked by inward migration, localisation, and ethnic closure. Claiming the moral high ground of ordentlikheid facilitates an unexpected incorporation of white Afrikaners into the Make America Great Again (MAGA) agenda of US President Donald Trump.

Short-Term market impact of 2024 US President elections and Trump-Zelensky meeting in defence industry

HIV care cascades among refugees and host communities in Uganda: findings from two population-based surveys.

Globalization is the main trend in the development of the entire human civilization. After World War II, the United States played a key role in economic and financial globalization. They are a major initiator, driver, and beneficiary of it, as well as the largest buyers of goods and services in the global market. American companies play a crucial role in shaping global trade. The United States’ “trade wars” with all countries are in opposition to the logic of civilization’s development. The paper discusses the economic consequences during the U.S. “trade war” with China in 2018–2020 and the short-term effects of Executive Order No. 14257 of April 2, 2025 of the President of the United States. The low efficiency of the Tramp’s tariff policy for the country’s industrial development is shown. Tariffs alone will not build the factories needed to increase domestic production. Large private investments plus other industrial policy tools are also needed. As shown in the article, the output of American steel and aluminum in 2018–2021 increased by only 1.9% and 3.6%, respectively, during the “trade war” of 2018–2020. The author focuses on the empirical studies by the US federal governmental agencies such as the United States International Trade Commission (USITC) and the United States Trade Representative (USTR). They and many other researchers have found that the burden of customs duties typically falls on domestic consumers and companies rather than foreign exporters. It may be concluded that there are no conditions for a return to free trade as was during the peak of globalization, as well as no prospects for a significant revival of the American manufacturing industry either.

Addressing issues related to the implied meaning of expressions and words are dealt with using pragmatics. Deixis is a case in point; it refers to a type of reference that offers the reader a deeper understanding of what characters intend by their utterances. This research is qualitative in nature; it aims to examine comparatively the prevalent type of deictic words invested in political and religious texts, and to investigate the reasons behind their usage in such contexts. To meet this objective, two speeches have been selected; one is political belonging to the American President Barack Obama, and the second one is religious belonging to Muzammil Sidiqi, an Indian director of the Islamic Center of Washington, D.C. The study has concluded that both politicians and preachers employ different types of deictic markers in their writings. However, it has been noted that politicians utilize deictic words and expressions, such as the 1st person, specifically (we), in political texts more frequently than preachers owing to personal and political objectives, to garner support during elections and to assert dominance, particularly among the American politicians. Conversely, preachers use the 1st person (we) for advice and guidance purposes, aiming to direct the audience towards the correct religious path and to foster a sense of belonging within the Muslim community, emphasizing as a result the need for guidance and advice. This is because both preachers and individuals should strive to be closer to Allah through obedience.

The article focuses on the constitutive features of political internet memes representing the 47th President of the United States, Donald Trump. All the memes analysed are responses to Trump’s post on his own social media platform, Truth Social, in which he claimed that he would be the world’s best Pope. The relevance of the study is accounted for by the need to elucidate the principles of interaction between the verbal and visual modes in metaphtonymic internet memes in achieving socio-political communicative impact, as well as establishing the contribution of these modes and verbal allusion to the creation of a humorous effect as an instrument of communicative influence. The process of communication as part of socio-political processes has been analysed in terms of the methodology of multimodal cognitive linguistics. The internet meme is viewed as an interactive text, predominantly humorous in nature, circulating on the Internet as a historically established media resource providing the possibility of combining visual and verbal semiotic modes to achieve situationally determined communicative goals. The interpretation of an internet meme is possible only in the context of current socio-political events relevant for a particular society. The humorous effect of metaphtonymic memes stems from their structure containing at least two incompatible conceptual structures that are simultaneously activated in the recipient’s mind, followed by a two-stage model of resolving incongruity. The application of the cognitive metaphor and metonymy theory to multimodal communication analysis has made it possible to identify and describe visual metaphtonymy as well as visual-verbal metaphtonymy interacting with allusion. Both types of metaphtonymy are constructed on the basis of several metonymies, each activating conceptual structures of certain experiential domains, while metaphor establishes connections between these structures by projecting features from the source domain onto the target domain. The incompatibility of the activated conceptual structures creates a humorous stimulus and highlights the incongruity between Trump’s traits and the expectations of the global mass audience regarding the President of the United States. Thus, metaphtonymic memes exert socio-political influence on recipients and function as instruments for shaping public opinion.

We discuss the terms-of-trade effects of the import tariffs imposed by the US administration. Import tariffs benefit a large nation by suppressing the export price of the good it imports and by improving its terms of trade. This allows the large nation to move to a higher consumption point without the need for actual economic growth. The terms-of-trade gain is substantive for a large nation, while there is none for a small open economy. Borrowing on international trade theory we argue that the purpose of the import tariffs imposed by the USA is not merely to resolve trade balance issues, but rather to effortlessly improve the consumption position of the country.

Since Donald Trump assumed the US presidency again in January 2025, trans-Atlantic relations between Washington and Europe have worsened considerably, particularly in the security realm. President Trump’s attempts to rehabilitate Russia and to forge peace in Ukraine by making preemptive concessions to Moscow appear to be motivated in large part by the desire to drive a wedge between Russia and China, since US officials view Beijing as a much more critical challenge to its global dominance than Russia. This article argues, however, that such a strategy, which has contributed to a growing rift in trans-Atlantic relations between Washington and its traditional core allies in Western Europe, stands very little chance to succeed. Trump’s actions have led to a dilution of trust, with many Europeans calling for an uncoupling from Washington in the defence and security fields, threatening the trans-Atlantic alliance. While the prospects of the Trump administration’s strategy of deepening engagement with Russia remain slim, European governments for their part have long displayed similar misconceptions and naiveté with regard to China. This has led them to constantly pursue deeper integration with Beijing, particularly in the economic sphere, showing little awareness or concern about the strategic risks China is posing to Europe, which have become increasingly conspicuous in recent years. Contrary to the aforementioned policy stances, this article argues that Americans and Europeans alike need to appreciate that, from a geopolitical, ­geostrategic and geo-economic perspective, the Indo-Pacific and the Russian/European theaters are now intrinsically interlinked. Consequently, the US and Europe should enter a grand bargain to preserve the US-Europe alliance and effectively tackle the China-Russia axis.

BackgroundWhen the United States (U.S.) Presidential Election was announced in 2024, Joe Biden and Donald Trump were two of the oldest candidates in election history. This circumstance contributed to sentiments of ageism and dementia‐related stigma. Although ageism and dementia‐related stigma frequently intersect, there is a paucity of research exploring these interconnected issues. This study used tweets from X (formerly Twitter) to understand the intersection of ageism and dementia‐related stigma on social media during the 2024 U.S. Presidential Election.MethodWe purchased a professional developer account to access the official Application Programming Interface (API) of the social media platform X. We collected relevant tweets from X using the Tweepy application in Python during the U.S. Presidential Election campaign from February 11‐25, 2024. Using filters, 1,254 relevant posts were analyzed using thematic analysis. Actions were taken to support trustworthiness and rigor such as inter‐rater reliability coding and the creation of a thematic map.ResultBased on our thematic analysis, four main themes were identified: 1) dehumanization of older adults: “ancient fossils are running for office,” 2) dementia‐related ridicule: “demented addled candidate,” 3) old age as an inherent weakness: “they’re both too old; and 4) fear of perceived incompetence: “the fear is palpable.”ConclusionOur findings shed light on how social media discourse can threaten the credibility of older political leaders by shifting the focus from campaign policies to dementia‐related stigma and ageism. The persistent questioning of the candidates’ competence, coupled with ageist rhetoric, may undermine the credibility of older political leaders and public trust in the electoral system. Further research is needed to address the impact of ageism and dementia‐related stigma on political leaders’ credibility and the larger electoral system.

To better understand recent adolescent (10–19 years) HIV trends in Central America, we analyzed routine data from countries supported by the United States President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR): Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Panama, and Nicaragua, over the period from October 2020 to September 2024. Key PEPFAR indicators included HIV testing, HIV positivity rates, new treatment initiations, advanced HIV disease (AHD) at diagnosis, viral load coverage (VLC), viral load suppression (VLS), and multi-month dispensing (MMD) uptake for children and adolescents living with HIV (CALHIV) from 10–19 years of age. Since October 2020, the number of HIV tests conducted among adolescents has increased; however, the positivity rate has remained stable at approximately 2%. The number of adolescents initiating treatment increased by 21%. At the same time, VLS has shown steady regional improvement (from 73% to 90%), though VLC is a persistent challenge (80%). Treatment interruption rates have been relatively stable, fluctuating between 2% and 3%. Advanced HIV is high in adolescents new to treatment (34%), especially among females (40%), though cluster of differentiation 4 (CD4) testing at diagnosis has only been collected recently and coverage is not complete. The high prevalence of AHD among adolescents underscores the need to reinforce earlier and more targeted interventions for adolescents, especially in countries with greater HIV prevalence such as Panama and Guatemala.

The article analyzes the reasons and facts that caused distrust in the results of the investigation into the assassination of US President John F. Kennedy by the Warren Commission. The Warren Commission and the FBI's leadership at the time were fixated on the "single (magical) bullet theory" and the "lone shooter theory" (it was only Lee Harvey Oswald, who fired from the 6th floor window of the Texas School Book Depository Building), which ultimately resulted in a notable decrease in the quality of the investigation into President Kennedy's assassination. Although 21 witnesses stated that they heard shots fired from the direction of the grassy knoll, the Warren Commission refused to take that into account. However, analysis of the footage from the Zapruder witness film clearly showed that at least one shot at the president was not fired from the window of the Book Depository, i.e., it could not have been fired by Oswald. There was also an unacceptable confusion regarding the entry and exit holes of the bullets in President Kennedy's body. The issue of disproportionate and unauthorized control and interference by FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover in the work of the Warren Commission is discussed. The article features many important photographs taken at the crime scene, as well as a number of declassified FBI documents.

In his work Constitutional Government in the United States, written at the beginning of the twentieth century, Woodrow Wilson defined the nature and duties of the President of the United States and his relationship with Congress and the Supreme Court. The structure of the American government, in his opinion, can be well understood only after having explicitly specified what is meant by constitutional government. Wilson played a key role in defining the federal structure and the constitutional tradition both with his political theories and as an eminent statesman. He therefore contributed to clarifying the processes of synthesis of American pluralism by identifying in the early years of his historical-political speculation the leadership of Congress and in the early twentieth century the presidential leadership, as centers of power of the American institutional system.