This research analyzes Turkey’s dynamic relations with Russia in context of the war in Ukraine, with a particular emphasis on how Ankara finds a balance between its strategic and economic interests in keeping relations with Moscow and its NATO obligations. It illustrates Turkey’s balancing act between Russia and the West by analyzing its involvement in the Black Sea Grain Deal, alongside other key cases such as the procurement of the S-400 missile system, energy diplomacy with Russia, and the supply of drones to Ukraine. Hence, this research revolves around the main question of why Turkey has deviated from other NATO partners in completely isolating and sanctioning Russia following its strategic autonomy approach and regional dynamics. Our main focus is on the period from 2014 to 2025, beginning with Russia’s annexation of Crimea up until the full-scale invasion in February 2022, covering key turning points in Turkey-Russia relations, such as the downing of a Russian jet, the procurement of S-400 systems, cooperation in Syria, and Turkey’s evolving position in the geopolitics of the region. This broader timeframe allows for a comparative analysis of foreign policy trends across different phases of the crisis. The findings might serve as a platform for future study into Turkey’s position in multipolar international relations and crisis diplomacy.

The purpose of the study is to present the trends in foreign policy and trade and economic ат the end of the XX – beginning of the XXI centuries. The key task of the research is the analysis of the structure and development of trade and economic relations between Lithuania and Ukraine. The methodology is based on the general scientific principles of historicism and objectivity, which are implemented through the methods of historical, systemic-political, comparative and geopolitical analysis, which in turn allows us to identify, on the basis of events and facts, general patterns and features of the formation and development of Lithuanian-Ukrainian relations in the economic sphere. To solve the tasks set, special scientific research methods were also used: historical-genetic, historical-typological, problem-chronological, as well as methods of systematization, periodization, analysis and synthesis. Scientific novelty. A comprehensive picture of the dynamics of Lithuanian-Ukrainian relations in the foreign policy and economic spheres of the specified period is highlighted. Their development in the pan-European context is demonstrated, taking into account the geopolitical priorities of Lithuania and Ukraine. Research results. Foreign trade cooperation is one of the main components of foreign economic relations between the two countries, namely, in the context of the rapid development of globalization processes, which determines the urgency of tasks related to the search for new sources of strengthening competitiveness, as well as partners in cooperation with whom it would be possible to bring modernization and economic development closer. It is determined that an important role in the formation and coordination of interstate relations was played by the Intergovernmental Ukrainian-Lithuanian Commission on Trade, Economic, Scientific and Technical Cooperation. It is emphasized that a positive example of cooperation between Ukraine and Lithuania can be seen as an example of using the past to strengthen interstate relations in Central and Eastern Europe.

The article is devoted to modern trends in foreign policy. Namely, the formulation of so-called digital strategies in the foreign policy activities of countries. Diplomats and foreign ministries are faced with enor- mous changes caused by digitalization. The ability to adequately and effectively respond to these chang- es determines the future prosperity of countries. Foreign policy is already digital in many respects. The au- thor of the article emphasizes that the formation of the information society and the development of infor- mation and communication technologies lead to significant changes in the foreign policy of modern states. Modern approaches to digital strategies of foreign policy of countries of the world are revealed, which can be reduced to four categories. The article discusses the fact that many countries around the world are looking for ways to solve the problem of digitalization of foreign policy. Among the most developed strategies for digitalization of for- eign policy, international experts name the policy approaches developed by Australia, Denmark, France, the Netherlands, Norway and Switzerland. According to international experts, one of the most meaningful is the Swiss Digital Foreign Policy Strategy, which covers more than 30 issues divided into 4 blocks. For ex- ample, the remarks of the developers of the document Cybersecurity Strategy of the Netherlands for 2022- 2028 cannot fail to attract attention, which states that people and businesses should have the full bene- fit of participating in the digital society. It is noted that Denmark wants to position itself as a technological, diplomatic and digital pioneer country. It is emphasized that in 2017, Denmark became the first country in the world to raise technology and digitalization to a cross-cutting priority of foreign and security policy. Researched the Strategy of Foreign Policy Activities of Ukraine.

This study examines the role of print media in promoting diverse perspectives on the foreign policy of the Russian Empire during World War I. It provides a comprehensive review of articles from both Russian and foreign press that analyzed the reasons and consequences surrounding the resignation of Foreign Minister S. D. Sazonov. The analysis is grounded in materials drawn from eleven domestic and six international publications, supplemented by archival documents. The article highlights the media’s capacity to create a unique public discourse that facilitated the promotion of ideas that had long remained outside public discussion. The authors argue that the events of July 1916 marked a turning point not only in terms of Russia’s cooperation with various countries but also in shaping the country’s domestic political trajectory. The debate surrounding Sazonov’s resignation revealed that not only the supreme authority but also influential state figures served as essential guarantors of established governmental agreements, and neglecting this understanding undermined the previous public discourse while fostering a new one. Analyzing the shifts in the country’s political development indicates that these changes were linked to attempts to address recently emerging trends in foreign policy, with the chosen course contributing significantly to the forthcoming revolutionary upheavals.

The relevance of this work is determined by the negative changes in the Russian public consciousness in relation to foreign languages and the need to study them, observed in connection with the latest foreign policy trends. The purpose of the article is to draw the public’s attention to benefits of studying foreign languages for one’s personal and social enhancement and to invite officials not to ban or limit this academic activity. The methods used in the research include reviewing literature references, a retrospective analysis of relevant problems, a semantic analysis of grammatical categories, and an open-question survey to find out the opinion of people studying foreign languages. The authors also present their own speculations and express their concern on the stated problem. It is highlighted that studying foreign languages influences positively on development of cognitive functions of the brain, person’s abilities to interact in and adapt to the society, as well as on enhancement of tolerance and better understanding of both foreign and native cultures. The results of the research prove the necessity of studying foreign languages and point out the benefits of speaking one or more foreign languages without compromising the native language and culture.

The article analyses the foreign policy trends of the G. Meloni government. It is stated that Atlanticism and Europeanism remain its constants. Italy’s reintegration “into the world of protagonists” takes place through the restoration of a strategic role in the Mediterranean by strengthening NATO’s southern flank and Italy’s gaining a leadership role in the region. The attitude to the Russia-Ukraine conflict, renewal of ties with Asian powers and African countries, changes in migration policy through the externalization of migration processes are considered. The authors suggest following the Meloni government’s handling of important foreign policy issues in an international context in which Italy no longer plays a strategic role and the EU is gradually losing its potential for self-determination.

Introduction. The choice of Korea and Türkiye to analyze the behavior model within the framework of the changing international order is primarily due to such facts as maintaining close ties with Washington since their formation and their reference to each other as “brothers in blood”. Nevertheless, the historical paradigm of building the foreign policies has shown that there are some common directions that should be marked as “brotherhood in spirit”. The comparative analysis given in the article identifies the modern behavioral models of “the land of morning calm” and the Republic of Türkiye towards a changing geopolitical reality. The purpose of the study is to analyze the common points of intersection in the political processes of the two republics from the moment of their formation to the present days, also to identify the role of the “middle powers” during the Ukrainian crisis. Materials and Methods. The methods of induction and deduction, the method of content analysis, the method of comparison and analysis, and the statistical method as well as the civilizational approach were used in the research process. Due to the methods used, the authors of the article have managed to conduct a comparative analysis in these planes. The information base was made up of materials presented in news sources, statistical materials of international organizations, publications of scientists and experts. Results. A comprehensive country comparative analysis of states’ foreign policy trends in the XX and XXI centuries has been carried out, as well as their interaction with the “West” and the “westernization” of their course at the present stage – “brotherhood in spirit”. Also, the researchers have carried out main conclusions on their role of middle powers and regional actors due to the ongoing tectonic shifts in the international paradigm. Discussion and Сonclusion. Analyzing their “brotherhood in spirit” during the Ukrainian events, it is noted that Türkiye, in comparison with Korea, pursues a more independent course from the West, taking into account its own interests, while both are characterized by a “two-track” policy. Both states are taking a wait-and-see position in the conditions of the emerging political conjuncture of global interaction. The practical significance of the work is the analysis of the behavior of two countries – Korea and Türkiye – as “middle powers” in a changing world order. The obtained results can contribute to further study the role of this type of state in the “West–non-West” relationship.

We all know that the sharp changes that took place during the transition from competition to conflict in recent years affected the structure of the world order and its governance standards, the behavior of states, and their interactions within the international system. In the article, the author discussed the main ideas and trends in the formation of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the current modern international relations, its position towards the countries in the region, in particular, the relations with the state of Israel, the unilateral actions of the United States, current trends in foreign policy, as well as the priorities of Iran's foreign policy.

The article is devoted to the transformation of Soviet medical science and practice under the conditions of the development of international relations after World War II. The main attention was placed on the study of scientific and social medical projects, which were implemented by the USSR during the Cold War under the influence of foreign policy trends and priorities. The analysis of foreign, Soviet and Russian historiography shows that researchers have made serious progress in the study of medicine in the sphere of international relations. At the same time, the Soviet medical global project has not been sufficiently examined, which is due both to the source base and to the lack of a sociopolitical context in these works. The main documents for this article are recently declassified materials held in the fonds of the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History, the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History, the State Archive of the Russian Federation, and the Russian State Archive of Economics. The authors analyze the development of Soviet medical projects during the period of “late” Stalinism, in the 1950s and 1960s, and in the 1970s. The authors conclude that the Soviet global medical project constantly sought to expand. Thus, the first postwar years provided the foundations for the sustainability of the Soviet project within the socialist bloc, in the 1960s it would begin to spread to the Third World, and in the 1970s it would compete in the leading countries of the world. An important component of the Soviet medical project was the fight against epidemic and infectious diseases in post-colonial countries, the prevention of socially significant diseases and non-communicable diseases, as well as intensive scientific-medical and medical-technical exchanges through bilateral and multilateral partnerships. The Soviet medical project made possible not only competition between the two superpowers, but also cooperation in such important areas as the fight against smallpox or cooperation in shaping the international public dialogue on denuclearization. In general, the authors believe that an analysis of Soviet medicine during the Cold War allows us to show its role in the Soviet geopolitical construct, thus evaluating its ideological and applied components.

The decades since the end of the Cold War, the foreign policy of the Republic of Korea has undergone multiple changes; besides the traditional commitment to maintain and develop relations with its military and political ally – the United States – the new vectors have emerged. . The Korean government turns attention to such directions as: international status of the country; its authority on the world stage; as well as autonomy combined with globalism and autonomy through neutrality. The subject of this research is the foreign policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan at the turn of the XX – XXI centuries. The object is the main foreign policy trends. As a result of the conducted research, the author determines the vectors in foreign policy of the Republic of Korea: orientation towards alliance with the United States; globalism with intention to form new alliances; pursuit of cooperative autonomy; and acquisition of autonomy through neutrality. The article reveals cyclicity in the shift of attitudes depending on the political affiliation of the leader of the country: conservative presidents aim to maintain the alliance, while democratic presidents strive for autonomy. Although, the recent foreign policy vector of the Republic of Korea, which suggests acquisition of autonomy through neutrality, seems impossible due to the existing responsibilities, it remains relevant.

The main object of analysis of this article is the geopolitical situation in the Northern Black Sea region in the middle of the 18th century, which was primarily determined by the Turkish-Russian confrontation caused by the struggle for complete control of these strategic territories. The Ottoman Empire’s gradual loss of control over its Black Sea possessions, on the one hand, and the Russian Empire's forced advance to the south, on the other, led to a conflict of interest between the two states in the region. That is why the confrontation between Turkey and Russia has largely determined the geopolitical processes on the Eurasian frontier since the mid-seventeenth century. The escalation of the Turkish-Russian conflict intensified in the middle of the 18th century when the «Crimean question» became the cornerstone of relations between the Ottoman and Russian empires. A significant event in this confrontation was the annexation of the Crimean Khanate by the Russian Empire in 1783, which ushered in a radically new stage in the development of the entire Black Sea region. Given the permanence of the Russian-Turkish confrontation in the Black Sea region and Crimea’s place in it, St. Petersburg’s priority was to accelerate the transformation of these territories into a Russian Black Sea bridgehead, including for the Caucasian campaign, which intensified in the late 18th century.Therefore, another important aspect of this problem was the conflict of geopolitical interests of the Ottoman Empire, Russia and the Crimean Khanate in the Caucasus region against the background of Turkish-Russian antagonism in the Northern Black Sea. The study substantiates why in the middle of the 18th century was a sharp escalation of the Turkish-Russian confrontation and that were its main consequences for changing the geopolitical situation in the region. As for the Crimean Khanate itself, in the middle of the 18th century in fact, it no longer played an independent role. Now, its future no longer depended on the Crimean Tatar elite, but on foreign policy trends determined by the policies of Istanbul and St. Petersburg. Subsequent events related to the conclusion and content of Kuchuk-Kainarji and Jassy treaties between Turkey and Russia were largely due to the events of the mid-18th century.

This article discusses the current trends of foreign policy of the regional powers towards Central Asia at the present stage. It also discusses new initiatives that involves Central Asia in the global space and its advantages to strengthen military-political and energy cooperationwith regional powers

The paper continues a series of studies on current approaches to transforming security in the Federal Republic of Germany. The novelty of the study is to analyze the views of R. Kiesewetter, a politician (CDU), member of the Bundestag, on the problem. It is hypothesized that many CDU members do not understand current trends in foreign policy and security policy as a part of a future-oriented system that makes it difficult to dialog with the CDU at the international level. The research focuses on all available speeches deliv-ered by R. Kiesewetter in the German par-liament from November 2017 to March 2019. The author refrains from the theoretical analysis of the subject matter and practical advice since the approach of R. Kiesewetter is one possible future option.

Formulation of the problem: The features of model of presidencialism in modern terms, possibility of application of presidencialism in democracy are analysed in the article. Analis of concept: politics, decision of political conflicts. The political factors of political strategies of presidencialism are considered, of institute of the president, as subject of conceptual power and democratic political system, as its object is investigated. It is shown, that the real model of political system contains oligarchic and antiolygarchic components, each of which can become prevailing. Purpose of the research: The purpose of the article is to carry out a theoretical and methodological analysis of the essence of the presidency as a subject of conceptual power in democratic political systems, to identify the structure of conceptual power, its role and place in the political system of society, to identify trends and to analyze the role of the processes of oligarchization in the functioning of democratic political systems, to uncover conceptual functions of the institution of presidency in western democratic political systems. The conceptual management of political system, preservation its of democratic definiteness, is a major task of presidential power. Using theoretical models D. Easton, E. Sedov, theory of needs A. Maslow and theory of social mobility of P. Sorokin has allowed to reveal static and dynamic parameters of political system, which optimization enables to support evolutionary character of political development.There are several alternative concepts of democracy. At the same time, one of them is legally codified and reigns. That is why political power is usually forced to act in an anti-democratic way on an alternative concept. Institutions of state power, thanks to sustainability, mobility and resource intensiveness, can support and even impose those norms and goals that are not entirely in the interests of society as integrity, or vice versa – the interests of individual, usually the most active individuals and social groups are not taken into account and even sacrificed in general. There is a significant imbalance of interests that threatens the existence of a democratic social system. Consequently, the task arises to develop objective indicators, which should be guided by the head of state, in order to assess the favorable or unfavorable tendencies in the political system.The purpose of the article and the task. Research methods: The following research methods were used to address the issues set in the article: general scientific methods – descriptive, hermeneutic-political, systemic, structural-functional, comparative, institutional-comparative; general logical methods – empirical, statistical, prognostic modeling and analysis; special methods of political science. The preference was given to the method of political-system analysis, by which the common and distinctive characteristics of the basic components of soft power strategies were identified, reflecting existing political, public, information and other challenges and global development. For empirical research, the factual basis was used, which was compiled by an expert survey of Ukrainian specialists-political scientists. Practical and systematic methods were used to analyze the system of relations from four perspectives: influence presidents power. Functional and general historiographical methods were also used. Methods of analysis and synthesis allowed exploring the features. In order to implement these methods, such methodological techniques as analogy, comparison, generalization and extrapolation were used. The method for analyzing the situation (studying documents, comparing, etc.) was used to study international and political processes in the USA, exploratory methods (in particular, content analysis) for the analysis of high-level documents and speeches, which in turn helped identify and outline the trends in foreign policy of the countries of the region. Conclusions. The experience of western (Western, liberal-democratic) political systems suggests that the function of supporting the democratic model of the political system is the responsibility of the president. In this case, the president plays the role of either the head of the executive (political manager of the higher rank), or the formal head of state, or these functions combine. In the context of the political crisis, the president takes steps to preserve the democratic system of society. The complex of these activities includes the function of supporting the democratic nature of the political system.

The basic formatting and reformatting factors of the geopolitical post-Soviet space and its features are considered. Based on the consideration of the theoretical contribution of H. Mackinder, J. Chellen, K. Haushofer it is indicated that the formation of the main foreign policy trends of the European states. The evolution of socio-political system transformation, economic development and foreign policy of states, which are collectively accessible by the territory is traced. The attention is focused on the development of geopolitical doctrine. The ripening of the very idea of uniting Europe and the first attempts to implement it, indicating that further changes in the geopolitical configuration after the Second World War of the European states is considered. It is proved that the very fact of the European Union functioning and existence is a powerful geopolitical mechanism for the post-Soviet states. The historical, economic and civilizational reasons for such choice for the post-Soviet states (in the context of Russia, the Baltic countries, Belarus and Moldova) are highlighted. The prospects for cooperation with the EU, prospective EU cooperation programs, accession to the EU are examined. It is concluded that there are two powerful policy-makers: the EU and the Russian Federation as the most important geopolitical factors of the post-Soviet states.

The article explores the tendencies of foreign policy trends of Uganda after declaration of independence in 1962. Special attention is paid to the contemporary period that has begun since Y.K. Museveni came to power in 1986: the country has become a more active agent in the world and regional politics. Lately, Uganda has been under influence of “soft power” of the Chinese foreign policy as well as of the Indian one. Nowadays, those countries have quite noticeable positions in the Ugandan economy. The country’s elite considers that cooperation with them is more acceptable for Uganda than that with the Western countries since neither China nor India put any pre-conditions in regard to political or legal norms. Besides that, the article exposes the history of Ugandan-Soviet relations and characterizes the development of Ugandan-Russian links at present.

«М’ЯКА СИЛА» ЯК ХАРАКТЕРНА ОЗНАКА ПОЛІТИЧНОГО ВПЛИВУ ВЕЛИКОЇ ДЕРЖАВИ ЗАУМОВ БАГАТОПОЛЯРНОГО СВІТУ В ЛАТИНОАМЕРИКАНСЬКОМУ РЕГІОНІ

The article discusses the current state of the collective consciousness of the Russian society that explains domestic and foreign policy trends of the Kremlin. Methodologically the study is based on the theory of social facts developed by Durkheim, according to which social facts consist of representations and actions. The empirical data produced by a number of surveys, including the surveys conducted by the Levada Centre, constitute an empirical base of this article. Data analysis suggests that the collective consciousness of the Russian society consists of the following facts: 1) «tyranny love», or an irrational admiration of «hardliners» who tend to favour a hawkish approach to foreign policy; 2) «freedom phobia», or a set of attitudes corresponding to the concept of «escape from freedom» coined by Fromm that leads to a systematic failure of any democratic reforms; 3) «Westernophobia», or a negative attitude towards the West or any country that adopts Western values, including Ukraine that has allegedly betrayed its ex-ally; 4) «aggressive narcissism», or the idea of Russia’s superiority that justifies the «rogue state’s» behaviour, including imperialist policies practiced by a number of countries over the past centuries. Social facts pertaining to the collective consciousness result in a distinctive civilisational marker that highlights the differences between Russia and the West, assists with the differentiation between the Russian and the Ukrainian societies, and explains the root causes of war against Ukraine.

Abstract Values and elements of popular culture play an important role in shaping and implementing the foreign policy of Iran. In this paper, using content analysis and after explaining the characteristics of Iranian identity, the author seeks to investigate the implications of Iranian social beliefs on foreign policy. In other words, the author sets out to explore whether the perceptions and attitudes of Iranian identity at different historical periods have been the basis according to which Iranian politicians have followed the same model or not? For this purpose, three major components, the influence in the regional area, xenophobia, and conspiracy theorythat are complementary in nature, have been selected. Research findings illustrate that the long history of societies like Iran has been the raison d'etre for the recurrence of social beliefs and values in various political eras of such societies.

La literatura de Ciencia Política sobre política exterior en América Latina es extensa y rica en estudios de casos, pero débil en teoría y trabajos con extensos. Esto ha limitado sensiblemente la comparación entre países y ha reducido la capacidad para identificar en la región regularidades, tendencias y patrones de política exterior. Así, se cuenta con buenas historias, ricas en detalles, pero con pocos datos sistemáticos para construir explicaciones robustas acerca de la política exterior en América 
 Latina. Buscando corregir este déficit, nuestra investigación se dirige a examinar las orientaciones de política exterior en América Latina entre 1980 y 2014 en diecinueve países de América Latina. A partir de juicios, expertos sobre posiciones de política exterior de presidentes de América Latina estimamos las posiciones de los presidentes en cuatro dimensiones de política exterior: estilo de política exterior, orientación geopolítica, orientación económica y relación con los Estados Unidos de América. En este texto presentamos el estado de la cuestión, la metodología utilizada y los primeros resultados 
 estadísticos agregados.