Traditional Friendship Research Articles

Approval network: a novel approach for sentiment analysis in social networks

The data-centric impetus and the development of online social networks has led to a significant amount of research that is nowadays more flexible in demonstrating several sociological hypotheses, such as the sentiment influence and transfer among users. Most of the works regarding sentiment classification usually consider text as unique source of information, do not taking into account that social networks are actually networked environments. To overcome this limitation, two main sociological theories should be accounted for addressing any sentiment analysis tasks: homophily and constructuralism. In this paper, we propose Approval Network as a novel graph representation to jointly model homophily and constructuralism, which is intended to better represent the contagion on social networks. To show the potentiality of the proposed representation, two novel sentiment analysis models have been proposed. The first one, related to user-level polarity classification, is approached by presenting a semi-supervised framework grounded on a Markov-based probabilistic model. The second task, aimed at simultaneously extracting aspects and sentiment at message level, is addressed by proposing a novel fully unsupervised generative model. The experimental results show that the proposes sentiment analysis models grounded on Approval Networks are able to outperform not only the traditional models where the relationships are disregarded, but also those computational approaches based on traditional friendship connections.

The Company You Keep

Studies on personality and friendship have focused on similarities between friends, while differences in friendship patterns have received less attention. We used data from the British Household Panel Survey data (N = 12,098) to investigate how people’s personalities are related to various characteristics of their three closest friends. All personality traits of the five-factor model were associated with several friendship characteristics with effect sizes corresponding to correlations between −.06 and .09. Openness was especially prominent and idiosyncratic; individuals with high (vs. low) openness were about 3% more likely to have friends who live further away, are of the opposite sex and another ethnicity, and whom they meet less often. Agreeableness and extroversion were related to more traditional friendship ties. Individuals with high agreeableness had known their friends for a longer time, lived close to them, and had more “stay-at-homes” among their friends.

Sir Edward Grey and Austria-Hungary

ABSTRACTAlthough in terms of their bilateral relations the ‘traditional friendship’ between Great Britain and Austria-Hungary was no mere phrase, in general political terms British policy in the last decade before the War was characterised by Grey's determination to cultivate the ententes with France and Russia and to do nothing to upset that division of Europe into two balancing groups (with Austria-Hungary firmly in the German camp) which he saw as the best guarantee of peace. Even though the Austrians gradually recovered from the shock of the Bosnian Crisis, in which Grey had come forward against them as Russia's chief supporter, and though the British for their part came to see in Austria-Hungary a useful element of stability in the Near East, Grey's attempts to uphold the unity of the Concert in the Balkan Wars were in the end vitiated by his overriding concern to avoid offending his Entente partners. Indeed, as the crisis deepened in the last year of peace, he took refuge in an increasingly abstentionist attitude, the objective effect of which - and herein, it is here argued, lies Grey's responsibility - was to intensify Vienna's desperation and loss of faith in the Concert that soon proved fatal to peace.

Muslim Zion: Pakistan as a Political Idea

Muslim Zion: Pakistan as a Political Idea

Muslim Zion: Pakistan as a Political Idea

Muslim Zion: Pakistan as a Political Idea

China-ASEAN Relations, September 2014 to December 2014: Chronology of Events

China-ASEAN Relations, September 2014 to December 2014:Chronology of Events Compiled by Ping Xiaojuan SEPTEMBER 2014 4th Chinese President Xi Jinping meets with Malaysian Supreme Head of State Abdul Halim Mu’adzam Shah at the Great Hall of the People. Xi expresses his appreciation for Halim’s visit to China as both countries observe the 40th anniversary of their diplomatic relationship. Halim adds that Prime Minister Najib Razak’s successful visit to China in May 2014 has boosted bilateral ties and strengthened their comprehensive strategic partnership. 15th Chinese Vice Premier of the State Council Zhang Gaoli meets Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, Lao Vice President Bounnhang Vorachit, Myanmar Vice President U Nyan Tun, Thai Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Tanasak Patimapragorn and Vietnamese Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Pham Binh Minh, who arrive Nanning, Guangxi province, to attend the 11th China-ASEAN Expo and the China-ASEAN Business and Investment Summit. The ASEAN state representatives have reached a consensus with China on deepening corporation, dealing with differences properly and promoting greater development of bilateral relations. 16th Zhang Gaoli and Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong grace the opening ceremony of the 11th China-ASEAN Expo (CAEXPO) and China-ASEAN Business and Investment Summit (CABIS), themed “Jointly Build Maritime Silk Road of the 21st Century”. Singapore is this year’s country of honour. Zhang, in his speech, emphasises the cultural heritage that ASEAN and China share. 25th Chinese President Xi Jinping meets with Cambodian King Norodom Sihamoni and the Queen Mother Norodom Monineath Sihanouk at Diaoyutai State Guesthouse. Xi stresses that China-Cambodia relations now demonstrate a sound development. The Cambodian royal family expresses its willingness to inherit the roadmap of friendship with China paved by the late King Father Norodom Sihanouk and to work actively to promote the continuous development of bilateral relations. 27th Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and Thai Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Tanasak Patimapragorn meet on the sidelines of the annual high-level debate of the United Nations General Assembly at the UN Headquarters in New York. Both sides vow to promote overall strategic partnership between the two countries. [End Page 227] OCTOBER 2014 6th ASEAN Secretary General Le Luong Minh hail the signing of the memorandum of understanding (MoU) on Disaster Management Cooperation between the ASEAN and the People’s Republic of China as a “milestone in developing partnership with China in the area of disaster management”. The MoU provides for RMB50 million to support the implementation of the ASEAN Agreement on Disaster Management and Emergency Response (AADMER) Work Program, the operation of the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance in the area of disaster management (AHA Centre), and the ASEAN Secretariat’s capacity-building programmes on disaster management. 8th Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak meets with Chinese State Councillor Yang Jiechi in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Yang Jiechi points out that China and Malaysia have scored substantive progress in bilateral relations and will continue to advance practical bilateral cooperation. 16th Chinese Premier Li Keqiang meets with Vietnamese Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung in Milan, Italy. Li points out that China and Vietnam should tap onto the overall direction of the development of bilateral relations and handle maritime differences with care so as to foster favourable conditions for bilateral cooperation. Nguyen states that Vietnam stands ready to work with the Chinese to implement the consensus reached by both sides, strengthen high-level exchanges, cement traditional friendship, and boost mutual understanding and trust. In Milan, Thai Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha meets with Chinese Premier Li. Both sides are keen to advance the friendship that China and Thailand traditionally share. Prayuth says that Thailand would expand cooperation in such fields as economy and trade, infrastructure construction and connectivity, so as to boost Thailand-China relations. 17th In Milan, too, Chinese Premier Li Keqiang meets with Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong. Lee says that Singapore is willing to work with China to successfully implement the cooperative projects planned by the two countries, expand cooperation with China’s central and western regions, and expand cooperation in logistics, investment and green development, in order to promote connectivity and sustainable...

Study on the Opportunities and Challenges of Chinese Energy Investment in the Middle East

The Middle East is an energy rich region and an important strategic position. At present the Middle East has been undergoing a radical political and social transformation since the Middle East Upheaval, Great powers focus on this region. The Middle East economies are highly complementary to Chinese economy. As the rapid growth of energy demand power, Chinese energy investment in Middle East is growing. It is necessary for China to increase trade and investment in the Middle East, to promote economic integration and common prosperity. This paper will analyze the opportunities of Chinese energy investment in the Middle East from the view of the growth of Chinese global trade and investment, RMB internationalization strategy, the traditional friendship between China and the Middle East and so on. Meanwhile this paper will also study severe challenges of Chinese energy investment in the Middle East, such as religious conflict, the Iran nuclear issue, cultural difference, and try to provide countermeasures on basis of the analysis of multiple influence factors of construction the economic corridor in the world, in order to eliminate the barriers to energy investment, to strengthen the currency in circulation and to realize mutual benefit and win-win cooperation.

China-to-North Korea Tourism: A Leisure Business on a Tense Peninsula

IntroductionChina maintains a special relationship with North Korea, because of the traditional friendship that was first established by Mao Zedong and Kim Il-sung during the Korean War in the 1950s. Although North Korea's first nuclear test in 2006 caused uncertainty regarding bilateral relations, high-level official visits continued (see Table 1). Table 1 shows the mutual visits by top leaders between North Korea and China since 2006. Every year for the past seven years, there has been at least one ministerial-level visit from one side to the other. On the Chinese side, former Prime Minister Wen Jiabao, current Prime Minister Li Keqiang (vice prime minister at the time of the visit), current President Xi Jinping (vice president at the time of the visit) and current Vice President Li Yuanchao have all paid visits to North Korea. Despite fluctuating tension between North Korea and South Korea, relations between China and North Korea have entered a different stage, especially noticeable when new leaders came into power in both countries. Xi Jinping was elected president of China during the 18th Plenary Conference of Chinese Communist Party (CCP) on November 15, 2012. After the death of his father, Kim Jong-il, in December of 2011, Kim Jong-un became the 1st Chief of Committee of National Defense Committee on April 13, 2012.Since 2006, the United Nations has authorized four rounds of sanctions on North Korea, which mainly limit the import of nuclear- and missile-related equipment and technologies.1 As a result, trade between North Korea and the rest of the world has been affected. The trading of goods and services that were excluded from the sanctions still continue between North Korea and the outside world, including China. Tourism is also an important sector that has not been stopped by the sanctions.From the demand side, China is the neighbor of North Korea, and being a large market, China's economic environment provides a sound basis for tourism. China's per capita GDP reached about 6,000 USD at the official exchange rate and about 9,000 USD in purchasing power parity in 2012. According to empirical research, the tourism and leisure industry of a country will have strong growth when per capita GDP reaches 3,000-5,000 USD. Consequently, customers will have high expectations of service quality.2As more Chinese citizens travel abroad for sightseeing, more destinations are being approved by the Chinese government, after examination of mutual diplomatic relations and the security situation in those destinations. A destination must have unique value to offer to tourists. Several aspects of North Korea are attractive to Chinese tourists. The war in the 1950s left a deep impression on many Chinese, as well as on their relatives and friends, particularly those who served as voluntary soldiers. These individuals go to North Korea hoping to revisit former battlefields to see how they have changed.Members of the younger generation, born after the 1970s, grew up during the fast economic development and all around policy reform that has taken place across China in recent decades. The outlook of China changed, or became modernized, greatly after the 1980s. This makes it hard for members of the younger generation, especially those living in urban areas, to understand China's past, as they cannot find tangible elements or memories from China's history. North Korea's slow change and growth since the 1950s, plus its isolationist policies, make it a showpiece which resembles China's history. For younger Chinese, North Korea is an ideal place to learn about China's past, due to its centrally planned economy, egalitarianism, and strictly managed society. For these individuals, the main attraction is related to the spiritual, rather than the material, side. On the other hand, some Chinese investors are trying to find business opportunities in North Korea and they also join tours of the country.Curiosity will drive people to tour new destinations. …

Knowing One's Place in Contemporary Irish and Polish Poetry: Zagajewski, Mahon, Heaney, Hartwig

Knowing One's Place in Contemporary Irish and Polish Poetry: Zagajewski, Mahon, Heaney, Hartwig

The most common reasons and motivation for learning the Russian language at the Teacher training faculties in Serbia

In the conditions of globalization and transition in the world, domination of English as a universal world language increases daily. However, it is not so in Serbia. On the basis of traditional friendship between Russian and Serbian people and the fact that pedagogy and education in Serbia is still bound with Russian pedagogy, a great number of students from Teacher training faculties in Serbia opt for learning Russian. In order to find out Teacher training faculty students' opinion of importance, need and motivation for learning Russian, a research was conducted on the sample of 105 students of Teacher training faculty from Prizren (settled in Leposavic now) in the month of October and November in 2013. Data collected by the research was processed by factor analysis and Krusakl-Volis method. Three factors that point to the importance of learning Russian were determined by factor analysis while Krusakl-Volis test confirmed that motivation of students for learning Russian increases with each enrolled year.

Why virtual friendship is no genuine friendship

Based on a modern reading of Aristotle’s theory of friendship, we argue that virtual friendship does not qualify as genuine friendship. By ‘virtual friendship’ we mean the type of friendship that exists on the internet, and seldom or never is combined with real life interaction. A ‘traditional friendship’ is, in contrast, the type of friendship that involves substantial real life interaction, and we claim that only this type can merit the label ‘genuine friendship’ and thus qualify as morally valuable. The upshot of our discussion is that virtual friendship is what Aristotle might have described as a lower and less valuable form of social exchange.

Etnička udaljenost studenata Univerziteta u Beogradu i Univerziteta u Prištini sa privremenim sedištem u Kosovskoj Mitrovici

Ethnic distance has a great importance for social dynamics, as the source of possible social conflicts, but also the potential source of social cohesion. Therefore, there is a need for constant research. Results of the research carried out among the students of the University in Pristine with temporary head office at Kosovska Mitrovica (May 2009) and the University in Belgrade (May 2010), with implementation of representative quota sample and questionnaire technique, with using Bogardus scale as the instrument modified for the needs of researching student population, have shown that the ethnic distance in average is considerably bigger among the questioned students in Kosovska Mitrovica, comparing to the students questioned in Belgrade. Considering the fact that Kosovska Mitrovica is a city divided on ethnic principle, at the edge of ethnic contact every day, this bigger ethnic distance in average is understandable then, the same that is understandable the smaller ethnic distance among the students in Belgrade, who have more cosmopolitan attitude regarding the case of nation, which can be explained by the size and the spirit of the city, but also with the fact that ethnic conflict is not taking place here - just in front their eyes. Regardless the difference in the result of ethnic distance, they both have the greatest distance towards Albanians, which can be explained by the fact that members of this nation are those who disintegrate the present state of Serbia, creating on its territory so called "independent Kosovo". Considering ethnic distance of students in Kosovska Mitrovica regarding those nations that live in the area of Autonomous Province Kosovo and Metohija, conclusion is imposed that Serbs and Montenegrins there are sufficient for themselves! This fact actually illustrates how much the society of Kosovo and Metohija is actually divided society, while the religion has an important influence in those divisions. Actually, it may be said that obtained results regarding the scale of ethnic distance indicate the results of confessional distance. In case of students from both Universities, it is evident that significantly bigger ethnic distance is to those ex-Yugoslav nations with which wars were waged (except Albanians, these are also Croatians, Muslims/Bosnians and little less Slovenians) and to those non-Yugoslav nations which had an unfriendly relationship with our country during the whole Yugoslav crisis, including the contemporary phase regarding Kosovo and Metohija (Americans, Germans, Englishmen, Dutchmen), while ethnic distance is considerably lower to those non-Yugoslav nations with friendly relationship, with which there is a high level of identification (Russians, Greeks). It is interesting that regardless not so friendly attitude of France to our country recently, ethnic distance to Frenchmen is lower than to the other mentioned western nations, which is probably the relict of the "traditional friendship". It is interesting to observe that in general the ethnic distance of students from both Universities is lower to those nations that have never lived in Yugoslavia, regarding those former Yugoslav nations, from which one may conclude that the joint living actually has deepened the ethnic distance. Great ethnic distance has been recorded with students of both Universities to Gypsies and Chinese. Regarding Gypsies, it can be explained by many negative stereotypes that exist regarding this nation, and it is really the time that Serbs part with them finally, since during the history they have mostly share the faith of Serbian nation, including the ethnic cleansing of Serbs and Gypsies from Kosovo and Metohija in 1999. Regarding the ethnic distance to Chinese, the nation that has friendly and protective relationship with Serbia, it is probably insufficient knowledge on cultures, manner of life, habits and similar that contributed to such a great ethnic distance, which surely should be the subject of further researches.

A Silent Invasion? African Views on the Growing Chinese Presence in Africa: The Case of Equatorial Guinea

AbstractThe literature on African perceptions of the Chinese presence in Africa tends to present two different perspectives on this issue. The works based on opinion polls typically emphasize the positive nature of African views on China, whereas the qualitatively grounded research often point to the presence of both positive and negative perceptions in African discourses on China. Due to the traditional friendship between Beijing and Malabo, the capital of Equatorial Guinea, the Equatoguinean people seemingly have a positive image of China, but the recent fast mounting Chinese presence in the country has started to raise mixed feelings among the bulk of the population. The local political and economic privileged classes who have benefitted most from the growing Chinese presence in Equatorial Guinea tend to be more supportive of this new phenomenon, whereas a minor group of small entrepreneurs and the main opposition parties are firmly critical of China. The present paper intends to shed some light on these contradictory views through a systematic study of the Equatoguinean people’s attitudes towards China and the Chinese, which elucidate three independent variables as the basis of judgment: (1) the nature of the traditional relationship between Africa and China, (2) occupation, and (3) political affiliation.

Rank Strangers to Me: Shaffer and Cochran's Friendship Model of Moral Counseling in the Law Office

This is my argument against a model for law office moral counseling based on friendship and moral commonalities. Reading Shaffer and Cochran's Lawyers, Clients, and Moral Responsibility, led me to the conclusion that we would be far better off thinking of our clients as, in the words of the gospel song, rank strangers. And we would be better off relating to these strangers not as if we were in a traditional friendship with them, but as the rhetoricians that I believe our lawyering tradition teaches us to be. Whether I have our tradition's lesson right or not, and I only invite the reader to consider this possibility here, I think any heuristic model for moral counseling in the law office has to start with an interpretation of the story of which we lawyers are a part. For this is where we are likely to find our most justified moral resources for counseling. Shaffer and Cochran, because they accepted a hostile academic critique of the practice, one that separates role morality from personal morality in defense of a false integrity, failed to do this and, in so failing, were not able to provide an adequate heuristic model for moral counseling in the law office.

The China−Pakistan Strategic Relationship: Trade, Investment, Energy and Infrastructure

The traditional Sino-Pakistan friendship of 55 years now has a new objective—to improve the economic content of their relationship, which comprises trade, investment and energy co-operation within a bilateral framework. The result of this determination to implement the new economic agenda is visible in the quantum of Chinese investment in Pakistan. However, there are indications that the trade agenda may be too ambitious or needs a larger restructuring of the Pakistani economy that will take time since it requires implementation of policy changes combined with participation in these initiatives from the business community of Pakistan. While investment primarily benefits Pakistan, trade provides China access to a new market for its goods. It will eventually do the same for Pakistan. Energy co-operation will benefit China as it will gain access to energy supplies through Gwadar port, an alternate route to the one through the Malacca straits, and will serve to develop its western regions. Pakistan has in turn gained from the large-scale infrastructure development that has taken place in Gwadar and will continue to do so once future plans make headway.

The "New Type" of Sino-Soviet Relations

Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev's four-day visit to China in May 1989 signaled the end of two decades of Sino-Soviet hostility. It was the first visit by the top Soviet leader since September 1959 when Nikita Khrushchev went to China and the two sides bitterly debated policy toward India. Gorbachev's visit cleared the air of the residue of the previous summit and, according to the rhetoric used by both sides, ushered in a new type of normal, long-term, stable, good-neighborly, friendly, cooperative Sino-Soviet relations. The talks between Gorbachev and Deng Xiaoping proclaimed the beginning of state-to-state relations, while the meeting later the same day between General Secretaries Zhao Ziyang and Gorbachev was hailed as the natural of party-to-party relations. The day after Gorbachev's departure from China, a Renmin Ribao (People's Daily) editorial foresaw a steady and normal development of party-to-party ties. Chinese leaders (though not Chinese press reports) referred to Gorbachev as comrade, and President Yang Shangkun lauded the restoration of the traditional friendship between the Chinese and Soviet peoples. No agreements or breakthroughs on major issues emerged from the meetings. To a considerable degree, however, this probably reflected Beijing's desire to minimize the international impact of the summit, also seen in such moves as cutting the size of Gorbachev's entourage from 1,000 to 300 and insisting, inter alia, that officials of the two sides greet one another with handshakes rather than by embracing. Moscow, on the other hand, stressed the significance of the summit, although without going so far as to risk antagonizing Beijing, Washington, or Tokyo. Within weeks, however, the two sides reversed their positions regarding such atmospherics. In the aftermath of the Tiananmen incident, Beijing tried to stress its options

Housing Relocation and Family Social Integration Patterns

Abstract This study is concerned with the effect of relocating blue-collar families in higher-status neighborhoods. Interview data from recently mobile blue-collar families in a midwestern area show that when blue-collar families move into higher-status neighborhoods, family relations are strained and traditional blue-collar friendship patterns intensified: points which have implications for agencies involved in relocating segments of the urban poor.

A Prehistoric Bureaucracy

Homer, the first and greatest of Greek poets, depicts a society which may be loosely described as feudal. Power is in the hands of kings, who are bound to each other by ties of marriage and traditional friendship. Their nobles are men of equally good blood and high repute; the common people appear to have no function but to serve their lords and masters. The operation of the government is but sketchily indicated. The kings and princes meet in council, decisions are taken and are reported verbally by messengers. There is not the slightest hint that administration involves paper work, nor is there anything that can be called a “civil service.”

Americans in the Crimean War

ONG before the Crimean War, when discussing the possibility of a future conflict between Russia and England, both the Russians and the Americans considered their countries as potential allies.' It was, therefore, natural that during the Crimean War the traditional friendship of Russia and the United States was greatly strengthened. The two countries had supported one another usually for reasons of self-interest. During the Crimean War, the Anglo-French alliance was directed not only against Russia, but also against the United States. At the beginning of the struggle, Palmerston formulated his program of partitioning the Russian Empire,2 and Lord Clarendon, in his speech at the opening of Parliament, made it clear that England and France were also united in their efforts to thwart American expansion. Preservation of the integrity of the United States was an imperative necessity for Russia. She wanted the United States to be a strong power, so that in case of war the United States would be helpful to her.3 Thomas Seymour of Connecticut, appointed Minister to Russia, arrived in St. Petersburg in March, I854, and reported to Secretary of State Marcy that the Russian government had an ardent desire for the friendship of the U. S. and for drawing

American Marines in China

WE were ordered out to China in February, 1927, not, as we understood it, to harass the Chinese in any way, but because through our great liking for the Chinese people and our traditional friendship for them it was our desire to see them avoid doing anything foolish toward our citizens which would only get them in bad. That's true, isn't it? The Chinese army is not different from any other army. There are certain elements in it that become uncontrolled and may run amuck, which they did at Nanking, and the leading men in the army were not responsible in any degree for it. Their armies are subject to certain pollution, are subject to purchase and to political intrigue. I arrived in China the day of the Nanking trouble, when a division of Chinese troops, a part of General Chiang's army, were apparently alienated from him and sent in in order to make trouble for us, to shoot up our consulate. That's my view of it. I may not be correct, and out of friendship for the Chinese, we, all of us, always believed that these fellows simply got to running wild and shot into our consulate and, as a people, they were not responsible for it at all, just a few isolated troops; therefore, there was no reason why we should jump on the Chinese nation and thrash them. AMERICAN POLICY