Tough Policy Research Articles

Interaction of the Russian Far East with Japan and South Korea under sanctions

The article presents a comparative study of the sanctions policy of Japan and the Republic of Korea towards Russia and the assessment of the impact of their sanctions on the development of RussianJapanese and Russian-South Korean cooperation in the Russian Far East. The research is based on a wide range of primary sources – information materials of Russian, Japanese, and South Korean governmental bodies, primary sources of personal origin, as well as analysis of media materials. Based on the results of the study of the economic ties of Russia, Japan, and South Korea (in the areas of trade, investment, finance, tourism, and transport) and their interaction in the educational and cultural-humanitarian spheres under sanctions restrictions, the authors come to the conclusion that the sanctions policies of Japan and South Korea towards Russia have a common basis due to their belonging to the “collective West,” and the antiRussian measures they take are aimed at weakening the industrial and technological potential of the Russian Federation. At the same time, like most of their Western partners, Japan and South Korea are not ready to impose such sanctions that could cause significant damage to their own economic and strategic interests. There are important differences in the sanctions approaches of Japan and South Korea – Japan pursues a much tougher policy towards Russia, not only limiting exports to Russia, but also imposing a ban on imports of a number of goods from Russia. South Korea is much more willing to maintain ties with Russia and its Far Eastern territories, despite the unfavorable political situation, which is expressed, in particular, in the ongoing official contacts between Primorsky Krai and Vladivostok and a number of provinces and municipalities of the Republic of Korea. The authors suggest that ties between the Russian Far East and South Korea can be quickly restored once the situation around Ukraine is resolved, while the prospects for restoring relations with Japan look much less certain.

Внутри- и внешнеполитические меры борьбы с фентаниловым кризисом в США

The article is devoted to the features of the third wave of the opioid crisis in the USA, which began in 2013 and reached its peak during the presidency of Joe Biden. The new opioid crisis is primarily associated with the synthetic drug fentanyl, which has a number of features that have led to its rapid popularization. It is characterized by low production costs and, as a result, a low price for buyers. Fentanyl is a potent drug, and a fatal overdose is possible with just 2 mg. The article pays special attention to how the immigration crisis that flared up under Biden contributed to the increase in the flow of fentanyl into the United States. The authors analyze the main measures taken by Obama, Trump and Biden administrations to counter the opioid crisis. Biden’s drug policy has faced serious criticism from Republicans due to the fact that the two parties rely on different approaches in attempts to solve this problem in the USA. While Democrats focus on improving access to quality treatment for drug addicts, Republicans believe that without tightening immigration policy significantly, it is impossible to successfully solve this problem. In addition to that, the authors show the role of China and Mexico in the opioid crisis in the USA. Despite the fact that the PRC authorities have banned the production of fentanyl, Chinese pharmaceutical companies continue to supply Mexico with precursors – chemicals necessary for the production of fentanyl and other synthetic opioids. In turn, the Mexican authorities have refrained from pursuing a tough policy towards drug cartels and any active actions with the Biden administration in this area. Finally, the article draws special attention to the factor of Trump’s return to the White House in 2025, which will lead to increased pressure from the American side on its foreign partners to make greater efforts in the fight against drug trafficking.

Longobard, Bułgarzy i Grecy. Uprzedzenia i komunikacja w opowiadaniu Liudpranda z Cremony o jego poselstwie do Konstantynopola w 968 r.

This article examines work of Liudprand of Cremona, which is an account of his legation to the court of Byzantine Emperor Nicephorus II Phocas, made in 968 on behalf of western Emperor Otto I the Great. The embassy did not reach a compromise and Liudprand in his text explained its failure. The work is a vividly written, venomous attack against the emperor Nicephorus and his subjects – the Greeks. The argumentation developed in the article justifies the thesis according to which Liudprand not only called on Emperor Otto and the Lombard princes of Italy to war against Byzantium, and the papal curia – to conduct a tough policy towards the emperor and patriarch. In addition, skilfully using prejudices, he presented his proposal to build a Western identity – the identity of the elites of the Otto state – in very strong opposition to the ancient culture of the Byzantine Greeks. Liudprand, drawing a caricature of Emperor Nicephorus and his court, the unmanly dress of the Greeks and their hideous food and drink, pointed out that Constantinople did not represent anything positive. He tried to expose the fraudulent delusion of wealth and power of the Eastern Empire. Rituals and ceremonies on the court served to deceive subjects and observers, while the order was already lost. Bishop of Cremona portrayed Byzantine empire as a declining entity – while the future seemed to belong to the peoples living under the scepter of Otto on both sides of the Alps.

КОНСТРУИРОВАНИЕ РОССИЙСКО-КИТАЙСКОГО СТРАТЕГИЧЕСКОГО ПАРТНЁРСТВА С ТОЧКИ ЗРЕНИЯ НАЦИОНАЛЬНОЙ ИДЕНТИЧНОСТИ

The purpose of this article is to study the constructive logic of strategic partnership from the perspective of four national identities proposed by Winter and to identify the endogenous dynamics of continuous modernization and development of the Sino-Russian strategic partnership. The author chose content analysis and case study as the method. Having summarized the results of modern studies of strategic partnership, the author noted that at present, a theoretical turn has been outlined in the studies of strategic partnership. Using the example of the development of the Sino-Russian strategic partnership, the author outlined the history of its development and points out the dilemmas and shortcomings that Sino-Russian relations face in specific cooperation. As a result, the following conclusions were made: 1. Among the factors influencing international politics and international relations, culture, interaction and identity have a deeper impact on international relations. 2. Constructivism proposes four types of national identity: individual or group identity, type identity, role identity and collective identity. Based on these four types of identity, China and Russia constantly update their self-perceptions in the process of long-term interaction and at the same time promote the deepening of mutual understandings in the course of cooperation. 3. The four factors of homogeneity, interdependence, common destiny and self-restraint ultimately contributed to the formation of the collective identity of the Russian-Chinese strategic partnership. The practical significance of the work is that as a model for managing relations, strategic partnership offers a new perspective on interstate interaction. Thanks to the collective identity of the strategic partnership, Russia and China flexibly respond to crises and challenges. Cooperation between the two countries in the fields of energy, currency, transportation of goods and security is constantly reorganized and reconstructed to counter the tough policies of the United States.

More than Putin: managed pluralism in Russia's foreign policy

Abstract The Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine took most experts by surprise, but before the war, there were numerous voices in the Russian public debate calling for much tougher policies towards Ukraine and the West than the ones pursued by the government. This article challenges explanations that prioritize external factors or focus solely on President Putin and shows that examining opposition, state media and government discourses is necessary to understand Russia's foreign policy properly. The article contends that the concept of managed pluralism (defined by Harley Balzer in 2003), which has not yet been used in the analysis of Moscow's international behaviour, is a useful tool that can address the gap in the literature and shed light on important mechanisms behind Russia's foreign policy-making. Consequently, the article reveals mechanisms that, by allowing certain voices while eliminating others, steer Russia's foreign policy in a specific direction, which in this case made the invasion of Ukraine possible. Finally, it indicates that observing actors admitted to the public debate and their propositions may be a clue to the direction of Russia's future foreign policy. More broadly, this article points to policy implications and theoretical benefits of managed pluralism for our understanding of other states' foreign policies.

КӨДЕК БАЙШЫҒАНҰЛЫНЫҢ САЯСИ ЛИРИКАСЫ

This article widely examines the work of the poet Kodek Baishiganuly and analyzes his political lyrics, in which his civic position is clearly manifested. Looking at the poet’s works, which reveal the reality of the period in which he lived, the truth and the historical events depicted in them are assessed, and the poet’s civil and political views are comprehensively differentiated. His skill in depicting the arbitrariness of Soviet power in the Kazakh steppe, including in the Alban tribe inhabited by Zhetysu, will be appreciated. In most of poet’s works, the truth life of the colonized people is revealed through specific examples. The article analyzes in depth the lines of the poem that vividly describe the social contradictions that the poet saw with his own eyes and didn’t disappear from his consciousness. Poet’s work provides evidence that the tough policies of the Soviet period in the ХХ weren’t ignored. Together with the poet’s poems, a scene of harsh years is considered, when the cattle of a rich village were swept out and exiled. Even the fact that some of them were shot as “enemies of the people” and that violence, unfair pressure caused public discontent is analyzed in detail. The incurable poet concludes that his sadness is caused by ideals and interests of the country. The dramatic of the work is emphasized, expressing the bitter truth of society, expressing its despair. The political campaigns of the XX are analyzed in depth, declaring that all political campaigns “killed people with a merciless conspiracy.” Without leaving without attention single sad moment in the life of the country, step is being taken to show the legacy of the poet in new light, presenting poet’s life to the gaze of many.

Восстание Карасакала 1740 г. (по документам Г. Ф. Миллера)

The description of the 1740 Bashkir uprising is firstly stated in this article. Its chronology is traced in the archival case identified in the RGADA. The proclamation of Karasakal as his khan by the Bashkirs in January 1740, ended that all the promises he had previously made on behalf of the empress lost their strength and untied hands to her Cabinet to carry out fierce measures to suppress the uprising. The commanders of the tsarist troops ordered the start of military operations. The fiercest battles took place between the rebelled Bashkirs and the royal troops in the Urals. Determined actions of the detachment of Lieutenant Colonel Pavlutsky and his allies from the faithful Bashkirs and Meshcheryaks played a key role. It was their pursuit of the Karasakal detachment in the spring of 1740 that decapitated the uprising at the beginning. The summer final campaign for the capture of the khan began on May 24, 1740. The fight, which predetermined the subsequent course of events, took place on the night of 25 to 26 May, 1740 at the lake Chebarkul. Using field artillery, Pavlutsky’s team managed to push the main forces of Karasakal into the Ural Mountains. The Bashkir rebels, with their families and cattle, convinced that their gathering place had been discovered, began a clandestine movement to the Yaik River to join Karasakal. The new khan himself and his encirclement went away to Yaik unencumbered, securing the freedom of maneuver. After the fight at the Yaik river crossing with the rearguard of Karasakal, Pavlutsky crossed to the left bank, continued to pursue the khan. But he moved very quickly, leaving the chase. He was assisted by Bashkir detachments, which imposed rearguard fights on the pursuers at crossings. When Pavlutsky’s detachment approached Tobol, there was no khan on the left bank, as he crossed the river the day before Pavlutsky’s arrival, that’s how long Pavlutsky spent crossing the Yaik. Karasakal also left the persecution and went to the adjacent territory of the Kyrgyz-Kaisakov. Then Lieutenant Colonel Pavlutsky, having stopped the chase, returned to the Verkhneeyitskaya fortress, where Colonel Arsenyev was preparing the final stage of the military-punitive operation. Three punitive parties with a total number of 2888 people completely devastated and burned down the rebellious Bashkir volosts. When P.D. Aksakov took up the post of vice-governor of the Ufa province in October 1741, he was struck by the scale of the damage. Using the powers given to him, Aksakov investigated the most high-profile cases, trying to give them criminal nature. His activity caused an open confrontation by L.Ya. Soymonov and I.I. Neplyuev. According to R.G. Ignatiev, a new kind of Bashkir rebellion began, but this time "in paper". The final result of this skirmish was the victory of the point of view of Soymonov-Neplyuev on the Bashkir problem, which consisted in the implementation of a tough policy towards the Bashkirs, but with the solution of the land issue in their favor.

COVID‐19 and the economic recovery in South Asia: Economywide modeling scenarios for Bangladesh and Nepal

AbstractWe use economywide models to examine the economic recovery from COVID‐19 shocks in Bangladesh and Nepal during 2020–2026. Declining labor productivity, capital underutilization, consumption shifts, and international investment shocks had significant and differential sectoral and country‐level impacts in these countries. By 2026, GDP will be 6.9% and 13.9% lower in Bangladesh and Nepal, respectively, and the two countries will have an additional 3.3 million people in poverty compared to a no‐COVID baseline. Regaining economic and welfare losses will require substantial investments in key industrial, agricultural, and tourism sectors, although tough policy decisions will be required given high levels of public debt.

СОПЕРНИЧЕСТВО США И КНР В СОЦИАЛЬНО-ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЙ СФЕРЕ ПРИ АДМИНИСТРАЦИИ Д. ТРАМПА

This article proposes a systematic study of the deliberately antagonistic US foreign policy towards China in the socio-political sphere. The escalation of rivalry between the US and China in the socio-political sphere happened extremely quickly, and all because the Trump administration tried its best to increase regular pressure on China, artificially politicizing almost every problematic moment in modern US-Chinese relations. The goal of such a tough policy was justified by D. Trump's team by the fact that the growth of the power of the PRC poses a direct challenge not only to the values, interests, security and well-being of the United States, but also to the foundations of the existing system of international relations, where America occupies a leading position. From 2017 to 2021 there was a sharp aggravation of rivalry between the US and China in the socio-political sphere happened very quickly. The quantity of mutual restrictions has exceeded the number of similar measures in all the years since the collapse of the bipolar system. The most powerful surge of mutual sanctions, restrictions and bans occurred in 2019–2020, when economic contradictions and the problem associated with the spread of COVID-19 reached their peak. In addition, we have to admit that due to such harsh anti-Chinese rhetoric that emerged with the advent of the Trump administration, US-Chinese cooperation in the socio-political field has practically come to naught. The limits of such comprehensive rivalry have not yet been exhausted, and there are no prerequisites for a reset of US-China relations yet.

ПАКИСТАН — ИНДИЯ: РЕГИОНАЛЬНОЕ ПРОТИВОСТОЯНИЕ (2018 – 2023 гг.)

The author of the article went beyond the analysis of the traditional bilateral relations between Pakistan and India, focusing on the confrontation of these countries at the regional and international levels. The struggle for influence in the region, for sales markets, for profitable multibillion-dollar commercial projects, for increasing labor quotas, in particular with the Gulf countries, is intensifying. Not being an Islamic state, India is strengthening its position in the Organization of Islamic Cooperation. The withdrawal of US/NATO troops from Kabul in August 2021 also had an impact on the Afghan vector of the countries’ foreign policy. The Anti-Taliban case (2001–2021) of the Indian Foreign Ministry has failed. But the danger of losing the Afghan, and as a result, the likely logistical challenges of cooperation with the Central Asian states, convinced New Delhi to reconsider the approaches the Afghan Taliban. Pakistan welcomed it’ return to power. However, his tough policy towards the terrorist organization the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) was the challenge for Pakistani-Afghan relations, which India took advantage of. The government of Prime minister Narendra Modi, since coming to power in 2014, characterizes Pakistan as a terrorist state; and refuses bilateral negotiations and cooperation in «small» regional organizations, in particular with the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) starting from 2016. It paralyzed the activity of this organization. But the Pakistani economy is facing the deepest economic crisis, that is why is interested in the increasing the volume of export of domestic products in region, and an influx of foreign currency, primarily to safe foreign exchange reserves. Logistically, Pakistan is ‘cut off ’ by the territory of India from the states of South East Asia. Continuing the theme of the ‘terrorist state’, New Delhi (Pakistan has been in the ‘grey’ list in 2018) insisted on the transfer of Islamabad to the ‘black list’ of the Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering and Terrorist Financing (FATF). The result of the subsequent sanctions was, first of all, the downgrading of the country’s investment rate, which hurt the country’s business. New Delhi did not abandon its position even on the day the sanctions were lifted from Pakistan in September 2022. It is difficult to admit, but India’s tendencies towards political isolation and measures indirectly aimed at curbing Pakistan’s trade and economic ties in the region are evident.

A predictive decision support system for coronavirus disease 2019 response management and medical logistic planning.

Coronavirus disease 2019 demonstrated the inconsistencies in adequately responding to biological threats on a global scale due to a lack of powerful tools for assessing various factors in the formation of the epidemic situation and its forecasting. Decision support systems have a role in overcoming the challenges in health monitoring systems in light of current or future epidemic outbreaks. This paper focuses on some applied examples of logistic planning, a key service of the Earth Cognitive System for Coronavirus Disease 2019 project, here presented, evidencing the added value of artificial intelligence algorithms towards predictive hypotheses in tackling health emergencies. Earth Cognitive System for Coronavirus Disease 2019 is a decision support system designed to support healthcare institutions in monitoring, management and forecasting activities through artificial intelligence, social media analytics, geospatial analysis and satellite imaging. The monitoring, management and prediction of medical equipment logistic needs rely on machine learning to predict the regional risk classification colour codes, the emergency rooms attendances, and the forecast of regional medical supplies, synergically enhancing geospatial and temporal dimensions. The overall performance of the regional risk colour code classifier yielded a high value of the macro-average F1-score (0.82) and an accuracy of 85%. The prediction of the emergency rooms attendances for the Lazio region yielded a very low root mean square error (<11 patients) and a high positive correlation with the actual values for the major hospitals of the Lazio region which admit about 90% of the region's patients. The prediction of the medicinal purchases for the regions of Lazio and Piemonte has yielded a low root mean squared percentage error of 16%. Accurate forecasting of the evolution of new cases and drug utilisation enables the resulting excess demand throughout the supply chain to be managed more effectively. Forecasting during a pandemic becomes essential for effective government decision-making, managing supply chain resources, and for informing tough policy decisions.

Choice of a logistics route for cargo delivery in modern conditions

The current conditions of the global movement of goods under sanctions make it necessary to build new logistics routes along those international transport corridors that will ensure the reliability of transportation. Crisis points in any industry are at the same time a potential for development and growth, which is confirmed by the history of the development of logistics in the XX century. Basic principles of logistics and methods of quality management theory should serve as a basis for choosing the vector of transport and production development. Transit potential of the Russian Federation is unlocked by the Northern Sea Route, latitudinal corridor “East-West” and meridional corridor “North-South”. Tough policies of some countries make it necessary to redirect commodity flows along new logistic routes. The analysis of goods traffic promotion through the North-South corridor shows its serious competitive advantages in comparison with the Southern sea route in terms of transportation distance, time, and cost of delivery. The study analyzes the problems of the international transport corridor. These include technological, documentary, and infrastructural unresolved problems. The multivariant logistic route in the central part of the North-South corridor poses the problem of choosing the optimal route. The article analyzes the existing methods of route choice based on equal advantageous transportation distance and full cost for solving this task. The limitation of the listed methods leads to the search for a cost minimization function for a logistics route.

Тибетская проблема в китайско-американских отношениях 2009–2012 годов

The paper analyses the Sino-American contacts of 2009–2012 on the Tibet issue, which had occupied an important place in China–US relations since the 1980s. With Barack Obama moving into the White House, the US adopted a softer policy aimed at strengthening the relations with China. However, the Tibet issue remained a source of conflict and disagreement between Beijing and Washington. US leaders believed that China was pursuing a tough policy towards the peoples of Tibet and suggested some ways to settle the issue. Beijing, in its turn, saw this as an interference in China’s internal affairs. Having examined the works of Russian and foreign researchers, the author comes to the conclusion that for the United States the issue of human rights in Tibet was not of strategic importance, but, primarily, an opportunity to discredit China on the international arena, as any decision taken by the country would be deemed insufficient. Understanding this, Beijing reacted quite sharply to Washington’s comments, closing the door to further discussion. The paper’s chronological framework spans from the beginning of Barack Obama’s (2009) to the end of Hu Jintao’s (2012) term in office. The author turns to various sources in English and Chinese, which gives the article a significant element of novelty.

Polityka Niemiec wobec Polski – jej cele i skutki

Germany is Poland’s neighbor and at least formally its ally within NATO and a partner in the European Union. In spite of the cautious statements of politicians and well-balanced press articles in Poland, the time has come to make the matter clear: Polish-German relations are very bad. The wine is completely on the side of Germany. For years, Germany has been pursuing a policy that strikes Polish economic interests, Polish sovereignty and territorial integrity. They are contemptuous about Poles, they also conduct a historical policy aimed at imposing Poland on German crimes of World War II. We need a tough policy towards the European Union and Germany, especially against the campaign against Poland regarding the supposed violation of the rule of law in our country. However, one should reckon with various political and diplomatic actions and attempts at financial blackmail (the threat of cutting EU subsidies). On the other hand, we must realize that both Germany and other European countries, after experience with the United Kingdom and its exit from the European Union (Brexit) do not want to leave the Union by subsequent states, because it will mean its decay. That is why their policy towards Poland, despite its ruthlessness and brutality, will not exceed a certain level, over which there will no longer be any dialogue, only the necessity to break the Union’s bonds by the Republic. The strategy of determination and assertiveness in relations with Germany and with the structures of the Union will therefore bring Poland as a result of success. It must be remembered that Germany will not risk losing an important economic partner in the East, and this fact will also affect the moderation of their policy towards Poland. The government of our country must free itself from the influence of long-term policy implemented by the offices of Donald Tusk and Ewa Kopacz. It was a policy of subservience to the western neighbor, succumbing to his suggestions and giving way in matters in which it was necessary to maintain an unchanged iron consistency. As a result, the Germans began to disrespect us more and more clearly and treat us as a vassal state. It is therefore important to go to hard policy, because only such activities make impressions on the leadership groups in Brussels and in Berlin.

Expropriation and consequence: Peru-United States relations (1963–1975)

This article studies the nature of Peru-United States relations during the period 1963–1975 through an analysis of the dispute over the potential expropriation of the US-owned International Petroleum Company. The United States government implemented a tough policy towards the first government of Fernando Belaúnde – who sough a “special” relation with the Unites States –characterized by the threat of economic sanctions if the Peruvian government did not solve the issue in favor of the company. The threat of the Hickenlooper Amendment, which sought to penalize countries that expropriated American owned businesses, was a clear sign of this. Once the company was expropriated by the Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces in 1968 the American government was ironically forced to follow a more flexible approach, as the new military regime sought to diversify its bilateral relations in the bipolar context of the Cold War. The American policy of supporting the IPC had negative long-term effects fo American interests in the region, as it accelerated the overthrown of Belaúnde and ushered in the arrival of a military junta which sought a more independent foreign policy. A country that had been solid American ally camp since the end of World War II had become a nonaligned nation.

How effective are Governor's party affiliated campaign promises on crime? Evidence from U.S. states

How effective are Governor's party affiliated campaign promises on crime? Evidence from U.S. states

Государственная цензура Интернета в оценках российской молодежи: итоги социологического исследования

The central issue of the paper is the peculiarities of the attitude of Russian youth to the tough policy of the state aimed at limiting the dissemination of information on the Internet. The author notes the contradiction between the progressive tightening of the policy of the Russian state in the field of moderation of the Internet and the lack of a clear understanding of the specifics of the reaction that such a tightening causes in society. An analysis of the current scientific literature leads the author to the conclusion that the attitude of young people to the practices of introducing state censorship will largely affect the effectiveness of the functioning of such censorship. The negative attitude of young people towards state censorship of the Internet will hinder its functioning, while agreement with the need for its introduction, on the contrary, may become a favorable prerequisite for its development. Using the data of his own sociological research conducted among the youth of Ekaterinburg (N=504), the author analyses the actual moods that arise among the youth in connection with the prospect of introducing state censorship of the Internet. The key conclusion of the paper is that the Russian youth has a relatively positive attitude towards the introduction of state censorship of the Internet, which in many respects favors the real introduction of such censorship into the life of society. Although young people disagree and argue about the specific types of information that should be prohibited by the state censorship, the initial need for such a prohibition is more likely to be supported.

The effect of COVID-19 on financial inclusion in the Kigezi and Lango subregions in Uganda

ABSTRACT The year 2020 opened with tough policy measures to control the rapid spread of COVID-19. We sampled, explored, and analyzed the most recent studies that linked COVID-19 to business and finance. We identified two mitigations, which had strong effects on financial inclusion but had been neglected: lockdown and social distancing. We used lockdown and social distancing to conceptualize COVID-19, and developed two theoretical nexuses among COVID-19 and financial inclusion, and COVID-19 and government policy interventions. We explored each of the nexuses. First, we described the extent of lockdown and social distancing, financial inclusion, and government policy interventions. Second, we compared these nexuses in both the Lango and Kigezi subregions, and explained the significance of the interventions. Third, we used beta coefficients to quantify the effects of COVID-19 on financial inclusion. We provide a solid foundation for compulsive online banking in developing countries.

ПОЛІТИКА "МЕЧІАРИЗМУ" В СЛОВАЦЬКІЙ РЕСПУБЛІЦІ СЕРЕДИНИ 90-Х РОКІВ ХХ СТОЛІТТЯ

The article deals with the political, social and economic processes in the Slovak Republic during the rule of the Movement for Democratic Slovakia led by Vladimír Mečiar. He served as Prime Minister from 1992 to 1998 (with a short break in 1994). The years of his premiership are of particular scientific interest due to the form of policy he pursued. This period is also interesting because it was the time when the basic foundations of the independent Slovak Republic were being formed. The main institutions of power were formed and transformed. Special attention was paid to the sharp internal political struggle between the ruling party and the opposition. The opposition included both right and left parties, as well as the President of Slovakia and his entourage. The authorities often used cruel, provocative and unconstitutional methods of struggle against them. The article reveals the essence of the political regime of "mečiarizmus" with its main features and characteristics, including: abuse of power, chieftaincy, persecution, disregard for the law and cases of violation of the Constitution. A generalized political portrait of Vladimir Mečiar a charismatic politician with authoritarian tendencies is presented. He pursued populist rhetoric and a rather tough policy on the verge of democracy and authoritarianism. The features of the formation of the independent Slovak Republic in the foreign policy context are considered. It is established that at that time the foreign policy course of Slovakia's integration into Euro-Atlantic structures was officially declared. But in reality, there was a rapprochement with russia and a departure from Europe. The Slovak experience can be useful in identifying the characteristics and overthrowing the regimes of "soft authoritarianism", which pose a threat to democratic countries, especially in the Central and Eastern European region, which due to its past is quite vulnerable to political manipulation.

ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОЕ РЕГУЛИРОВАНИЕ ИННОВАЦИОННОГО РАЗВИТИЯ РЕГИОНА В КОНТЕКСТЕ РЕАЛИЗАЦИИ ПРИНЦИПОВ «ЗЕЛЕНОЙ ЭКОНОМИКИ»

Annotation. Innovative economic development requires the use of high-tech technologies and qualitatively new approaches to the conditions for ensuring sustainable economic development. The transformation of the economy actualizes the issues of developing conceptual aspects of the development of regions and the state as a whole, the formation of mechanisms of state regulation and support. The study of trends in the development of the world economy and factors affecting the sustainability of economic development contributes to the development of effective mechanisms that promote economic growth and development. The construction of a national innovation system requires an integrated approach that takes into account the achievements of the world economy in the development of knowledge-intensive and innovative economic sectors, ensuring the implementation of the principles of a «green economy» focused on the careful use of resources and reasonable consumption. The innovative vector of development of the national economy is impossible without a comprehensive mechanism of support of public authorities. The innovative orientation of the economy implies a high capital intensity, which leads to the emergence of financial deficits, the disclosure of which is impossible without effective regulators. Economic sanctions, the withdrawal of foreign capital from the country exacerbate the current problems of limited resources for technological and industrial breakthroughs, but at the same time create opportunities to fill the vacated niches with domestic high-tech and innovative projects that contribute to sectoral renewal and the national economy reaching a new level. Innovative developments are designed to provide priority sectors of the economy with sustainable competitive advantages both in the domestic market and in world markets. The need for pharmaceutical, technological and energy innovations is growing. The state is focused on supporting fundamental, high–tech research – space, IT technologies, bioengineering, etc. However, innovative activity is necessary in all sectors of the domestic economy, which is acutely felt during the period of tough sanctions policy against Russia. The article raises the issues of state stimulation of innovation activity of economic entities as factors contributing to the sustainable economic development of regions. The analysis of the factors contributing to the growth of innovation is carried out, the need for state influence on the innovation processes of the region is substantiated.