Abstract As the main eastern theater of the World Anti-Fascist War, the Chinese People’s War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression (1931–1945) was not only of great military and political significance but also represented a profound cultural and spiritual resistance. The period of the War of Resistance also marked a critical phase in the formation of the self-awareness, or conscious collective identity, of the Chinese nation. Taking the Resistance songs (1931–1945) as its research focus, this article examines their distinctive role against the backdrop of global anti-fascist cultural resistance, exploring how aspects such as lyrical content, musical dissemination, and the practice of collective singing conveyed and popularized the concept of the Chinese nation and fostered a widespread identification with it. It begins by reviewing forms of cultural resistance in the European theater, including songs, language, and the spread of knowledge, then shifts to the Chinese context. The analysis highlights how the songs of Resistance against Japanese Aggression promoted the transformation of the concept of the Chinese nation from an intellectual discourse into a popular emotional identity through historical narrative, spiritual exaltation, and the fostering of a sense of community. The conclusion traces the trajectory from the inscription and dissemination of the concept of the Chinese nation through Resistance Songs to how such cultural practices during the War of Resistance contributed to the Communist Party of China’s eventual formulation of the fundamental theory of the Chinese nation. It further explicates the establishment and core connotations of this theory.

ABSTRACT This paper focuses on Col. Samuel Ogbemudia’s military career and soldiering exploits during the Nigerian Civil War, and actions in the implementation of the post-civil war reconstruction programme in the Midwest State, especially in Western Igboland, which was a war theatre. It examines the role he played in the liberation of the Midwest State from the Biafran secessionists and how his military exploits accelerated his appointment as the Military Governor of the Midwest. Assessment of Ogbemudia remains a subject of debate among scholars. Some consider him a hero for his military exploits during the Nigerian Civil War, leadership role in the post-war period and after. Others question his role during the war and post-war periods, casting him as a villain. These differing perspectives raise some pertinent questions about his actions as a leader and patriot who contributed immensely to Nigerian unity or rather his political decisions during the war and post-war eras foster interethnic divisions in the Midwestern State. It assesses Ogemudia's role and legacy in Nigerian history to ascertain whether he should be considered a Nigerian Civil War hero or villain. It examines his foray into partisan politics in the Second Republic, his accomplishments and the challenges he encountered as a civilian governor of Bendel State. It evaluates his life as a statesman and highlights his contributions to nation-building. The study used a qualitative research method, and data was collected from primary and secondary sources and critically analyzed.

The army is one of the oldest state institutions. Its existence is an inseparable attribute of the state organisation. The army's strength and combat efficiency played a significant role in deciding the state's fate. Poland's geopolitical location meant that the state depended on strong, trained and well-equipped armed forces. The army is a highly formalised institution with its internal regulations. Its strength and combat efficiency, alongside many other factors (e.g. equipment, command, communications), largely depend on the upbringing of soldiers, their high morale, exceptional courage and bravery, physical condition, discipline, self-control, and perseverance. Therefore, military education is an integral part of the functioning and development of the army and its successes in the theatre of war. The process of education in the military takes place in specific conditions. These include, among others, barracks for soldiers, basing the daily agenda on regulations and orders, the existence of a service hierarchy, and living in a collective. The existence of these properties means that military education greatly influences the psyche and personality of soldiers. For this reason, high demands are placed on military education.

The development of modern first aid around the year 1900 was intricately connected to industrial standardization, bacteriological advancements, and the dissemination of global medical knowledge. This study examines the material culture of military first aid in high-altitude warfare during the First World War, utilizing afirst aid kit from the Imperial-Royal Landwehr documented in the Ortler region (South Tyrol). The research integrates object analysis, comparison with manufacturer catalogues and international first aid kits from the era, and historical contextualization. The first aid kit exhibits adistinctly functional modular design, incorporating traditional dressing materials alongside various antiseptic preparations, standardized aseptic dressings, and more sophisticated instruments for medical interventions. Of particular significance are an industrial kit for drinking water disinfection (Bayer, Leverkusen) and an injection kit with antivenin according to Calmette (Pasteur Institute), which highlight prophylactic hygienic and colonial medicine dimensions. This discovery indicates that first aid in amilitary context had evolved beyond mere emergency surgical care to encompass apreventive strategy aimed at epidemic prevention and the integration of global innovations into the regional theater of war.

Abstract War is changing globally. This collection suggests that the notion of “warfare governance” provides an analytical tool to grapple with a contemporary world where most wars and forms of large-scale or endemic violence unfold in domains, territories, and on scales beyond the format and trope of a war with clear fronts. Crucially, what we argue to be forms of warfare governance has risen in prominence beyond widely disseminated and mass-mediated global theatres of war to become a key mode of governing where in/visibilization is central. Further, by moving away from depictions of war that align with theatre metaphors, we underline the importance of revisiting and rethinking the number of small wars and insurgencies.

Abstract This article is concerned with three key ethical issues that arise from the use in military combat of Lethal Autonomous Weapons Systems (LAWS). The first issue concerns the unpredictability of LAWS in respect of the requirement of Meaningful Human Control (MHC) – as opposed to machine control - in theatres of war. It is argued that the unpredictability of (especially) ‘self-learning’ LAWS is not necessarily a barrier to their morally acceptable use under some restricted conditions. The second issue concerns a normative framework for ascribing moral and, potentially, legal responsibility in respect of LAWS, i.e., the so-called responsibility gap. It is argued that the notion of collective responsibility is potentially helpful here. The third issue concerns human on-the-loop LAWS. It is argued that whereas human out-of-the loop weapons should be prohibited, nevertheless, under certain restrictive conditions some human on-the-loop LAWSs (as well as human in-the-loop LAWSs) may be morally acceptable.

Microwave remote sensing (RS) allows one to obtain information at any time of day, regardless of solar illumination and in a wide range of meteorological conditions, which gives it an advantage over Earth RS methods using the optical and thermal ranges of electromagnetic radiation. At the same time, the potentialities of microwave methods are not fully utilized in commercial RS spacecraft. This paper analyzes trends in the development of microwave RS aimed at identifying the prospects for the use of these methods in commercial RS satellite constellations. Microwave radiometry, altimetry, scatterometry, and radar imaging are considered. It is shown that, due to government contracts, microwave radiometers will be massively used onboard U.S. small commercial weather satellites in the next few years. On-orbit testing of hyperspectral microwave radiometers, which are also of interest for national security and defense applications, may be expected in the coming years. The use of radar altimeters and scatterometers onboard small satellites is currently technically possible, but not in demand. These instruments are designed primarily for monitoring the ocean surface. The onboard use of altimeters and scatterometers may be caused by the needs of military meteorology and the need to improve the quality of weather forecasts in maritime theaters of war. The most actively developing line of microwave RS is space imagery using synthetic aperture radars. In the last decade, single large-size reconnaissance radar satellites have been replaced by multi-satellite constellations of small spacecraft. Of special interest is the development of operational digital models of the Earth's surface as one of the new areas of radar data application. A transition to higher-frequency bands for imaging, which has been outlined in a number of Chinese companies, will make it possible to achieve a higher spatial resolution at a lower cost.

Research objectives: To explore the relations between the Shirvanshah dynasty and the Golden Horde during the decline of the Ilkhanate and the Timurid period. Research materials: The article’s author examined various primary Arabic and Persian sources, and secondary pieces of literature related to the history of the Shirvanshah dynasty and Golden Horde written during the Mongol and Timurid periods. Owing to the lack of comprehensive information in these sources, some numismatic materials were also utilized. Results and novelty of the research: According to some primary sources, the ruler of Shirvan submitted to the vassalage of the Ilkhanate dynasty, which was created by Chinggis Khan’s grandson Hulegu Khan during his occupation of Azerbaijan. However, the territory of Shirvan became the subject of contention between two Mongol ulus, the Ilkhanate and the Jochids, due to its status as the territory of Chinggis Khan and its historical role as a battlefield between the two Mongol ulus. During the decline of the Ilkhanate, the rulers of Shirvanshah and some local powers, such as the clergy and aristocrats, who had become more active in assisting the Jochids in their efforts to gain control of Azerbaijan, subsequently pursued a policy of re-establishing their independence. Following its appearance on the Timurid stage, Shirvan was once again transformed into a theater of war between Timur and his rival Toqtamish. The objective of this conflict was to secure control of the strategic caravan – trade routes in the Caucasus. During this period, Shirvan was briefly under the rule of the Golden Horde. Nevertheless, Sheikh Ibrahim Darbandi, the ruler of Shirvan, pursued a policy of maintaining equilibrium between these two powers during the initial stages. Ultimately, he chose to ally with Timur, who was in a stronger position of real power, and entered an alliance with him. This paper offers an attempt to investigate the relations of the Shirvanshahs with the Golden Horde during the fall of the Ilkhanate and Timurids as well as some less-researched aspects of these relations.

Slavery is an issue that has its roots in ancient times. Between the 16th and 17th centuries, the Mediterranean became a theater of war in the conflict between Western Christianity, whose difensor fidei was the Spain of Philip II, and the Ottoman Empire, represented as the infidel and the great enemy. Within this scenario, slavery represents a true market in which men and women lose their identity, their freedom, becoming a true consumer good. Contemporary historiography and those of the last century have analyzed the discourse on slavery in the Mediterranean, staging the stages, evolutions and stories of this phenomenon. This contribution, in line with this international conference, aims to trace the various aspects of slavery in the Mediterranean between the 16th and 17th centuries. The proposed analysis will try to highlight how freedom was lost in the modern age and how it could be survived.

In the scientific article, examines critical issues of the impact of armed conflicts on the environment through the prism of international legal responsibility. Against the backdrop of unprecedented destruction caused by the current war in Ukraine, the authors emphasise an alarming trend: the environment is increasingly turning not only into a theatre of war, but also into a targeted target. This leads to large-scale and long-term environmental disasters, the consequences of which will be felt for decades. The study substantiates the urgent need for a fundamental update of the international legal approach to environmental protection in war, in particular through the introduction and international recognition of the concept of ‘ecocide’ as a separate crime. This will make it possible to bring to justice those responsible for the most serious environmental crimes. The authors conducts a thorough analysis of the current rules of international humanitarian law, including the Geneva Conventions and their additional protocols. The paper highlights the insufficient effectiveness of these norms in the current conditions of military confrontation, where the scale and nature of environmental destruction far exceeds that provided for by existing legislation. The study also focuses on such key forms of international legal responsibility as reparations and satisfaction. They are seen as effective tools not only to compensate for enormous environmental damage, but also to achieve comprehensive justice for affected communities and states. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the historical precedent - the activities of the UN Compensation Commission after the Gulf War. This mechanism, which provided compensation for environmental damage, is proposed as a viable model for creating a similar mechanism in the Ukrainian context. The introduction of such a mechanism would not only provide the necessary funding for the environmental restoration of Ukraine, but also create a transparent and accountable system of responsibility under the close supervision of international organisations. This scientific article is an important contribution to the development of legal science in the field of environmental protection and international responsibility. It offers concrete, well-reasoned solutions to improve the international legal framework, adapting it to the new, unprecedented challenges faced by the world community in the context of modern wars.

Abstract The Madagascar Campaign of the Second World War remains a distinct sideshow within the broader conflict. Its marginalisation is largely attributable to the simultaneous and interconnected military operations in North Africa, the Soviet Union, East Asia, and the Pacific. Consequently, it has often been overlooked by both academic and popular historians and labelled as one of the war’s “forgotten” campaigns. This neglect has been further compounded by a fragmented historiography increasingly shaped by popular rather than academic historians. This special issue seeks to address key gaps in the existing scholarship and to encourage renewed academic debate on this overlooked theatre of war. It brings together contributions from scholars based in the United Kingdom, Australia, and South Africa, whose articles explore a range of previously unexamined aspects of the campaign. Collectively, these perspectives offer a more nuanced understanding of Madagascar’s strategic and historiographical significance during the Second World War.

As nuclear proliferation risks grow, researchers are focusing on countries that were hardly associated with the problem earlier. Geopolitical developments and change in transatlantic relations are forcing European countries to overhaul their military policies. The current agenda includes possible development of a nuclear deterrent capability, autonomous from the United States. Since 2022 the most drastic changes have been taking place in Germany which declared the Zeitenwende (times-turn) in its defence posture. Recently, German politicians and experts have increasingly supported the idea of gaining access to nuclear weapons. During the Cold war, the nuclear factor played a major role in the politics of the FRG, despite its non-nuclear status as West Germany hosted one of the biggest American nuclear arsenals, its territory being considered the main theater of nuclear war. Influential politicians in Bonn believed that the FRG should develop its own nuclear program. The end of the bipolar confrontation made nuclear factor obsolete. Addressing nuclear weapons as a hypothetical means of deterrence anew makes it necessary to examine the substance and practical implications of this topic. The article examines the role and dynamics of the nuclear factor in the foreign policy of the FRG. It has analyzed the current discussion and identified the main problems and contradictions of the proposed nuclear options. The case for nuclear weapons, as it was during the Cold war, is supported by an artificially constructed “Russian threat”, and as such arises from the concerns about American security guarantees in case of a full-scale conflict. Today the prospects for Germany to acquire nuclear weapons, independently or through its European allies, are lacking substance. Still, the author believes that the relative discussions should not be underestimated. Making nuclear issues a “new normal” is a part of Germany’s general policies to build up its military capabilities, including development and deployment of conventional weapons that represent a considerable alternative to nuclear weapons.

The article explores the censorship of cinema in Russia during the First World War and the 1917 Revolution. While the history of cinema in Russia has been comprehensively addressed in scientific literature, the structure and powers of cinematographic censorship during the period 1914–1918 remain to be fully elucidated. It is evident that these alterations were of considerable significance when compared to the pre-war period. The nation was divided into territories subject to “full” and “partial” military censorship, and the command of the front-line provinces was granted, among other things, the authority to control film distribution, a power previously held by the civil administration. In the rear provinces, the prevailing order remained largely unaltered. Petrograd, however, was distinguished by its notable deviation from this norm. This was attributable to the establishment of a substantial and intricate censorship apparatus within the city during the war years. The Cinematographic Department became one of its numerous subdivisions in the autumn of 1914. Its employees were responsible for the issuance and revocation of distribution permits, as well as the screening of films (including those with non-military content) prior to their release. Concurrently, the Ministry of the Imperial Court, the police, the inspection of printers, and other entities persisted in their involvement in film censorship. A notable role was played by the Skobelev Committee, which during the war claimed not only to produce war films, but also to censor them. However, as in other forms of censorship, the departmental principle was upheld in the context of cinema. Consequently, the Ministry of the Imperial Court retained the censorship of films involving members of the imperial family, while military censorship in Petrograd operated autonomously and local authorities exercised control in the theatre of war and in the rear. This fragmentation of film censorship was a characteristic feature of the pre-war years and gave rise to a degree of dissatisfaction among representatives of the film industry. The Provisional Government refrained from abolishing military censorship, and film censorship remained in place.

Dear Readers, It is very difficult for us to send you a message of positivity, considering the situation in which our world is falling. What may we say while looking at a theatre of war, violence, death of men, women, children, and old people? We cannot avoid remembering when, during our last congresses and meetings, speakers from every part of the world, with different skin colors, religions, political and social tendencies, and different sexual orientations, met in a peaceful atmosphere without any form of intolerance and discrimination. [...]

The United States of America joined World War II after the attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1942 but supported the war efforts of Great Britain long before. This war was like no other before its time. Its character changed due to technological development and easier communication, but its nature remained unchanged. The United States fought globally, in Europe with Germany and in the Pacific with Japan. At the same time, a new competitor started rising – the Soviet Union with a new communist ideology. The article presents various military theories and their application in joint warfare. Sun Tzu’s principles of deception, Carl von Clausewitz’s concept of the centre of gravity, Julian Corbett’s doctrine of commerce raiding (guerre de course), William Mitchell’s focus on air superiority, Giulio Douhet’s theories of strategic bombing and other military strategies can all be illustrated through the actions of U.S. forces during World War II. The article aims to analyse how this country, after many years of isolation, prevailed in the world’s most important conflict and became its leader. The author explores the application of classical theories of combat in various domains: land, sea and air. The author analyses the practical use and application of theoretical solutions by the U.S. armed forces during World War II to test the following hypothesis: With the flexibility of response to different threats in war theatres, industrial support, charismatic leadership and the ability to use all elements of power in a coordinated way, the U.S. successfully and effectively used military power to achieve political aims. For this purpose, the applied analysis, inference and generalisation methods were used in the article. A scoping review of the source literature was made to prepare for studying these phenomena. Understanding this historical evolution is essential to understanding the enduring legacy of World War II and the critical role the U.S. has played in shaping the modern world order.

Emerging Disruptive Technologies (EDTs) are fundamentally reshaping modern warfare, particularly in the field of military defence against drones. The rapid development of unmanned systems is creating new challenges that need to be met with innovative solutions. Technologies such as artificial intelligence, quantum computing, directed-energy weapons, and cyber warfare tools can play a key role in neutralising enemy drone threats. Artificial intelligence-based sensors and decision support systems can enable rapid detection and categorisation of drones, while directed energy weapons, such as lasers and microwave systems, can provide an efficient and cost-effective solution for their destruction. In addition, information operations tools such as electronic jamming and hacker attacks can be used to disrupt or take control of autonomous systems. The integrated use of these technologies could revolutionise the way we defend against drones and enable new strategies in modern theatres of war.

Abstract During Operation Ichi-Go, the Peking–Hankou Railway’s Yellow River Bridge emerged as a critical strategic asset whose control directly influenced Japanese logistics in North China. Between April and December 1944, the Chinese–American Composite Wing (CACW) and the USAAF 14th Air Force executed a sustained air interdiction campaign to disrupt this key transport artery. While limited in scale – comprising only 61 bomber and 160 fighter sorties – the operation inflicted disproportionate damage by targeting not only the railway bridge but also secondary transport nodes such as Kaifeng, Xinyang, and Xinzheng. This campaign complicated Japanese offensives by creating persistent logistical bottlenecks. Drawing from multinational archival sources, this paper examines why the Allies prioritized this bridge, how operational constraints shaped their tactics, and how coordination evolved between Chinese Nationalist Air Force and USAAF leadership. The paper argues that although the bridge was never permanently destroyed, the campaign revealed the growing capability of joint Sino-American air power to execute precision interdiction under resource constraints. Ultimately, the disruption forced Japanese forces to divert critical resources and adjust their strategic planning, thereby shaping the trajectory of the Ichi-Go campaign. This study contributes to a deeper understanding of coalition airpower and logistics disruption in the China Theater of World War II.

Abstract Military logistics drones play a crucial role in optimizing the supply and support processes of troops in the field. These unmanned aerial vehicles are used to quickly deliver essential supplies, ammunition and equipment to conflict zones or remote locations where access by conventional means is difficult or impossible. At the tactical level, logistics transport drones are capable of executing precise delivery missions, streamlining reaction times and reducing the risks of exposure to ground forces. In addition, they can operate autonomously or semi-autonomously, allowing logistics teams to focus their resources on other operational priorities. These drones can be used both in support of combat units, providing them with essential equipment in real time, and to support operations to reconstruct critical infrastructure after a military action. Their flexibility and speed make them indispensable in the dynamic context of a modern theater of war, where short delivery times can make the difference between the success and failure of a mission.

Societal Impact StatementDigitisation of herbarium collections is bringing greater understanding to bear on the complexity of narratives relating to the First World War and its aftermath – scientific and societal. Plant collecting during the First World War was more widespread than previously understood, contributed to the psychological wellbeing of those involved, and enhances floristic knowledge. The material legacy of wartime collections residing in herbaria is now becoming truly accessible for multidisciplinary study. Moreover, there are lessons to be learned from history in the lack of follow‐through in publishing these collections, because such collections form an important baseline for any post‐conflict landscape restoration actions.Summary Mass digitisation provides a tool through which previously un‐documented collections held in herbaria can become visible and related collections can be linked together both taxonomically and by collection events, enabling more holistic interpretation and informing transdisciplinary approaches. Plant collecting during the First World War is known through few published examples, and the extent of accessioning or impacts of these collections thereafter was not clearly known. We sought to address this by querying recently digitised herbarium collections at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, and the Natural History Museum, London. Combining an analysis of these digitisation programmes (which are still underway) with published and unpublished archival records, we have identified more than 4,600 additional specimens collected in connection with the First World War by at least 30 previously unknown or not well‐documented collectors, bringing the known total to approximately 6,700. We also found that there was a close coordination of individuals' collecting activity in the theatre of war with scientific institutions. The motivations for botanist and non‐botanist collectors who contributed could differ, though both yielded a benefit for scientific exploration. We recommend that further research in this area extends the scope regarding the internationalism of wartime collecting both in terms of participant forces and recipient institutions, with a focus on lessons learned for the future coordination of biodiversity recording and post‐conflict environmental restoration activities based on this scientific knowledge.

This article analyzes the image of Austria-Hungary as shaped by journalists at the weekly satirical magazine Novy Satyrikon during the first months of World War I (July–December 1914), when the Russian Empire was engaged in active military conflict with the Triple Alliance in the European theater of war, and the Habsburg Empire was one of its main adversaries on the Eastern Front. During the period under study, Novy Satyrikon correspondents devoted close attention to Austria-Hungary, its political and military characteristics (distinguishing features), in their publications. Historical-genetic and historical-comparative research methods were used in writing this work. The scientific novelty of this study is determined by its interdisciplinary nature, which combines the study of specific historical material and consideration of the theoretical problem of the formation of the image of another state in the texts of one of the printed media of the Russian Empire at the beginning of the XXth century. The author concludes that the pages of Novy Satyrikon portrayed the Austro-Hungarian Empire as Russia’s foreign policy adversary, an enemy of the entire Slavic world, a provocateur of regional conflicts, an oppressor of its own and neighboring peoples, and Germany’s “little brother” within the military-political bloc of the Central Powers. A military-political alliance with Germany and entry into a new, large-scale war were, in the view of the Austrian government at the time, the instruments that would, with a high degree of probability, restore Austria-Hungary to its former economic and political might and prevent the collapse of the «sick» empire. In reality, the Habsburg Monarchy's participation in World War I only accelerated the demise of Franz Joseph I's «prison of nations».