From wages to conflict: Does an increase in the real wage decrease internal conflict in developing countries?

ABSTRACT The paper examines the cultural and spatial aspects of the Newly Merged Districts (NMDs) along the Pak-Afghan border, an area historically known for extensive cross-border trade. In 2017, the Pakistani government began fencing the Pak-Afghan border mainly to prevent the movement of terrorists across the border. The study analyzes how communities in the NMDs respond to this fencing policy through the framework of resilience. Resilience has been a key characteristic of vulnerable borderland communities. Given the changing security landscape, resilience is the capacity to jump back or recover from, resist, absorb, adapt to, or transform in the face of conflict or adversity. However, a community might have adapted to a specific challenge or policy at one point in history but not to others. Using the theoretical perspective of Ontological Security, the study argues that the fencing project has disrupted the routine lifestyles of border residents, thus making them ontologically insecure. Despite this, the communities’ cultural and economic resilience created new opportunities. Any new security measure by the state should take into account past traumas. Through a case study approach, this research examines the resilience of these communities.

While most literature on female victims of political terror in the USSR focuses on the late 1930s, this article argues that wartime repression against women may have been comparable in scale to the Great Terror. Drawing on 33,000 biographies of female victims, it shows that women arrested during the war came from less privileged social groups. An analysis of 100 investigative files highlights that wartime arrests were more often due to women’s own ‘misconduct’ rather than their relatives’ actions. The study suggests that the secret police increasingly focused on women’s political statements during the war and offers possible explanations.

Evolutionary theory and historical evidence suggest humans possess distinct psychological tendencies for defensive and offensive violence, which have insufficiently been considered in research. In a large-scale preregistered study across 58 countries (N = 18,128), we demonstrate that violent extremist intentions manifest along two distinct psychological phenomena: defensive extremism, motivated by protecting one's group from (perceived) threats, and offensive extremism, driven by establishing group dominance. We show that these dimensions a) can be reliably differentiated across diverse cultural contexts, b) are distinctively associated with psychological dispositions, and c) systematically differentiate countries varying in macrolevel sociopolitical functioning and violence. Across nations, a two-factorial structure was observed that was invariant at the scalar level. Defensive extremist intentions were consistently higher than offensive extremism in 56 out of 58 countries, suggesting greater moral acceptance of protective violence. While psychopathy was positively related to both types of violent extremist intentions, those high in Machiavellianism and narcissism demonstrated particularly higher levels of defensive extremist intentions. By contrast, those scoring high on religious fundamentalism and social dominance orientation demonstrated particularly higher levels of offensive extremist intentions. Unexpectedly, liberal political group identification was associated with higher offensive but lower defensive extremist intentions. Crucially, offensive (but not defensive) intentions were associated with macrolevel societal dysfunction, including political terror and internal conflict. These findings establish that defensive and offensive violent extremist intentions represent two conceptually different forms of extremism across a large and diverse range of countries, with consequences for research and practice.

Intelligence is crucial for shaping both domestic and foreign policy, particularly in volatile regions with pressing security concerns. Objective analysis, free from political bias, is vital for accurate threat assessment and effective counter-terrorism strategies. This is especially important during crises, where understanding the nature of threats– whether from state or non-state actors – is essential for informing decisions on interventions, terrorism escalation, and terrorist profiling. A robust counter-terrorism strategy relies on strong “political security” and necessitates increased information sharing and cooperation on issues like terrorism, smuggling, and threats to national integrity. This strategy must adapt to the “technology factor”, acknowledging how terrorist organizations exploit electronic platforms for everything from propaganda to attacks. This study focuses on “security intelligence” and its role in counterterrorism. Using a qualitative, explanatory-descriptive approach, it examines the intelligence analytical culture, the impact of technology, and the specific function of security intelligence in combating terrorism. It argues that prioritizing intelligence efforts targeting state and non-state actors supporting terrorism is crucial for developing effective counter-terrorism policies in today’s interconnected world.

Families of victims of unresolved ("cold case") homicides endure not only prolonged emotional devastation but also chronic exposure to stressors linked to institutional inaction and uncertainty. While previous studies have addressed trauma, grief, and mental health consequences among co-victims of homicide, minimal scholarly attention has been devoted to the physical and physiological impact of unresolved loss, particularly when justice remains indefinitely suspended. This qualitative study draws on in-depth semi-structured interviews with 13 co-victims of cold-case homicides in Israel. Using qualitative content analysis, we examined how participants interpret and articulate perceived connections between prolonged unresolved grief, institutional inaction, chronic stress exposure, and physiological health deterioration. The theoretical framework integrates Ambiguous Loss Theory (Boss, W. W. Norton & Company, 2006), Trauma Theory (Herman, Trauma and Recovery: The Aftermath of Violence-From Domestic Abuse to Political Terror, 1992; van der Kolk, The Body Keeps the Score: Brain, Mind, and Body in the Healing of Trauma, 2014), and the Allostatic Load Model (McEwen and Stellar, Arch. Intern. Med. 153:2093-2101, 1993). Participants reported a wide range of chronic health problems including cardiovascular illness, autoimmune disorders, chronic pain, hypertension, diabetes, migraines, and disrupted sleep. They consistently attributed their physical decline not only to the trauma of the homicide itself but to the persistent absence of justice and ongoing interaction with inert legal systems, which they described as physiologically corrosive. The unresolved status of their case maintained a long-term state of biological threat activation, manifesting in immune dysregulation, sleep disorders, and severe fatigue. Findings demonstrate that cold-case homicide bereavement extends beyond psychological trauma and constitutes a significant, yet neglected public health burden. The study underscores the need to integrate trauma-informed healthcare within criminal justice responses and calls for official recognition of the embodied consequences of unresolved homicide, both clinically and legally.

The article is devoted to the political terror against students of higher educational institutions in Perm. Based on a database and archival files, the article provides a statistical analysis of the repressions, describes the repressive policy of the Soviet state against students in Perm, and examines the relationship between the arrests of students and teachers. The author concludes that the political terror against students in Perm in the 1930s was consistent with the policies implemented in the country. However, there are no clear criteria for distinguishing between the repressions against students and those against other groups. The arrests of students and teachers were often not interrelated. The connection between the arrests of members of the scientific intelligentsia and their students can be traced mainly within the framework of certain national operations conducted by the NKVD.

Introduction . The relevance of this study is underpinned by the widespread recognition that the involvement of young people in terrorist activities represents one of the most dangerous trends affecting the development of any state and society. The focus is on university students, who are considered a demographic particularly vulnerable to terrorist ideology due to their age and social characteristics. Aim . The present study aimed to examine the specific ways in which university students (aged 16–24) perceive the nature of terrorist activity and its consequences. Methodology and research methods . The theoretical analysis aimed to delineate the structure of anti-terrorist consciousness among young people. Empirical research methods – including questionnaires, observation, and expert evaluation – were employed to elucidate the nuances of both positive and negative perceptions of terrorism, as well as the risk factors associated with youth involvement in terrorist activities. The design, pilot implementation, and expert review of an educational programme facilitated the identification of key approaches to organising educational initiatives within the university setting. Results and scientific novelty . The study identified the specific characteristics of how university students in Kazakhstan perceive terrorism and terrorist activities, thereby enhancing the understanding of the risk factors that may lead to students’ involvement in terrorist movements. Furthermore, it revealed and substantiated the critical importance of fostering an active, subjective stance among students towards the processes involved in developing an anti-terrorist consciousness. Practical significance . The data collected and the pedagogical approaches developed to cultivate anti-terrorist awareness among university students can be directly applied to the educational practices of contemporary higher education institutions.

Al-Shabaab and the Politics of Terror: Challenges to Counterterrorism in Somalia

This project presents the development of a centralized, web-based platform titled Global Terrorism Database, aimed at compiling and providing comprehensive information on known terrorists across the world. The website serves as a unified intelligence interface where verified data—including names, photographs, affiliations, criminal history, and bounty details—are organized and made accessible to both security agencies and the general public. A key feature of the platform is its public reporting system, which allows individuals to submit tips, sightings, or relevant information regarding the listed terrorists. These reports are securely forwarded to concerned law enforcement or intelligence agencies. In cases where a reward is officially declared for information on a particular terrorist, the platform enables a transparent system for informers to claim such incentives, creating a mutual benefit model for both agencies and civilians. By reducing duplication of effort across nations and encouraging crowd-sourced intelligence, the website seeks to support global counter-terrorism initiatives through better coordination, public participation, and rapid information exchange. This project integrates technology with security efforts, offering an innovative tool in the fight against terrorism.

The Sahel region faces a complex nexus of political instability and terrorism, with the former often exacerbating the latter. This research delves into the extent to which political turmoil and coups d'état contribute to the proliferation and resilience of terrorist groups in the Sahel. Beginning with an analysis of the relationship between political instability and terrorist group proliferation, the study examines how periods of governance vacuum and instability create fertile ground for extremist ideologies to take root. Drawing on historical data and case studies from countries such as Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, the research highlights how political upheavals provide terrorist groups with opportunities for recruitment, funding, and operational expansion. Moreover, the study explores the role of external powers, such as France, and the United States, and regional organizations like the African Union and ECOWAS, in shaping the security landscape of the Sahel. It scrutinizes the effectiveness of foreign interventions, aid, and development programs in addressing the underlying socio-economic grievances that fuel terrorism. Furthermore, the research critically analyzes the humanitarian consequences of displacement and refugee crises resulting from terrorist activities and state responses. It underscores the importance of cross-border collaboration and regional security architecture, examining initiatives like the G5 Sahel Joint Force and the Lake Chad Basin Commission Multinational Joint Task Force in countering terrorism. By shedding light on the intricate dynamics between political instability and terrorism in the Sahel, this study aims to inform more targeted and effective strategies for countering extremism and promoting stability in the region.

This study examines the evolving relationship between media and ter rorism in the contemporary world. The global expansion of terrorism, particularly following the 9/11 attacks, has been facilitated by techno logical advancements and globalization, allowing terrorist organizations to extend their reach and operational capabilities. Concurrently, the development of new media, driven by communication technologies and the Internet, has transformed media into a social and cultural arena with global accessibility. The paper highlights the symbiotic relationship between media and terrorism, noting that media not only amplify the impact of terrorist acts but also enable the dissemination of ideology, recruitment, and operational coordination. The study emphasizes that this relationship is complex, dynamic, and multi-dimensional, and it can not be analyzed in a unilateral or subjective manner. Understanding the interplay between media and terrorism is crucial for developing effective strategies to mitigate the global threat posed by contemporary terrorism.

Why some people participate in political violence and terrorism, and others do not, even when they share ideological frames, identities, perceptions, grievances, and interests, neighborhoods or social networks, and are generally from similar contexts and backgrounds, and share similar experiences, is a puzzle for social scientists. When individuals share values, environments, and experiences, their motivations for violent action should be similar, leading to similar levels of participation. In fact, we find from our survey of the Provisional IRA that the opposite is the case. A moral wall of preparedness to kill and die for a cause is the key distinction between participants and non-participants.

The paper presents error analysis of AI mistakes during experiments with image generation using Shedevrum technology (YandexGPT) in the spring of 2025. The tasks included creating illustrations for little-known literary works, such as The Dark (T’ma) by Leonid Andreev and Her First Ball by Tatiana Shchepkina-Kupernik, in which echoed writers’ impressions of the political terror at a period of the Russian Revolution of 1905-1907. Thus, the AI task has become more difficult due to the ban on creating content related to religion and politics, mentioning specific individuals (here, character real prototypes), and generating content with elements of violence and brutality.The dominance of the English language worldview (sprachliche Weltbild) in AI “consciousness” is noted: AI mistakes are similar to the mistakes of English-thinking students when learning Russian. In the process of generating the illustrations, some mistakes and clever tricks of Shedevrum coincide with the mistakes of children when they draw or try to avoid inconvenient decisions or solutions.The paper suggests that the terms ‘aggression’, ‘sociopathy’, etc. are not fully applicable to the description of AI behavior, but arose based on erroneous interpretations (as it happened with the characters of Solaris by Lem). The pragmatic mode of those utterances cannot be unambiguously interpreted as aimed at harming people. This ambiguity hints at the manifestations of the emergent abilities of artificial intelligence.These observations of the educator specialize in cross-cultural studies and teaching languages other than the student’s native language may probably be reasonably interesting for AI developers and machine learning engineers.

This article explores the phenomenon of political terrorism in postwar Costa Rica (1948-1958) through an analysis of the press. To understand the circumstances that gave rise to this form of political violence, its main characteristics, and the government’s response, three key periods are examined: the Founding Junta of the Second Republic, the administration of Otilio Ulate Blanco, and the first constitutional government of José Figueres Ferrer. It is suggested that a sector of the opposition used terrorist actions as a tool aimed not so much at causing material and human damage, but rather at generating a psychological impact and conveying a political message: the existence of a group determined to challenge the established power.

The analysis refers to the interwar years in Europe. We distinguish four types of coalitions here: (a) Coalitions with other democratic parties, led by a predominant party and most common in multi-party democratic states. (b) Bringing in ideological opponents on the parts of overarching highly credible national figures such as King George V did in Britain in 1931 in calling upon the charismatic Labour Party leader MacDonald to form a coalition with the still dominant but ailing Conservative Party. (c) The outbidding of more radical political parties by former center parties towards the right or left. One such outcome comes about when this is having a temporary effect only, until the next election is won within the family of democratic parties. Yet, when outbidding is trump the electorate easily might go for the hardest outbidding contender not to be taken over by even greater extremist parties. This process for the analysis of political terrorism and its intention to instigate fear amongst the “neutral” population explains to a large extent why considerable portions of the population are going to side with the most extreme challengers. This is for two reasons, one is pure fear to be out-mastered, the other one is rational choice just to avoid this. (d) The other outcome as to outbidding occurs when the democratic national consensus formation that is still underlying all these processes in normal times is wiped out in times of crises. Democratic national consensus is being lost vis-à-vis a new anti-democratic national consensus formation. Several other theoretical arguments and historical experiences are touched upon.

Introduction Violent deaths and related trauma due to political violence and terrorism occur worldwide, yet they are rarely broadcast online via social media – as happened on October 7th in Israel. During this terror attack, videos of brutal murders quickly spread through social media. While the psychological impact of exposure to traumatic content has been previously explored, the effects of real-time and prolonged online exposure to such content have yet to be investigated longitudinally. Accordingly, this study aimed to investigate the longitudinal impact of social media exposure on secondary traumatic stress, needs-based experience, and subsequent well-being and resilience. Method 167 participants (mean age = 40.08, SD = 13.56, 61% women) completed self-report questionnaires two to three weeks after the terror attack on October 7th, and completed the same questionnaires relating to social media exposure to traumatic events, secondary traumatic stress, experiences of needs satisfaction/frustration, and psychological distress 7–8 months later. Results Data were analyzed using Structural Equation Modeling (SEM). Higher levels of social media exposure to traumatic content two to three weeks after the terror attack predicted increased levels of secondary traumatic stress, which in turn predicted increased levels of needs frustration and subsequent decreases in well-being and resilience 7–8 months later. Conclusions Framed within Self-Determination Theory, the findings underscore the gravity of secondary traumatic stress and psychological needs frustration as the mechanisms mediating the association between social media exposure and well-being and resilience over time. Furthermore, the research findings highlight the importance of limiting media usage during traumatic events.

ABSTRACT What is the relationship between public opinion and political action? Drawing on cases where shifts in public opinion coincided with changes in the frequency of terrorist attacks, we argue that this connection stems from the normative power of public opinion. This power is evident in the bandwagon effect, where popular opinions tend to gain even more support over time. Governments and corporations signal their belief in this power by attempting to shape public opinion with tools like bots, sockpuppets, and troll farms. Importantly, the impact of public opinion does not depend on its actual distribution, but rather on how it is perceived. People’s beliefs about what others think—meta-opinions—can differ significantly from the aggregated individual opinions typically measured in surveys. We propose new ways of measuring meta-opinions, particularly as they relate to political activism and terrorism. At the individual level, meta-opinion can provide motivation for activism or terrorism: the percentage of an ingroup that sympathizes with an ingroup grievance is the size of the audience for which an individual turning to political activism or terrorism can move from zero to hero.

Violence has ancient roots, dating back to the second generation of humanity when Cain killed his brother Abel, the first crime in human history.This prompted thinkers, psychologists, and sociologists to argue that violence is an instinct inherent in the human psyche, inseparable from its nature and its tendency to control, impose influence, and dominate.This behavior contradicts all divine and secular values, laws, and religious traditions.However, it has remained integral to the lives of human societies even after the emergence of civilized life.Rather, it has increased in intensity, severity and spread, reaching the modern era in which the use of violence has become extreme with the development of technology and means of communication and their employment to spread the utmost levels of fear.Violence, in terms of its use to impose will, achieve gains and neutralize opponents, has entered a new era.Some governments of various orientations, as well as some followers of religions, organizations and individuals, have used it as an alternative to war and traditional confrontation, to subjugate opponents and influence the policies of other countries, or towards certain individuals and groups inside or outside the state.The use of violence against others has thus entered a new concept and era, which is the era of political terrorism.Attempts to explain the phenomenon of terrorism in general and political terrorism in particular have multiplied and diversified to the point that as many theories and explanations have emerged as numerous as the number of studies altogether.This diversity leads us to the conclusion that there is no single, clear, convincing, and agreed-upon explanation for the phenomenon of terrorism in general.Upon closer examination, we find that almost every terrorist phenomenon has an explanation through appropriate theoretical frameworks.This stems from the desire of researchers, scholars, and theorists of this phenomenon to find a logical, scientific analysis and explanation.

The problem of terrorism is a serious discussion that is still open in scientific forums. Terrorism begins with thoughts and readings and life experiences that are shaken socially and psychologically. Added to this, the unfair world order in diplomacy and policy has contributed to the growth of terror attitudes and terrorist movements. Islam condemns any attempt at terror. Because it is contrary to the principles of Islam which are peaceful and merciful. On that basis, it is important to carry out counter-terrorism and deradicalization as a form of resistance to the potential and actions of terror and radicalism.