All of the theories of ‘asyntactic’ comprehension assume some sort of hierarchy of syntactic or processing difficulty, although there is a lack of consensus on what this ordering is [Berndt RA, Mitchum CC, Wayland S. Patterns of sentence comprehension in aphasia: a consideration of three hypotheses. Brain Language 1997;60:197–221.]. All incorporate at minimum the supposition that, for most (nonfluent) patients, passives are harder than actives, and object relatives are harder than subject relatives, which are comparable in length, number and type of semantic roles and number of clauses. A minority of studies has found that object relatives may be affected in the absence of vulnerable passives [Ansell BJ, Flowers CR. Aphasic adults' use of heuristic and structural linguistic cues for sentence analysis. Brain Language 1982;16:61–72; Shernoff EH, Blossom-Stach C, Martin RC. Consequences of thematic role therapy for speed of processing. Brain Language 1994;47:512–515; Berndt RA, Mitchum CC, Wayland S. Patterns of sentence comprehension in aphasia: a consideration of three hypotheses. Brain Language 1997;60:197–221.]. This latter pattern is problematic for the trace-antecedent and mapping-deficit accounts, which impute a defective representation or procedure for handling the traces of moved semantic roles, but is explainable under Caplan and Hildebrandt's [Caplan D, Hildebrandt N. Disorders of syntactic comprehension. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1988.] specific deficits hypothesis, as the two differ in type of movement (A- versus A-bar) while still respecting syntactic complexity. This paper presents a case with the reverse dissociation, conflicting with complexity on one of two tasks. As a challenge to all three linguistically-dependent hypotheses, and resource-limitation hypotheses, which also predict ‘complexity’ in parsing and/or mapping, unless a task demand or additional deficit is imputed [e.g. Frazier L, Friederici AD. On deriving the properties of agrammatic comprehension. Brain Language 1991;40:51–66; Miyake A, Carpenter PA, Just MA. Reduced resources and specific impairments in normal and aphasic sentence comprehension. Cognitive Neuropsychol 1995;12:651–679.], the patient's dissociation turned out to be attributable, as Frazier and Friederici [Frazier L, Friederici AD. On deriving the properties of agrammatic comprehension. Brain Language 1991;40:51–66.] predicted, to an interaction between her processing disorder and the task, albeit indirectly. Control studies showed that the patient had the competence to process passives off-line but that her access to or use of passive verb morphology was not effective in real time. This processing disorder became apparent off-line in a task where the passive morphology was unexpected in item-list composition. The dissociation is explained in terms of the relative contributions of controlled and automatic processing to sentence comprehension.
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