ABSTRACT On October 7, 2023, the attack orchestrated by Hamas against Israel and the subsequent wave of reactions within neo-Nazi accelerationist circles provide a privileged vantage point from which to examine the convergences, tensions, and limits of ideological proximity between the extreme right and Islamist movements. Drawing on a qualitative methodology based on the analysis of publications from Telegram channels and accelerationist websites, we propose a tripartite typology of reactions: an apologetic position asserting ideological and tactical convergence with Hamas; an opportunistic position that frames the episode as a temporary alliance grounded in the identification of a common enemy; and an absolutist position that rejects any rapprochement with radical Islam, despite the paradoxical appropriation of jihadist aesthetic codes. We argue that these dynamics reflect less a genuine form of cooperation than competitive logics among extremist social movements, in which the pursuit of symbolic power and identity differentiation prevails, shaped by the visibility regimes specific to digital platforms. These findings illuminate the contemporary ideological plasticity of extremist ecosystems and call for a reconsideration of how transversal extremist configurations are analyzed in an era marked by the global circulation of radical aesthetics.

ABSTRACT This article advances the concept of strategic statelessness to analyze how Tibetan, Uyghur, and Baloch youth navigate the entanglements of exile, citizenship, and activism. Moving beyond static understandings of statelessness as exclusion, it conceptualizes statelessness as a political repertoire actively mobilized by youth in protracted exile. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork among Tibetan youth in Dharamsala, Himachal Pradesh, India (2022–2023) and secondary data on Uyghur and Baloch diasporas, the study examines how young activists combine host-country citizenship for mobility and security with the symbolic power of statelessness for advocacy and belonging. The analysis unfolds across four dimensions: (1) citizenship as a platform for activism, (2) generational reinterpretations of statelessness, (3) tensions between youth agency and exile institutions, and (4) the affective burdens that sustain endurance and identity. Through these comparative cases, the article shows how exile youth mobilize statelessness as a strategic resource, transforming legality, precarity, and affect into intertwined repertoires of survival and political expression. By theorizing strategic statelessness, it extends debates on flexible and multi-layered citizenship, demonstrating how conditions of non-belonging become politically generative in reimagining belonging, resistance, and futurity in exile.

ABSTRACT Let I ⊂ A and J ⊂ B be two monomial ideals, where A and B are two polynomial rings with disjoint variables. Considering a general set-up of monomial filtrations, we study the behavior of the v -number under binomial expansion. As an application, we get an explicit formula of v ( ( I + J ) ( k ) ) in terms of v ( I ( i ) ) and v ( J ( j ) ) , where L ( k ) denotes the k-th symbolic power of an ideal L. Furthermore, an analogous formula is extended for the v -number of integral closure of ( I + J ) k .

The status of sustainable consumption has emerged as a symbolic driver of demand for eco-friendly products, positioning sustainability as a marker of social distinction and moral prestige. This study examines how perceived sustainable consumption status influences consumer engagement and word-of-mouth (WOM), considering the moderating role of message framing (emotional vs. rational) in interactive digital environments. Three quantitative experiments were conducted to test the proposed relationships. The findings indicate that emotional communication strengthens the positive effects of high perceived-status sustainability on engagement and WOM, and engagement mediates the relationship between perceived status and advocacy behavior. By introducing the concept of digital sustainability signaling, this research advances understanding of interactive advertising and explains how symbolic sustainability cues gain persuasive power in online contexts characterized by heightened visibility and social reinforcement. The study provides both theoretical and managerial insights by identifying communication strategies that enhance engagement and WOM according to the symbolic positioning of sustainable consumption.

This study explores the intersection between social media discourse in West Sumatra and formal governmental processes, focusing on the cultural idiom Adat Basandi Syarak, Syarak Basandi Kitabullah (ABS–SBK). This Minangkabau moral framework is analyzed as a highly "amplifiable" tool within algorithmic media environments. Utilizing digital discourse analysis and online trace mapping, the research examines how moral emotions expressed online are magnified by media gatekeeping and subsequently integrated into formal policy deliberations. Theoretically, the study introduces "local-value-anchored digital populism" to explain how localized idioms become institutionally actionable within Indonesia’s regional politics. Data sources include social media content from key figures, user interactions, news reports, and official documents. The findings reveal a recurring affective-institutional pattern: digital emotions are amplified by news media and then translated by local authorities and customary institutions into formal regulations or initiatives. This dynamic emerges from the convergence of three forces: public emotions, social media algorithms, and institutional structures. When used as a moral frame, the ABS–SBK idiom bridges public affective responses with state procedures, transforming local values into policy language and sources of political legitimacy. Consequently, digital populism in West Sumatra serves as a form of symbolic power construction. It reconfigures the relationship between religion, customary authority, and the state within the digital public sphere, moving beyond mere value-based communication to influence formal institutional channels like bylaws and customary councils.

The fragmentation of employment relations through outsourcing and subcontracting has weakened the institutional foundations that historically sustained collective worker organisation. In this context, mobilisation increasingly functions not only as a means of making claims, but as a mechanism through which collective organisation itself is produced. This article advances a sociological reconceptualisation of mobilisation as an organising process, rather than as an episodic tactic or a derivative of pre-existing organisational capacity. Drawing on qualitative interview data from two contrasting cases in Spain (Las Kellys, an association of outsourced hotel chambermaids, and the anti-outsourcing mobilisation of subcontracted technicians in the Telefónica (Movistar) supply chain), the article examines how mobilisation generates collective identity, organisational capacity and power resources under conditions of labour fragmentation. The findings show that solidarity is forged through struggle rather than preceding it, and that associational, symbolic and structural power are assembled through mobilisation. By situating these dynamics within an organising ecosystem that cuts across formal and informal actors, the article contributes to debates on labour, power and collective action under contemporary capitalism.

ABSTRACT This article intervenes in debates on subalternity by examining the unique case of Nüshu (女书), the only known women-exclusive language system. The study argues that Nüshu's “(un)translatability” functions as resistance, shifting the question from Spivak's “Can the Subaltern Speak?” to “Can we in the mainstream possess the capacity to hear them?” Nüshu's (un)translatability challenges translation-based understanding, urging attention to cultural practices and their epistemic strategies. Nüshu reconfigures language by transcending communication, challenging the oral-written hierarchy, and unsettling the relationship between symbolic systems and power.

This article examines the performative function of criminal legislation in contemporary democratic politics. Drawing on cultural sociology and performance theory, it analyses how political actors mobilize the symbolic power of penal law to shape cultural meanings, generate audience identification, and accumulate political capital. The analysis focuses on two highly contested legal reforms in Spain concerning sexual offences: the progressive coalition's “Only Yes Means Yes” reform (Law 10/2022) and the counter-reform enacted shortly afterwards by a different parliamentary majority (Law 4/2023). Through this case study, the article identifies several recurrent strategies of penal performance, including the mobilization of moral narratives, the appropriation of the symbolic authority of social movements, the activation of emotional repertoires, and the strategic positioning of political actors within the electoral field. At the same time, it highlights the contingencies and risks that such performances encounter in complex mass democracies. The article contributes to debates on symbolic criminal law by showing how penal legislation can function as a key instrument of cultural power and political struggle.

This paper examines Indian advertisements and mass media through the lens of postcolonial theory, focusing on how colonial legacies continue to shape representations of identity, modernity, class, gender, and consumption. Drawing upon key postcolonial thinkers such as Fanon, Bhabha, and Spivak, the study argues that Indian advertising operates within a paradoxical framework of resistance and complicity. While it seeks to assert indigenous identity and nationalism, it simultaneously reproduces Eurocentric ideals of beauty, progress, and consumer aspiration. The paper analyzes themes such as cultural imperialism, hybridity, colorism, linguistic hierarchies, and neoliberal consumer culture. It also explores how mass media—television, digital platforms, and print—mediate these narratives and create new forms of symbolic power. Ultimately, the study demonstrates that Indian advertising is a crucial site for understanding the persistence of colonial epistemologies in contemporary cultural production, while also offering possibilities for resistance and rearticulation of identity.

This study argues that language is more than a means of communication; it is also a domain in which social class positions become manifest. Drawing attention to the relative neglect of class debates in Turkish sociology, it examines the relationship between language and class from a theoretical perspective. The study revisits Basil Bernstein’s code theory, William Labov’s variationist approach, Pierre Bourdieu’s concepts of the linguistic marketplace and symbolic power, and Ferdinand de Saussure’s theory of signs within an ethnomethodological framework. Through these perspectives, it discusses the role of language both in reflecting and reproducing social differences. Furthermore, positivist, interpretive, and critical methodological approaches are compared, highlighting ethnomethodology’s contribution to uncovering the context-dependent meanings of language. The study aims to provide a theoretical framework for the relatively underdeveloped field of sociolinguistics in Türkiye and to contribute to future empirical research.

This study examines the production of gender pronouns as a form of cultural production in Elliot Page’s Instagram coming‑out post published on December 2, 2020, in which he publicly identifies as transgender and adopts the pronouns he/they. Situated within the broader context of digital media and gender discourse, this research aims to understand how language practices related to gender identity are produced, represented, and circulated in contemporary social media spaces. Employing a qualitative approach, the study analyzes both linguistic choices and visual elements present in the Instagram post, alongside selected audience responses in the comment section. Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of cultural production provides the main analytical framework, particularly through the concepts of habits, cultural capital, social capital, and arena. The findings suggest that Page’s position as a well‑known public figure enables the strategic use of pronouns he/they as a symbolic practice supported by significant cultural and social capital. Audience reactions demonstrate a process of symbolic negotiation marked by affirmation, solidarity, and resistance, reflecting broader tensions surrounding gender norms and identity recognition. This study contributes to a deeper understanding of how gender identity is constructed and contested in the digital era and emphasizes social media’s role as an influential arena for cultural production and symbolic power.

This study aims to examine the construction and reception of meaning in visual and verbal content published on the official Instagram account of the West Java Provincial Sports Committee (KONI West Java) during the 2022–2026 period. Social media is understood not merely as an information channel, but as a representational space in which meanings, identities, and the symbolic legitimacy of elite sport at the regional level are produced and circulated. The study adopts a critical paradigm with a qualitative approach, employing critical discourse analysis grounded in Cultural Studies. Data were collected from selected Instagram posts and analyzed thematically by examining visual elements, verbal texts, cultural symbols, and patterns of audience interaction. The findings indicate that meaning construction is carried out systematically through the use of local cultural symbols, narratives of institutional sporting achievement, and the prominent presence of elite figures from sports organizations and regional government. These representations generate a dominant discourse positioning West Java as a leading province in national sports performance and framing KONI as a central actor in the success of athletic development. In terms of reception, audiences predominantly demonstrate a dominant acceptance of the constructed meanings, reflected in affirmative responses and the limited presence of overt resistance, although negotiated interpretations emerge on a small scale. This study concludes that KONI West Java’s social media functions as an instrument of symbolic power that normalizes values of achievement, leadership, and regional pride. The findings highlight the need for a more critical and participatory sports public relations approach, so that media representations do not merely reinforce institutional legitimacy but also foster more inclusive spaces for public dialogue.

Abstract The rise of online multimedia resources in formal and informal learning offers new opportunities for language education and a new site for applied linguistics research. Rich data from Indonesian ‘teacher-YouTubers’ indicate their videos address symbolic language freed from the formal setting of a physical classroom, though shaped by the online environment. Teacher-YouTubers in this study take on the identity work of self and addressee reference in all sorts of ways; using standard forms which draw on the symbolic power of national policy, forms with regional, cosmopolitan stereotypic meaning, through to (awkwardly) humorous forms targeting student engagement. Statistical description of the corpus and qualitative analysis of stance-taking behaviours reveal that teacher-YouTubers model pronoun use beyond standard language forms and explore how pronoun choices impact meaning in different contexts. The pedagogical practices examined address the imperative of developing intercultural awareness while empowering students to both understand and negotiate the construction of stance to express their own identity. Results suggest the diverse identities and competencies of teachers may broaden and enliven the Indonesian language teaching space, from the classroom to curriculum development. This study also indicates that the stance framework combined with statistical analysis of language has potential to enable rich description of how language teaching, variation, multilingualism, and identity work interact in applied linguistics more broadly.

Slut-shaming is a discriminatory practice that targets individuals who deviate from traditional gender norms, regardless of their gender identity, sexual orientation, behaviour, or appearance. Offensive terminology is considered a ‘performative act’, actions that create and shape social realities. In this context, language and labels serve as instruments of social control and regulation, not merely describing reality but actively reinforcing and legitimising specific groups and categories. This article aims to explore potential processes for positive resignification of terms and representations associated with the label ‘slut’. A sample of 26 participants were recruited to participate in focus groups to explore their experiences of slut-shaming. Using discourse analysis, the article delves into offensive terminology, examining how it reflects and reinforces symbolic power relations. By exploring the symbolic meaning of insults directed at both genders, the study aims to reveal the interplay of power, dominance, and resistance in linguistic interactions, providing a deeper understanding of how slut-shaming operates within this cultural framework. The analysis reveals elements specific to the offensive terminology used in slut-shaming, drawing both on participants’ personal experiences and theoretical frameworks. The findings emphasise that slut-shaming victimisation is not a uniform experience; rather, it is shaped by various social and cultural factors. Participants’ narratives reflected the intricate emotional conflicts they experience, stemming from pervasive cultural norms that influence identity formation through the use of derogatory language. These cultural patterns contribute to internalised struggles, revealing how offensive language plays a pivotal role in reinforcing gendered power structures and allows the perpetuation of slut-shaming.

This article explores contemporary processes of valorization through the social use of terms such as "biodiversity," and "permaculture," interpreted as "word amulets" endowed with symbolic and performative power. Drawing on sociological theory and ethnographic cases, it shows how crises and catastrophes disrupt existing value regimes and foster the emergence of simplified, shareable value-words. These terms do not merely describe reality but actively shape practices, beliefs, and policies, producing selective forms of protection. The article highlights the historical, dynamic nature of values and the central role of language in their collective construction.

Borders in tourism are commonly understood through territorial control and state regulation, yet contemporary mobility is increasingly shaped through non-state forms of power. This paper develops a conceptual framework that explains how travel boycotts operate as practices of symbolic rebordering within tourism. Drawing on border studies, Foucauldian governmentality, and Bourdieu’s theory of practice and concept of symbolic power, the study shows how mobility is governed through discourse, moral evaluation, affect, and increasingly digitally mediated social regulation. The analysis conceptualizes travel boycotts as non-state governance mechanisms that construct ethical thresholds to movement even when formal borders remain open. The paper proposes four novel interrelated mechanisms through which symbolic borders are produced: discursive power and bordering, which classifies destinations as ethically legitimate or illegitimate; moral governance of mobility, which frames travel as a matter of responsibility and accountability; affective borders, where emotions such as shame, fear, and solidarity regulate embodied movement; and networked governmentality, through which digital publics stabilize norms via visibility, peer judgement, and platform mediation. These mechanisms together shape ethical traveler subjectivities and reorganize tourism mobility through symbolic rather than territorial means. By repositioning travel boycotts within debates on bordering, debordering, and rebordering, the study advances tourism geography scholarship and offers a framework for analyzing morally mediated mobility in an era of digital governance and geopolitical contestation.

The Mistress of Spices by Chitra Banerjee Divakaruni is an important contribution to contemporary Indian diasporic literature, notable for its unique blending of cultural mythology and magical realism. The novel presents the story of Tilo, a mystical woman who is trained on a sacred island to become a “Mistress of Spices,” endowed with the supernatural ability to use spices for healing emotional, psychological, and spiritual suffering. After completing her training, Tilo establishes a spice shop in Oakland, California, where she assists members of the immigrant community who are struggling with loneliness, cultural dislocation, identity crises, racism, and family conflicts. This research paper explores how Divakaruni effectively combines elements of Indian cultural mythology with the narrative technique of magical realism to portray the complexities of immigrant life in a multicultural society. The mythological framework of the novel, including the mystical island, the First Mother, and the sacred powers of spices, reflects ancient Indian traditions and spiritual beliefs. At the same time, magical realism allows these supernatural elements to coexist naturally with the everyday realities of modern urban life in the United States. Through this narrative strategy, the author bridges the gap between tradition and modernity, homeland and diaspora. Furthermore, the novel uses the symbolic power of spices to represent emotional healing, cultural memory, and spiritual wisdom. Each spice embodies a particular quality that helps individuals overcome personal struggles and reconnect with their inner selves. Tilo’s journey also reflects an inner conflict between duty and personal desire, particularly when she falls in love and challenges the strict rules imposed upon her as a Mistress of Spices.By examining the interaction between mythology and magical realism, this study highlights how the novel portrays themes of identity, belonging, transformation, and resilience. Ultimately, The Mistress of Spices demonstrates how myth and magic can function as powerful literary tools for representing cultural heritage and the psychological experiences of diaspora communities.

Madhesi Dalit women constitute one of the most socio-economically disadvantaged and structurally marginalized groups in Nepal. Situated at the intersection of caste, gender, regional location, and linguistic identity, their access to education remains profoundly constrained. This qualitative study examines the complex barriers and enabling factors shaping the educational experiences of Madhesi Dalit women in the districts of Siraha, Mohattari, Bara, Parsa, and Rautahat in Madhes Province. Drawing on life history interviews with Madhesi Dalit women enrolled in higher education, conducted via snowball sampling, the study is theoretically informed by Bourdieu’s concepts of linguistic capital and symbolic power. The findings highlight that language politics is central to reproducing educational exclusion. The dominance of Nepali in curricula and classroom instruction alienates students whose mother tongues are Maithili, Bhojpuri, or Awadhi, reinforcing hill-centric cultural norms within the education system. Participants reported significant academic and emotional struggles arising from the linguistic disjuncture between home and school, creating a dual burden of language acquisition and cultural adaptation. Nepali-dominant instruction functions not merely as a pedagogical practice but as a mechanism of symbolic exclusion that silences participation and undermines confidence. Linguistic marginalization is compounded by caste-based discrimination, gendered norms, early marriage, domestic labor, and economic insecurity, collectively limiting access to higher education. At the same time, the narratives reveal resilience and agency: women mobilized support through peers, teachers, family encouragement, and Dalit organizations, and some strategically accumulated dominant linguistic capital by mastering Nepali, transforming exclusion into empowerment. These findings underscore the urgent need for inclusive multilingual education policies, stronger institutional mechanisms, and structural reforms to challenge entrenched caste–gender–language hierarchies in Nepal’s education system.

ABSTRACT This study examines language attitudes among Chinese ethnic minority students during multilingual transitions in higher education. Drawing on Baker's [(1992). Attitudes and language. Multilingual matters], Spolsky's [(2004). Language policy. Cambridge University Press], cultural security [Gao (2012). Imagined identity of ethnic Koreans and its implication for bilingual education in China. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 15(3), 343–353], and language capital [Bourdieu (1991). Language and symbolic power. Polity Press], it explores how heritage language maintenance concerns and strategic linguistic investment shape attitude formation. China's preparatory education for ethnic minorities offers a unique context for studying how students develop orientations toward Putonghua while negotiating identity concerns. Using Q methodology with 46 preparatory students, the study identifies four attitude patterns: Active Putonghua Learners, Pragmatic Language Users, Balanced Bilingual Supporters, and Practical Policy Supporters. Cultural security is operationalised through perceptions of identity threat and heritage validation; language capital through strategic investment in linguistic resources. Findings reveal that language attitudes emerge from complex interactions among policy environments, family language practices, and individual agency, mediated by cultural security and capital conversion strategies. This study bridges macro-level policy environments and micro-level individual agency, with implications for equitable multilingual education policy and practice.

Purpose Journalism is cited as a profession that has under-represented people of colour in management, necessitating enquiry into other areas of (mis)representation. This study relies on Bourdieu's field theory to ascertain who is (in)visible and which “bodies” are defining the field. It proposes a “conference power” framework for exploring these professional events as platforms where capital accumulates and influence proliferates. Design/methodology/approach The data were publicly available speaker lists from the Global Investigative Journalism Conference: the world's largest gathering of investigative reporters. The in-person 2019 event, the online 2021 event and the post-COVID 2023 event were analysed for race, gender, session duration and session type trends. The US Census Bureau's categories were used as codes. Hand-coding prioritised self-reported ethnicity and gender, preventing errors from algorithmic inability to assess names beginning with initials and binary labelling. Findings Women were dominant as moderators but had lower visibility in major field-shaping categories: academic and data journalism sessions. White speakers accounted for the majority of all appearances. These trends persisted across online and in-person conferences and may constitute “symbolic violence” whilst contributing to socio-communicative precarity. To improve, a periodic audit of conference speaker data and rotation of under-represented groups across organising committees should be undertaken. Originality/value Conceptualising “conference power” using organisational and field theory contributes to scholarly understanding of conferences as arenas for the production, appropriation and barter of prestige goods that accumulate into power at work. Bracketing case studies from one conference and detailed speaker identification methods also provide pathways for assessing field control using speaker lists and session types.