Subclasses Of Verbs Research Articles

LEXICOGRAPHIC PORTRAIT OF INDIVIDUAL METAPHORS

Lexicalized metaphors are recognized as metaphorical uses of language, yet their meaning is largely set in a given language.A lexicographic type is a group of lexemes with a shared property or properties,not necessarily semantic, which are sensitive to the same linguistic rules andwhich should therefore be uniformly described in the dictionary. I shall exemplify this concept with the classes of factive and putative predicates. Both ofthem will be narrowed down to the subclasses of verbs denoting mental states(not processes or actions).

Derivational models with prefixes in Macedonian verbs of motion

The aim of this paper is to present the most frequent models of prefixation of the verbs of motion in Macedonian and their semantics. More precisely, it shows which prefixes carry their primary spatial meaning in the derived verb and which have lost their spatial meaning and are grammaticalized (convey only specific aspectual meaning, i.e., inchoativity, delimitation, etc.) Such prefixes in Macedonian are ??- expressing inchoativity (????? ?start going?, ?????? ?start running?, etc.) and ??- expressing delimitation (?????? ?walk for a while/limited period??, ??????? ?swim for a while/ limited period??, etc.). The analysis shows that the choice of the prefix depends on the semantics of the base verbs, especially on the type of situation which a specific subclass of verbs of motion denotes (activities vs. actions or processes).

A Challenge for Contrastive L1/L2 Corpus Studies: Large Inter- and Intra-Individual Variation Across Morphological, but Not Global Syntactic Categories in Task-Based Corpus Data of a Homogeneous L1 German Group.

In this paper, we present corpus data that questions the concept of native speaker homogeneity as it is presumed in many studies using native speakers (L1) as a control group for learner data (L2), especially in corpus contexts. Usage-based research on second and foreign language acquisition often investigates quantitative differences between learners, and usually a group of native speakers serves as a control group, but often without elaborating on differences within this group to the same extent. We examine inter-personal differences using data from two well-controlled German native speaker corpora collected as control groups in the context of second and foreign language research. Our results suggest that certain linguistic aspects vary to an extent in the native speaker data that undermines general statements about quantitative expectations in L1. However, we also find differences between phenomena: while morphological and syntactic sub-classes of verbs and nouns show great variability in their distribution in native speaker writing, other, coarser categories, like parts of speech, or types of syntactic dependencies, behave more predictably and homogeneously. Our results highlight the necessity of accounting for inter-individual variance in native speakers where L1 is used as a target ideal for L2. They also raise theoretical questions concerning a) explanations for the divergence between phenomena, b) the role of frequency distributions of morphosyntactic phenomena in usage-based linguistic frameworks, and c) the notion of the individual adult native speaker as a general representative of the target language in language acquisition studies or language in general.

Jukstapozycja czy składnia? Frazy zdaniowe w kontekście wybranych czasowników fałszu.

This paper is dedicated to the issue of determining the syntactic status of constituents of an utterance. The author, on the example of utterances using falsehood verbs, seeks syntagmatic properties permitting identifi cation of the syntactic status of a subordinate clausal phrase. Thus, she takes a positive stance towards doubts regarding the discreteness and objectivity of the argument–modifi er distinction. Based on the criterion of connectivity and/or character of a clausal phrase, the author distinguishes four sub-classes of verbs determining falsehood of ascription.

Algumas considerações sobre leituras estativas de verbos de movimento em Português Europeu

A significant number of the so-called verbs of motion exhibit a consistent alternation between an eventive and a stative reading. In this view, the main goal of this paper is to investigate the linguistic factors that contribute to this aspectual behaviour regarding verbs of motion in European Portuguese. In particular, we consider the fictive motion hypothesis; the influence of tenses like the Presente do Indicativo (Simple Present) and the Imperfeito (Imperfect) that stativize the predications with which they co-occur; the status of the “figure” and, finally, the role played by the different subclasses of verbs of motion, with special reference to the distinction between inherently directed verbs and manner of motion verbs. We conclude that, like other types of verbs, the aspectual feature of dynamicity seems to play a crucial role in the alternation at hand.

Reconstructing the ditransitive construction for Proto-Germanic: Gothic, Old English and Old Norse-Icelandic

AbstractThe semantic range of ditransitive verbs in Modern English has been at the center of linguistic attention ever since the pioneering work of Pinker (1989.Learnability and cognition: The acquisition of argument structure. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press). At the same time, historical research on how the semantics of the ditransitive construction has changed over time has seriously lagged behind. In order to address this issue for the Germanic languages, the Indo-European subbranch to which Modern English belongs, we systematically investigate the narrowly defined semantic verb classes occurring in the ditransitive construction in Gothic, Old English and Old Norse-Icelandic. On the basis of data handed down from Proto-Germanic and documented in the oldest layers of the three Germanic subbranches, East, West and North Germanic, respectively, we show that the constructional range of the ditransitive construction was considerably broader in the earlier historical stages than now; several subclasses of verbs that could instantiate the ditransitive in early Germanic are infelicitous in the ditransitive construction in, for instance, Modern English. Taking the oldest surviving evidence from Germanic as point of departure, we reconstruct the ditransitive construction for an earlier proto-stage, using the formalism of Construction Grammar and incorporating narrowly defined semantic verb classes and higher level conceptual domains. We thus reconstruct the internal structure of the ditransitive construction in Proto-Germanic, including different levels of schematicity.

Constructing the Meaning of Cover and Spread: A Lexical-Constructional Approach

This research presents the results of the study of the verbs of position cover and spread as representative predicates of the subclass of verbs of putting something on (the surface of) something else and aims to examine the restrictions that regulate the subsumption process by means of which lexical structure can integrate into argument structure. In particular, we will deal with the integration of cover into the locatum subject construction, and of spread into the with-construction and provide a motivated account on the basis of external constraints such as metonymy, which regulate and license the integration of low-level lexical characterizations into higher-level constructional configurations. This meaning construction analysis will be done within the framework of the Lexical Constructional Model and will be complemented with a description of the interface mechanism which links meaning to syntactic structure following the analytical tools of Role and Reference Grammar

Listeners Exploit Syntactic Structure On-Line to Restrict Their Lexical Search to a Subclass of Verbs

Many experiments have shown that listeners actively build expectations about up-coming words, rather than simply waiting for information to accumulate. The online construction of a syntactic structure is one of the cues that listeners may use to construct strong expectations about the possible words they will be exposed to. For example, speakers of verb-final languages use pre-verbal arguments to predict on-line the kind of arguments that are likely to occur next (e.g., Kamide, 2008, for a review). Although in SVO languages information about a verb's arguments typically follows the verb, some languages use pre-verbal object pronouns, potentially allowing listeners to build on-line expectations about the nature of the upcoming verb. For instance, if a pre-verbal direct object pronoun is heard, then the following verb has to be able to enter a transitive structure, thus excluding intransitive verbs. To test this, we used French, in which object pronouns have to appear pre-verbally, to investigate whether listeners use this cue to predict the occurrence of a transitive verb. In a word detection task, we measured the number of false alarms to sentences that contained a transitive verb whose first syllable was homophonous to the target monosyllabic verb (e.g., target “dort” /dɔʁ/ to sleep and false alarm verb “dorlote” /dɔʁlɔt/ to cuddle). The crucial comparison involved two sentence types, one without a pre-verbal object clitic, for which an intransitive verb was temporarily a plausible option (e.g., “Il dorlote” / He cuddles) and the other with a pre-verbal object clitic, that made the appearance of an intransitive verb impossible (“Il le dorlote” / He cuddles it). Results showed a lower rate of false alarms for sentences with a pre-verbal object pronoun (3%) compared to locally ambiguous sentences (about 20%). Participants rapidly incorporate information about a verb's argument structure to constrain lexical access to verbs that match the expected subcategorization frame.

Transitivity in Longgu: The Interdependence of Verb Classes and Valency-Changing Derivations

Longgu (Southeast Solomonic) provides an example of the complexity of transitivity in Oceanic languages. This paper outlines the challenges of describing the relationship between morphology and valency-changing devices, and the role that valency-changing devices have in determining the primary valency of a verb in the language. It argues for the need to treat transitivity as an integrated whole, and shows that while subclasses of verbs can be established without regard to morphology, a much fuller understanding is gained through investigating the functions of the verbal morphology. These functions are linked to the semantic transitivity of the clause as well as to valency-changing

Base-driven leveling in Yiddish verb paradigms

A noteworthy feature of Yiddish present tense verbal inflection is that, unlike many other Germanic languages, Yiddish has virtually no irregular stem vowel changes. Whereas Middle High German (the source language for Yiddish verbal inflection1) had numerous subclasses of verbs with different patterns of present tense vowel alternations, Yiddish verbs have the same vowel for all persons and numbers:

Adjectival and verbal nouns in Japanese and multi-level nominalization

This paper shows that there is a subclass of adjectives in Japanese called adjectival nouns, which consists of adjectives mostly of foreign origin, and this subset of the adjectives is required to undergo nominalization by the merger of a null nominalizing suffix. This process of nominalization takes place either prior to the PF interface or at PF, depending on the types of null nominalizing suffixes that merge with adjectival nouns. The proposed multilevel nominalization analysis has desirable consequences for adjectival nouns, and can also be extended to a subclass of verbs in Japanese, which likewise are typically of foreign origin.

Lexical Categories and The Status of Descriptives in Apinajé

The category membership of words expressing adjectival meanings (Descriptives) in Macro‐Je languages has been a topic of recent interest and dispute among researchers. While there is agreement about the absence of Adjective as a word class, there is disagreement on whether Descriptives should be analyzed as a subclass of Nouns or Verbs, since Descriptives share features with both. This study devises a set of internal criteria for establishing the category membership of Descriptives in Apinaje (Je family). Morphosyntactic properties common to Nouns, Verbs, and Descriptives are explored first, showing that valid arguments can be made in favor of alternative analyses of Descriptives, or against a categorical distinction between Nouns and Verbs. Against this background, further syntactic constructions, such as relativization and imperatives, are introduced; these support a categorical distinction between Nouns and Verbs, and lead to the conclusion that Descriptives do constitute a subclass of Verbs.