Strategic Depth Research Articles

Strategic Dimensions of CPEC: Role of Regional and International Powers

Indian Ocean, along with its chokepoints and Sea Lanes of Communications, is considered to be the significant strategic maritime arena. The area has remained under the influence of the US. India, being a largest littoral state of the said ocean, has a strong say here. Sino- Pakistan strategic collaboration and convergence over the construction of Gwadar and CPEC would not only serve the commercial interests of both of the states, rather it would also strengthen their strategic and defense position in the region. On the Beijing’s part, China would, to a considerable extent, neutralize its “Malacca Dilemma”. And on Islamabad’s part, it would serve to be a deterrent to any aggressive design of her arch rival India. It is because on the one hand it would enhance the strategic depth of Pakistan, and on the other hand integrity of Pakistan would be indispensible for China. And any attempt to destabilize Pakistan could provoke China, so Pakistan’s integrity would be sine qua non for China.

Turkey's Involvement in the Syrian Conflict from a Defense Management Perspective

This article will discuss Turkey's interests in resolving the Syrian conflict from the perspective of defense management. The Syrian conflict that demanded the resignation of President Bashar al-Assad made all countries in the world want to participate in conflict resolution. Turkey is no exception. Turkey is one of Syria’s close neighbors and is interested in it. National defense and economic interests are the main factors of Turkey in the Syrian conflict. The deployment of strategic depth of foreign policy has become the benchmark for conflict resolution. National defense management is a new science for realizing national interests, and its strategic environment must be reviewed. Therefore, as one of the important actors in the Middle East, Turkey has the aforementioned policies in realizing its national interests. This article uses qualitative methods in the conclusion. This article uses assumptions from realism to constructivism, national interest theory of national defense theory and national defense management theory. The conclusion of this article is that defense management (Assad's call for resignation) is based on preventing Syrian refugees from going to Turkey. A large number of refugees from Syria may undermine Turkey's security and stability. The aim is to maintain Turkey’s social and economic stability, which may be shaken by the existence of these refugee groups. Achieving this goal by providing support and weapon assistance to the Syrian rebels is considered a form of preventing the spread of the Syrian conflict. In addition, Turkey also hopes to join NATO

The Impact of Kurdish Referendum on the Driving Forces of Turkish Foreign policy Toward KRG

The justice and Development party (AKP – Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi) has been the ruling party from the first elections they contested in 2002. Turkey’s policy has changed throughout the time, especially after AKP has been the ruling party continually since 2002, major shifts could be noticed. More importantly the dimensions of Turkey’s policy in the Middle East transferred to a broader status, especially when Turkey turned away to EU; at the same time EU started to review their policy toward Turkey, this impacted Turkey to focus more on the Middle East issues. So Turkey could be clearly seen that it has been presented in many countries and many events and changes in the Middle East, such as Syria, Iraq and the rest. Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) as a part of that has taken its share in this policy orientation by Turkey, especially when the prominent personality Ahmet Davutoglu started to apply his “Strategic Depth” doctrines and declared for “zero problems” with neighbors, at the same time Turkey has set some priorities for their foreign policy orientation and those orientation is containing some driving forces of foreign policy toward the neighboring countries. So these driving forces had started to shape the Turkish foreign policy toward Middle East and particularly toward KRG, and this had led to very strong relations in many aspects till the referendum. However when KRG underwent a referendum in 25th September 2017 in order to completely split from Iraq and establish its own state. Turkey, which is one of the countries that has great significance in many aspects for KRG, too, opposed the referendum. That’s why after the referendum a very clear deterioration could be noticed temporarily, but due to politico –economic relations, Turkey’s soft instrument foreign policy, and security emphasis led the relations of both sides to still stay in a stable condition.

An Analysis of Various Factors having Direct or Indirect Impacts on Pashtun Nationalism

Every society of the world is stereotype due to the various groups that exist inside the country. Same is the case with Pakistan which consists of various sub-national groups, among them one is the Pashtun ethnic group (society) which always tilted towards religion. Stereotype societies have sometimesgerms of truth but in partial. The main issue is that the importance of the survival of a specific peculiarity connected with a community is voluntarily forgotten in favour of legends mimicry. The scholars admit the presence of religious intolerance among the Pashtun community but the scholars also challenge that although the Pashtun have been hugging religion since fourteen hundred years but has never been overpowered by extremism that exists to this day. It also proves that the main objectives of religious extremism and militancy were to curtail the culture and freedom of its traditions. There are serious grievances of Pashtun community regarding the state policy for this region. The Pashtun populated areas are always used for strategic depth policy.

İNSAN KAYNAKLARI YÖNETİMİNİN DEĞİŞEN YÜZÜ : STRATEJİK İNSAN KAYNAKLARI YÖNETİMİ MODU

The concept of modern mamagemenl shows that business and operation syslems can not be isolated from the environment, and organizations have to monitor the directions and dimensions of the variations to prevail on one haıul, and adopt the ııecessary advantages to emerge from highly competitive environments on the other lıand, by adapting to the balances deteriorated by environmental factors which continuously experience a total disorder, wıth the minimum goal of survivai. Starting from this point of view, tlıis article justifies the fact that a pack of goals such as “leaving traditional persoıınel management types ıvhiclı have adaptation difficulties to environment - organization - hunıan (working) co-reiation and dynamism rupidly, and leading a successful and uninterrupted life, being influenced by change and the negativisnı of conditions at minimum, realizing a rational adaptation to the environment”, can otıly be achieved granting the human resources management of the orgaııization, a strategic depth. As a continuation of this thinking it can be said that strategies organized in parallel to the possible benefıts of risks and opportunities which determine deptlıs and directions of compulsory changes e.vtending from the course of traditional persoıınel management to the course of strategic hıınıan resources management, directed at employees oriented and prepared by providing participation, will turn into organizational success if applied in unity with organizatioıud strategies.

Historical Geography of the Sinai Peninsula and its impact in the regional and international milieu: الجُغرافيا التَّاريخيَّةُ لشِبهِ جِزيرةِ سَيناء وتَأثيرُها فِي الوَسطيْن الإقليميِّ والدَوْلي

The research aimed to shed light on the Sinai peninsula and its importance throughout the ages, and its impact on the regional and international circles, and to reveal the manifestations of strength that lie behind the geographical location and historical role of Sinai. The study relied on the historical inductive approach, in addition to analyzing and evaluating the writings on the Sinai, with a view to arriving at general rulings on the strategic importance of the Sinai Peninsula through the ages. Geographic information systems. The research is based on a study of the historical geography of the Sinai Peninsula, its impact on the regional and international circles, and the revelation of the manifestations of strength that underlie Sinai's geographical location and historical role. The study also dealt with the natural, human and economic ingredients that the Sinai Peninsula played a major role in its impact, as well as the study of the political borders and problems of Sinai, the extent of its impact on the Palestinian and Israeli sides, and the status of the Sinai Peninsula. The most important results: It became clear through the study the importance of the geographical location of the Sinai Peninsula, and the natural and human constituents helped to reinforce this importance, in addition to the strategic depth that it enjoys, as well as the area of ​​the peninsula that is not commensurate with the population, which led to the resettlement of the population by a state Arab Egypt, to be its first line of defense. The study recommended the necessity of accelerating the comprehensive and sustainable development of the Sinai Peninsula, and investing economic resources.

Motives For Gulf Interest in the Horn of Africa

The Horn of Africa is one of the vital geographically important regions, because its countries overlook the Indian Ocean on the one hand, as well as its control of the southern entrance to the Red Sea, where the Bab al-Mandab strait on the other hand. Hence, his country controls the world trade route, especially the oil trade coming from the Gulf countries to Europe and the United States. It is also an important passage for any military moves coming from Europe or the United States towards the Arab Gulf region. The strategic depth of this region is also important to the national security of the Arab states in general and the Gulf states in particular, so it is necessary to place them within the circle of Arab interaction and influence, especially as it is an arena for the ambitions of many regional and international powers. The Horn of Africa region is also of great importance due to its direct association with the security of the Gulf Cooperation Council states, and therefore the changes taking place in that region should be dealt with a great deal of seriousness and caution in light of a set of considerations that are considered as determinants affecting the national security system The Gulf, perhaps the most important of which is the proximity of the Horn of Africa to the sources of oil in the Persian Gulf.

The AK Party’s Foreign Policy: Turkish Somalia Relat

Somalia which has been rule by the Ottoman Empire is part of the strategic depth strategy of Turkey initated under AKP ruling party as an instrument of foreign policy tool. The geostrategic location of Somalia has given AKP unique position to benefit from establishing and being engaged in Somalia affair. Turkey under AKP leadership aim to gain a strategic foothold in Africa and Somalia gives best opportunities. In line with all of such efforts and through arranging of various conferences, Turkey objectives are to create the appropriate ground to impose its influence in this African region, and Somalia. On the other hand, through the restoration and management of various straits and ports in this region, Turkey is trying to obtain a geostrategic footing in the control of the movement and corridors of world trade, and next to establish the a military bases, through which to influence and control the changes that are happening in the region and in the future to maintain the course of changes and orientation in accordance with its strategic interests. In this region, Turkey is competing with Middle Eastern and North African countries. Therefore, to address the research central obejctives the research aims to respond the questions as such: to what Turkish military base in Somalia, under soft power mechanism, could influence the latter’s security and stability?

The Socio-Cultural Attractions Between Turkish Pluralism Society and Algerian Pluralism Society ''Manuel Castell's Approach of Network Society''

Turkey goes to deepen it's existence by computations and steady steps in North Africa, especially towards Algeria, that it represents a strategic depth in the continent of Africa, in addition, there are a cultural reference and the Ottoman heritage in Algeria. Which led to deepen the intensity of contacts and interactions between community actors because of attractions rectifiers between the Turkish and Algerian society, such as cultural, religious and civilizational. Therefore, the study will work to drop the approach of Emmanuel Castel's of Network Society on the Algerian pluralism society and the Turkish pluralism society

The Interplay of Nationalism and Religion in Pashtun Society: An Analysis

This paper discusses the role and interplay of nationalism and religion in the context of Pashtun society. Both nationalism and religion have been pivotal in shaping the international system and in guiding the mutual interactions of human beings and social groups. For the Pashtun society, both religion and nationalism simultaneously exist . Historically, the role and impact of both phenomena have been varied. However, as a result of Pakistans policy of strategic depth and the resultant Afghan Jihad in Afghanistan vis-à-vis the USSR, religious extremism and radicalization have increased specifically in the Pashtun areas of Pakistan and this rise has conversely impacted the nationalist fervor of the Pashtuns resulting in the decline of the Pashtun nationalism.

Turkish vision for the Middle East after 2014

Turkish vision for the Middle East after 2014

Between neo-revisionist neoclassical realism and pragmatism. The foreign policy of the Likud party under Benjamin Netanyahu

Neo-revisionism is a term proposed by Ilan Peleg and Paul Shaum for the philosophy originated by Menachem Begin in 1977 and kept by Yitzhak Shamir and Benjamin Netanyahu. It invokes Vladimir Jabotinski’s revisionism with a strong emphasis on state-centrism, bilateral alliances, power and territory. The foreign policy of the Likud leaders showed that a postulated ideological hard-line stand is far from political reality and is closer to a pragmatic interpretation of state’s surrounding. The author will try to examine the relation between ideology and pragmatism in the Likud’s policy. It will also be shown in the light of neoclassical realism – close to neo-revisionism – by the examples of power, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, non-state representatives but also in the light of pragmatism. The overview of the Likud’s policy is divided between ideologised aspects of securing the self-interest of the state, Israeli raison d'état, acting against Arab states’ ambitions and securing the territory as a strategic depth and between pragmatic decisions like Begin’s peace treaty with Egypt and returning the Sinai, Ariel Sharon’s withdrawal of the settlements from the Gaza Strip or the freezing of settlement by Benjamin Netanyahu.

A Hybrid Semantic Mapping Approach to the Genre Classification of Literature The American Novel as an Example

Egypt, as an African country, was tied over its long history with the people of Nile Basin and Horn of Africa. Therefore, cooperation with the countries of Africa aims at consolidating the relations by using and effectuating mechanisms of cooperation in the field of international relations and boosting the role of Egyptian private sector by driving the fields of Egyptian investment in infrastructure projects. Development and growth of relations depended on internal variables and their external impacts and growth of the power of Egypt to be reflected at the end on strengthening the relations between Egypt and the countries of Africa. Egypt's relation to the countries of Africa shall not be reduced to trade, economy or Egypt's need to Nile water. It is time to revive the soft power of Egypt represented in education, scientific research, media, culture and joint work with civil community organizations to demonstrate the real image of Egypt and Africans and their civilizations. Problem of the study lies in focus of President Abdulfattah Al Sisi on Africa and its development, and the strategic depth of the content in Egypt since he came to power, particularly after tension of relations between Egypt and Africa in 1980s and 1990s and the fact that they were limited to regional and internal official meetings, and after Ethiopia established the Renaissance Dam following January 2011 Revolution. President Sisi endeavored since he came to power to focus on Africa and Development of African countries. The president assures in all his interviews the importance of linking communication between Egypt and Africa, and stresses on the importance of Africa for Egypt and importance of Egypt for Africa. The study depended on the theories of media frameworks to scientifically authenticate the thesis and decision-making theory in international relations because it is one of the theories that interpret the foreign policy of the state as a theory in international relations. In addition, it is used for the decisions made by audience as a result of watching satellite channels. The study used survey of the context of public and private Egyptian satellite channels which address the issue of Egyptian-African relations and the field survey of various community categories to identify the role of public and private Egyptian satellites in forming the approaches of the case.

Pasang Surut Hubungan Turki-Israel: Kajian terhadap Hubungan Dua Hala pada Era Erdoğan

Turkey-Israel relations were established after the Second World War. However, the relations were fluctuating during Erdoğan era. This study focuses on Turkey-Israel bilateral relations during Erdoğan era by scrutinize on the fluctuation and factors that influence it. This study was conducted based on documentation method through content analysis and comparative analysis. During Erdoğan era, Strategic Depth doctrine became a basic principle for Turkey’s foreign policy. Changes of foreign policy from national security-based to more regional-based affected Turkey-Israel relations. At first, the relations were going well in trade, military, resources and diplomacy. However, some of Israel's violation towards universal values such as military operations in Gaza led its relations with Turkey to become tense. The peak of crisis reached as Israeli forces attacked Turkish Mavi Marmara ship which carrying humanitarian missions to Gaza. This study found that the fluctuation of Turkey-Israel relations was influenced by Turkey's and Israel’s domestics as well as regional factors, where regional factors played a major role in the pattern of the relations. Although Turkey-Israel relations have been restored through a peace treaty in 2016, crisis of relations may reoccur based on current developments. Turkey-Israel bilateral relations will continue to fluctuate along with future developments.

Stater og transnasjonale motstandsnettverk: Irans mobilisering av irakiske sjiamilitser etter 1979

Den islamske republikken Iran har bygd et transnasjonalt nettverk av sjiamilitser siden 1979, ofte referert til som dens asymmetriske krigføringsstyrke og ‘strategiske dybde’. Mens det er velkjent at Iran har mobilisert disse aktørene for å styrke sin regionale posisjon, har hvordan den har gjort det blitt viet lite vitenskapelig oppmerksomhet. Denne artikkelen forsøker derfor å forklare dette fenomenet ved å undersøke hvordan Iran har mobilisert irakiske sjiamilitser siden 1979. De utvalgte analyseenhetene representerer de mest innflytelsesrike sjiamilitsene med tilknytning til Iran i Irak i dag: Badr Organisation, Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq og Kata’ib Hizbullah. Selv om variasjon eksisterer mellom dem, er alle del av et transnasjonalt nettverk som har hjulpet Iran med å delta i skjult og/eller indirekte konfliktintervensjon i Midtøsten i flere tiår. Den komparative casestudien har blitt benyttet som forskningsdesign, med prosessporing og semi-strukturerte intervjuer som metode for datainnsamling. Den empiriske analysen har blitt rettledet av et teoretisk rammeverk som har forsøkt å bygge en bro mellom contentious politics og eksisterende litteratur om dynamikken mellom stater og væpnede opprørere. De empiriske funnene antyder at Iran har opptrådt som en sekterisk entreprenør som på pragmatisk vis har kombinert sine materielle og ikke-materielle ressurser for å mobilisere likesinnede militser til å delta i kollektiv vold og fremme felles krav. Abstract in English: The Islamic Republic of Iran has been building a transnational network of Shi’a militias since 1979, commonly referred to as its asymmetric warfare capability and ‘strategic depth’. While it is a known fact that Iran has mobilised Shi’a militias in other countries to strengthen its regional position, how they have done it has not received much scholarly attention. The objective of this paper is to explain this phenomenon by examining how Iran has mobilised Iraqi Shi’a militias since 1979. The selected cases are the mobilisation processes of three most prominent Shi’a militias in Iraq today: Badr Organisation, Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq, and Kata’ib Hizbullah. Although variation exists between them, they are all cases of Iran’s network of armed resistance groups, which have allowed it to engage in covert or indirect conflict intervention in the Middle East. To logically connect the empirical data with the study’s research question, I have used a case study research design, with process tracing and the semi-structured interview as methods for data collection. Furthermore, the empirical analysis has been guided by a theoretical framework that has attempted to build a bridge between the existing literatures on state-militia dynamics and contentious politics.

Soft Strategic Depth: Concept of Media Corridor Between Pakistan and Central Asia

Soft Strategic Depth: Concept of Media Corridor Between Pakistan and Central Asia

Soft Strategic Depth: Concept of Media Corridor Between Pakistan and Central Asia

This thesis presents an exhaustive review of the media environment and suggests a direction for the development of a Media Corridor between Pakistan and the Central Asian States. Since Independence Day the CARs have acquired the attention of regional and global powers because geographically this region has locked but very rich in oil and natural resources. Especially Pakistan and Central Asia have a common history, culture, religion, and agriculture. Their friendly relations are reflected in policy statements delivered by the Government’s officials who are appearing in the national and international media. Theoretically, the Media can affect foreign policies through its agenda setting, agenda reflecting and agenda building policies. According to the different studies that the role of media has been less debated but this study makes an endeavor to fill up these gaps, moreover, in this research, the researcher has focused to develop a concept of “Media Corridor” between Pakistan and the Central Asian States. The objectives of this study are to find out the possible media’s role in strengthening the relationship between Pakistan and Central Asia and to explore the prospects and challenges for developing a suggested Media Corridor between Pakistan and Central Asia. The main purpose of this research is to identify the obstacles and opportunities in relations between Media organizations and peoples belong to Media Houses in Pakistan and Central Asia. For this study, the researcher has opted for a qualitative methodology in which the 10 in-depth interviews (IDI) have been conducted for this study. Three of them with the media experts, six interviews with academic professors (two of them from Uzbekistan), and one with the Press Secretary from the Embassy of Kazakhstan in Islamabad. The agenda-setting theory has been applied to the theoretical perspective of the research. The key conclusion is that the media in both ends instead of playing a very important role in building the relationship between Pakistan and the Central Asian States follows the official narrative of the governments. For this purpose, the researcher concludes with the arguments that there is a die need to develop a Media Corridor in between Pakistan and the Central Asian States.

ANALYTICAL OVERVIEW OF BEIJINGS BELT AND ROAD CORRIDORS

This paper explores the rationale and factors that led to the adoption of Beijings Belt and Road Initiative. The study analysis the land corridors in detail and investigate its progress and challenges posed to each corridor. This paper aims to find out the real motives behind the overall concept of Belt and Road corridors and the benefits that it brings to China and participant states. Additionally, the paper examines the origin, capacity and extortions faced to BRI while making it a reality. This project plans greater trade and industrial activities through energy and communication infrastructure, activating of ports and construction of economic zones. The studies found that the project is more than just an economic investment corridor which will further boost PRC economy; it is also a strategic asset for the Chinese government which could provide strategic depth against its rivals powers like the US and its allies which are trying to contain China.

Pax Ottomanica No More! The “Peace” Discourse in Turkish Foreign Policy in the Post‐Davutoğlu Era and the Prolonged Syrian Crisis

AbstractTurkey's eight years between 2008 and 2016 has been dominated by Ahmet Davutoğlu's vision of foreign policy, which was derived from his multi‐edition book Strategic Depth (2000). In order to be able to present itself in its larger periphery as a pro‐active, trustworthy actor, Davutoğlu argued, Turkey needed to change the foreign‐policy paradigms with which it was stranded. As the Strategic Depth vision unfolded, it drew explicit parallels between modern Turkey and the Ottoman neighborhood policy. Turkey‐Syria relations since 2008 had been providing the seekers of neo‐Ottomanist tendencies in the contemporary Turkish foreign policy with abundant examples, because Syria, once an Ottoman territory and always a challenge to modern Turkey, came to be the first poster country in the shift towards Turkey's imperial awakening. In the post‐Davutoğlu era, however, the rhetoric and practices of the past eight years seemed suddenly to disappear from the use of the Turkish agents of foreign policy; the new code of terms and actions to replace the Strategic Depth version is yet to be decided. This study seeks to pin down the neo‐imperialist character of Turkey's foreign‐policy discourse of the aforementioned eight years and contribute to discussions of the Turkish aspiration of neo‐Ottomanism with focus on the Syrian crisis through the Justice and Development Party's re‐invented peace discourse. In doing so, it aims to find out and elaborate on the current tendencies of Turkish foreign policy, which are no longer as explicit and articulated as they were during Davutoğlu's ministry and prime ministry. As Turkey's cross‐border operation to Syria — the Euphrates Shield — ends and another one in Idlib begins, a discursive analysis stretching from Davutoglu's diplomatic “zero problems” with Damascus to the military use of ground troops and air force is timely. Such an endeavor would be essential in understanding the spectacular swing from one edge to the other in Turkey's inclination over a phantasmagorical empire.

التطور السیاسی للعلاقات الأفریقیة / الإسرائیلیة 1967 – 1973م دراسة تاریخیة

منذ منتصف خمسينات القرن العشرين الميلادى بدأ التوغل الإسرائيلى داخل القارة الأفريقية، بعد إنشاء القنصلية الإسرائيلية في أکرا عام 1956 عشية استقلال غانا، وبحلول أوائل الستينات تم إنشاء عشرات البعثات داخل الدول التي حصلت على استقلالها. قامت إسرائيل بتعزيز روابط قوية مع الدول الجديدة المستقلة بدافع الاعتماد على هذا العدد الکبير من البلدان الأفريقية التي لها حق التصويت في الهيئات الدولية، وخاصة في الأمم المتحدة، وهذا يعني أنها يمکن أن تحد من عزلة إسرائيل وقبولها في المجتمع العالمي. ويرتبط هذا الدافع ارتباطا وثيقا باهتمام استراتيجي، حيث تفتقد إسرائيل للعمق الاستراتيجي في محيطها الجغرافي بالإضافة إلى شعورها الدائم بخطورة موقفها تجاه وجود کيانها على أراضى عربية محتلة، من هذا المنطلق حاولت إقامة شبکة علاقات مع دول الجوار غير العربية متمثلة في دول أفريقيا، وخاصة في القرن الأفريقي وساحل شرق أفريقيا، کما تداخلت العوامل الاقتصادية حيث القرب الجغرافي من جعل أفريقيا مصدرا جذابا للمواد الخام و سوق جديدة ومتنامية للمنتجات الإسرائيلية، فضلا عن وجود عدد کبير من دول القارة تطلع للحصول على مساعدات تنموية وتقنية من الخارج، وقد تم استنباط طريقتين رئيستين : تمثلت الأولى في الدبلوماسية، والثانية فى التعاون التقني من خلال وکالة التعاون التابع لوزارة الخارجية الإسرائيلية (ماشاف) لتنفيذ مخطط اختراق الدول الأفريقية. إن مسيرة التعاون العربي الأفريقي تأثرت سلبا بالظروف السياسية التي طرأت على المنطقة، ذلک التأثير السلبي أعطى الفرصة لإسرائيل بالتوجه نحو أفريقيا، وانعکس عليها إيجابا في المحافل الدولية خلال حرب 1967 م رغم الروابط التاريخية والجغرافية والسياسية والاقتصادية، تجمع بين الأمة العربية والدول الأفريقية، لکن سرعان ما تغير مجرى الأحداث على الساحة ضد الاختراق الاسرائيلى فى القارة، حيث أدى التقارب العربي الأفريقي من أجل استرداد الأراضي العربية المحتلة إلى تحجيم النفوذ الإسرائيلي داخل القارة، وإضعاف سيطرة إسرائيل في مجالها الإقليمي وأجهضت کل مساعي إسرائيل السابقة داخل القارة الأفريقية، وأثر سلبا على مسار تطور العلاقات الإسرائيلية الأفريقية، وانقطعت العلاقات الرسمية بين الدول الأفريقية وإسرائيل في أعقاب اندلاع حرب اکتوبر 1973. Abstract Since the mid-1950s, the Israeli incursion into the African continent began after the establishment of the Israeli consulate in Accra in 1956 on the eve of Ghana's independence. By the early 1960s, dozens of missions had been established within countries that had gained independence. Israel has strengthened its strong relations with the new independent countries, relying on the large number of African countries that have voting rights in international bodies, especially at the United Nations, which means it can limit Israel's isolation and acceptance in the international community. This motivation is closely linked to the strategic interest, as Israel lacks strategic depth in its geographical environment, as well as its constant sense of its position on the existence of its entity in the occupied Arab territories. In this sense, it attempted to establish a network of relations with neighboring States other than the Arab States, Africa and the East African coast. Economic factors have been intertwined with the geographical proximity of Africa becoming an attractive source of raw materials, the growing market for Israeli products and a large number of countries on the continent looking for Development and technical assistance from abroad. M represents the development of two main methods of rulers representing the first plan to penetrate the diplomacy and in the second technical cooperation through the cooperation agency of the Israeli Foreign Ministry MASHAV in order to penetrate the implementation of the plan of African countries. The Arab-African cooperation process has been negatively affected by the political situation in the region. This negative impact gave Israel the opportunity to move towards Africa and was positively reflected on the international scene during the 1967 war despite historical, geographical, political and economic ties between the Arab nation and African countries. The Arab-African rapprochement for the restoration of the occupied territories has reduced Israeli influence within the continent, weakened Israel's control of its territory and undermined all Israeli efforts. Which had a negative impact on the course of the development of Israeli-African relations and cut off official relations between AfricanStates and Israel in the aftermath of the 1973 war.