Somali State Research Articles

COVID-19 Vaccine Uptake and Associated Factors among Healthcare Workers in Lower Juba Region of Jubaland State in Somalia

Background: Somalia’s health systems were weakened by decades of conflicts, and this was made worse by the coronavirus pandemic that hit the nation like the rest of the world. Despite the existence of different types of COVID-19 vaccines, there has been a reluctance to take the vaccine by the general population and ironically by healthcare workers. Objective: The purpose of this study was to evaluate the uptake of the COVID-19 vaccine in the Lower Juba Region of the Jubaland State in Somalia among healthcare providers. Methods: The research study used a quantitative descriptive design to describe the levels of COVID-19 vaccine uptake among healthcare workers. The study recruited 191 study respondents. Stratified and simple random sampling methods were used. All the significance tests were conducted with two tails, and the threshold for statistical significance was set at P less than 0.05. Results: From this study, 46.6% of the study respondents had been vaccinated with the Covid-19 vaccine. Among the vaccinated group, 55.1% (49) received astrazeneca vaccine, 52.8% (47) received received 2 doses and males made up 51.5% (52). Regression analysis revealed that the observed differences in covid vaccine uptake for age, gender, education and work experience are not statistically significant. Trust in the protection of the vaccines (61.5%) and influence from family and friends (55.1%) were rated as having the highest influence on the participants’ decision to be vaccinated against covid. Conclusion: From this research, close to half of the study respondents had been vaccinated with COVID-19 vaccines. No significant differences have been shown in different gender, age groups, education level work experience on vaccination status. Building trust for vaccines, encouraging family/friends support and making vaccines easily accessible are seen as ways to improve uptake.

HOW THE SOMALI MODERN GOVERNANCE WORKS WITH THE TRADITIONAL GOVERNANCE SYSTEM: LITERATURE REVIEW

Somalia, located in the Horn of Africa, has a complex history influenced by tribalism, colonialism, and internal conflict. During the colonial era, European powers collaborated with clan leaders, resulting in Somalia's division along clan and tribal lines. This division led to the creation of artificial borders, which fragmented the land and fostered regional and clan-based identities. After gaining independence in 1960, Somalia initially aimed to establish a strong, centralized state. The Siad Barre regime, which came to power through a military coup in 1969, tried to suppress clan and regional identities in favor of a communist ideology. However, the regime's downfall in 1991 plunged Somalia into a prolonged period of violence and state collapse. Warlords and clan-based factions fought for power, leading to a protracted civil war. This paper analyzes the intricate relationship between Somalia's traditional and modern governance systems. It examines the potential for collaboration, the challenges faced in nation-building efforts, and the lasting impact of clan-based structures. The study begins by exploring traditional governance, highlighting the important role of customary law, elders, and religious clerics in consensus-building mechanisms and maintaining social harmony. It emphasizes the historical significance and contemporary relevance of these institutions. The paper then delves into the challenges involved in establishing a modern state in Somalia. It examines the obstacles that hinder the realization of democratic ideals and the establishment of a centralized administration. A key focus is evaluating the potential synergies and conflicts between traditional and modern systems.

Keynan Somali Equation Theory: An Empirical Attempt to Explain What Led to the Collapse of the Somali State

With the introduction of the contemporary state structure in Somalia, there have been and still are ways to explain what led to the collapse of the state. There have been many attempts from scholars who viewed the Somali case from different perspectives to explain what led to the state crumbling. The Somali state collapse has rejected conventional wisdom and evaded almost all attempts to impose a particular structure, explanation, or conclusion upon it. Much has been written and said about the country, particularly since 1991. One serious attempt which may help explain the Somali case is the Keynan Theory of Somali Equation (KSET). KSET is a philosophical attempt to explain the Somali state's collapse by theorising the country's political and social context, the factors that contributed to its demise, and the steps necessary for the Somali people to reconstruct their state. This paper will attempt to analyse and examine the theoretical framework of the phenomenon of social order fragmentation, which is the foundation of KSET. Applying the theory will further attempt to shed light on the factors that led to the establishment and continuation of Somali society. It will also examine "the complex of ideas, values, beliefs and institutions that define and underpin the Somali society" by looking at the methodology applied in KSET.

Traditional Clan-Tribal Structures and Modern Political System of Somalia

In this study, we try to identify the impact that the traditional clan-tribal system has on the organization of political power in modern Somalia. For this purpose, an analysis of the clan and tribal affiliation of the top officials of the Somali state is carried out. A description is given of the traditional clan-tribal organization of the Somalis, as well as the modern clan situation in the country. An attempt is being made to find out how the clan-tribal organization influences the distribution of senior government positions. The priority right to occupy the posts of president and prime minister at the federal level is reserved for representatives of the “noble” camel-breeding clan families Hawiye and Darod. On the other hand, the position of speaker of parliament is reserved for representatives of the Rahanwein clan family, who must also perform the functions of the head of state (president) at critical moments when the former president, for one reason or another, is unable to fulfill his duties, until the next presidential election. Note also the spatial distribution of power between the main Somali clan families on the federal basis. In general, our research shows that the informal Arta agreements reached in 2000, which ensured a more or less acceptable distribution of power among the main Somali clan families, were observed in subsequent years with amazing accuracy, and this, despite all the colossal shocks that this country experienced in the 21st century, which appears to have contributed to a certain stabilization in this country.

The Untold Story of the Heroes of Civic Leadership in Somalia: The Case Study of Kham-Kham Village

Abstract In many countries of Africa, political leaders are in continual negotiation or competition with a broader range of civic leaders who provide leadership in areas which state institutions do not reach. However, scholarship on African leadership continues to focus on political leadership rather than paying equal attention to the dual role of civic and political leadership in the continent. In this article, the author argues that the analysis of African civic leaders has the potential to enhance the relevance and richness of discourse on African leadership if properly explored. To advance this argument and to demonstrate that it is not all negative in the arena of postcolonial Somali leadership, this article provides a comprehensive picture of civic leadership in the village of Kham-Kham, Somalia. Using both in-depth interviews and a review of the relevant literature, the article highlights how village leaders in Kham-Kham managed to create a safe haven for those fleeing ethnic cleansing, natural disasters, and other forms of insecurity. It also highlights how leaders tried to establish law and order for the village residents while Somali political leaders struggled to save the Somali state from complete collapse or struggled to agree on how to revive it.

Exploring Maritime Piracy and Somalia National Security

Maritime piracy has been a persistent problem in the waters off the coast of Somalia for over two decades. The lack of effective governance and the absence of a functioning state in Somalia have contributed to the growth of piracy in the region. This study aims to examine the relationship between maritime piracy and national security in Somalia and to explore the contextual factors that contribute to the perpetuation of piracy in the region. This study adopted a qualitative research design and employed a contextual analysis approach to explore an in-depth understanding of the history and impact of piracy in Somalia, and the policies and strategies implemented to combat piracy. The findings of the study reveal that maritime piracy has had a significant impact on national security in Somalia and that the issue is complex and multifaceted. In terms of the factors driving piracy, research has identified a range of causes including poverty, political instability, and the absence of effective governance and law enforcement remain unaddressed. The study also found that maritime piracy in Somalia poses a significant threat to national security and has broader implications for regional stability and international peace and security. The study recommends the need for a comprehensive and coordinated approach to address the root causes of piracy in Somalia, including the need for effective governance, the development of the maritime sector, and the strengthening of the rule of law.

Qabyo

Maandeeq, or she-camel, is the most recognizable and dominant metaphor for the Somali nation-state, a symbol conceived and institutionalized through classical pastoral poetry. This article examines how Somali poets of the twentieth century made use of another metaphor to consider the anxieties of independence and the founding paradoxes of the Somali state: the metaphor of qabyo. Unlike the binary offered by the stable figure of maandeeq—she’s either dead or alive, stolen or reclaimed, shared or contested—qabyo attends to the incongruent, overlapping, and cyclical forms of ruination and repair that subtend the makings of the Somali state. Moreover, by contesting the determinism of failure narratives and instead focusing on the daily labor required to conduct a life in the ruins of history, qabyo poetics, I argue, advances a sociopolitical theory of the Somali subject as one who must learn to survive ruinous time.

Why Has Somaliland Not Been Recognised as A Sovereign State?

After the collapse of the Somali state, civil war followed, leading people to turn to their ancestral homeland. Consequently, rudimental local administrations were formed with a provision of becoming part of a decentralised governance system in Somalia. However, one region stood differently by declaring itself a separate state, Somaliland, within the boundaries of the former British Somaliland Protectorate. To overcome the objections of African countries about the session, Somaliland claimed that its declaration of independence in 1991 was supposed to be a dissolution of the union rather than a declaration of separation. This idea follows in the footsteps of other failed federations, such as the United Arab Republic, which included Egypt and Syria from 1958 to 1961, or the Senegambia Confederation, which existed between Senegal and the Gambia from 1981 to 1989. These failed political unions symbolized the breakup of that union and the restoration of the protectorate's original, pre-1960 borders. (Gordon, 2023) Britain granted Somaliland independence on June 26 1960, and after four days, it joined with the former UN Italian Somaliland Trusteeship Territory to form the Republic of Somalia. Thus, Somaliland's case differed markedly from the other regions as it wanted to stand as a separate nation-state within Africa. Yet, over thirty years have passed, and Somaliland has not been recognised as a sovereign entity. To answer why it happened, we have to look at the historical factors on state formation in Africa and how newly independent countries treated colonially inherited boundaries.

CIVIL SOCIETY AND THE STATE BUILDING IN SOMALIA CASE STUDY MOGADISHU SOMALIA

Civil Society and the State Building in Somalia" is an article that explores the relationship between civil society and state building in Somalia. The paper argues that the role of civil society is critical in the process of state-building, especially in contexts where the state has failed or collapsed, as is the case in Somalia. Drawing on empirical data, the authors analyze the role of civil society in the reconstruction and reconstitution of the Somali state since the collapse of the Siad Barre regime in 1991. They identify three primary functions of civil society in statebuilding: service delivery, community mobilization, and advocacy. The article also highlights the challenges and constraints facing civil society in Somalia, such as insecurity, lack of resources, and political fragmentation. Despite these challenges, the authors argue that civil society has played a crucial role in rebuilding the Somali state and that its continued engagement is necessary for sustainable state-building in Somalia. The article concludes by calling for more incredible support and recognition of the role of civil society in state-building efforts in Somalia and beyond.

Youth Unemployment in Somalia: A Case Study of Baidoa, Southwest State of Somalia

This study examines the problem of unemployment in Baidoa city, the capital of Bay region in the Southwest State of Somalia. The results indicate that the root causes of unemployment among the youth are corruption, tribalism, lack of skills, inadequate education, and poor economy. The findings further reveal that the problem of unemployment, which leads to youth radicalization, increase of crime, and migration, can be curbed by eliminating the practice of tribalism, corruption and setting a proper strategy for job creation. While these are the perceptions of the 50 respondents surveyed in the study, suggestions and recommendations are given to various stakeholders to find solutions to the negative impact unemployment is causing to the youth in Baidoa.

SOMALIA - CASE STUDY ON THE FRAGMENTATION OF AN ETHNICALLY AND CIVILIZATIONALLY HOMOGENEOUS STATE

Any lecture in geopolitics begins by stating that internal stability and territorial integrity of the state are the result of the interaction between secessionist, centrifugal forces, and unifying, centripetal forces. The same lecture in geopolitics also says that ethnic and confessional homogeneity falls into the category of the strongest centripetal forces, along with a round shape of the state territory, the centrality of the capital, a uniform distribution of transport and communications infrastructure, an equitable (as possible) distribution of wealth, of a strong national idea and will.
 Ethnically and religiously, Somalia is a homogeneous state. Moreover, all these ethnics do not boast of an identity other than Somali, and they all speak Somali - the official language of the state, along with Arabic - the language of the Koran. Somalia does not have the huge linguistic diversity specific to other post-colonial African states, there are no cultural-civilizational differences, there are no major discrepancies in terms of regional development and distribution of communications and transport infrastructure in the territory. And yet, the Somali state is the expression of the notion of a failed state, ravaged by civil war, secessionism, maritime piracy, terrorism, organized crime and insecurity. In recent years, Somalia has been consistently ranked among the most dangerous destinations in the world. In the first half of 2021, it ranked sixth in the top of the riskiest tourist destinations, after Afghanistan, Syria, Iraq, South Sudan and Yemen[i].
 What are the causes of Somali secessionism and the collapse of the state? And, if we were to rank, according to the intensity of the effect, the secessionist factors acting on the territory of Somalia, what would be their ord
 
 1 Most Dangerous Countries in the World, World Population Review, https://worldpopulationreview.com/country-rankings/most-dangerous-countries, accessed on 11.07. 2021.

Investigating Maternal Mortality of the Year 2019 at Bay Regional Hospital in Baidoa

Background: Maternal mortality (MM) has been described as a critical problem of global dimension. In 2017 alone, according to a report by the World Health Organization in collaboration with its partners (WHO et al. 2019), MM is estimated to have claimed the lives of 295,000 women worldwide. Considering this concern, the University of Southern Somalia’s faculty and students from the Faculty of Medicine and Health Sciences and a faculty member from the Department of Public Administration, Faculty of Social Sciences & Humanities of the USS, in association with Hakaba Institute for Research & Training, Baidoa, SWSS, carried out this study to highlight the causes of MM in Baidoa City. The purpose of the study is to shed light on the extent at which cases of MM occur and the causes inherent to it by focusing on incidents at Bay Regional Hospital (BRH) in Baidoa city, SWSS, in the year 2019.
 Methods: The study benefits from quantitative case study method by utilizing observation of data available in the archives of Bay Regional Hospital. Analyzing frequencies of occurrences of MM and their causes, the study uses 4 tables to demonstrate the comparisons of the incidents and causes of death from January to December 2019.
 Results: A total number of 1950 pregnant women visited the hospital; 883 were consulted, treated and returned home; 1049 underwent safe delivery; while 18 women died in the process of childbirth. 
 Conclusion: MM poses a great threat to expecting mothers in Baidoa as they are exposed to the risk of dying from obstetric complications linked to numerous direct and indirect causes. Eclampsia, PPH/APH and numerous types of infections have been identified to be among the direct and indirect causes, although many of them are classified as preventable, treatable, or manageable in nature. 
 Keywords: Baidoa, childbirth, healthcare, maternal mortality, research, South-West State of Somalia

Reflections on the future role of the state in Somalia from the perspective of aid effectiveness

AbstractMotivationIn fragile states, due to limited domestic revenue collection, the private sector is usually the main provider of services; the state being a provider through extensive aid financing. Therefore, the current situation in Somalia raises questions about what the priorities for donors’ interventions should be.PurposeA key challenge in fragile states is to find the right balance between short‐term imperatives, such as the restoration of services and state authority, and long‐term state‐building objectives in a context of limited revenue generation and with unstable political settlements. What should the path of gradual state reforms in Somalia be?Approach and MethodsBased on lessons of implementing reforms in fragile states in the last decades and from a literature review on fragile states and insights arising from years of reforms in Somalia, this article offers some reflections about the most relevant public sector reforms in the country.FindingsIn relation to the most relevant reforms, defining a new role of the state and intergovernmental fiscal relations are critical to tackle the relatively limited affordability of public interventions.Policy implicationsThe questions of limited resources in Somalia, a fragile state, and a resulting dependence on aid financing, are critical for aid effectiveness and are also relevant for other fragile states.

The “Borderlandization” of the Horn of Africa in Relation to the Gulf Region, and the Effects on Somalia

ABSTRACT Over the last decade, the Gulf states and their rivals have become major players in domestic and regional politics in the Horn of Africa. Through the process of “borderlandization,” their influence has contributed to the shift of the region, and particularly Somalia, from an African borderland to an Arabic-Muslim borderland. In addition, borderlandization has provided a framework for the import into Somalia of conflicts between Gulf states and the debate between different Muslim countries, which could easily jeopardize the fragile Somali state. This is due to the fact that factionalism and division are deeply embedded in Somali politics, thus creating an opportunity for local groups to employ the support of foreign actors to maximize their influence and power.

Determinants of Agro-pastoral Households' Livelihood Diversification Strategies in Awbare District, Fafan Zone of Somali State, Ethiopia

Pastoralism and agro-pastoralism with extensive livestock production are the dominant livelihood sources for the Somali regional State's population. However, recent decades marked with climatic shocks such as recurrent drought have negatively impacted livestock production and forced many pastorals and agro-pastoral households to face livelihood crises. To cope with this situation, seeking alternative livelihood sources become inevitable. The objective of this study was to assess the determinants of agro-pastoral household's livelihood diversification strategies in Awbare district, Fafan zone of the Somali State, Ethiopia. A multi-stage sampling technique was used to capture the necessary data, and 153 respondents were randomly selected from the agro-pastoral population using a semi-structured questionnaire, focus group discussion, and key informant interview. Descriptive and inferential statistics such as ANOVA and chi-square and Multinomial logistic model were used to identify determinants factors. The study has revealed that 45.1% of the surveyed agro-pastoral households were engaging livelihood diversification of non-farm, off-farm, and farm+non-farm+off-farm whereas the rest of 54.90% of the respondents were unable to diversify and were practicing only farm activities. The multinomial regression model has identified that the educational status, farm size, use of agricultural farm input, and total annual income of the households were positively associated with the likelihood of engaging livelihood diversification strategies. In contrast, the age, dependent ratio, and access for credit use were negatively associated with the likelihood of livelihood diversification. In conclusion, livelihood diversification among Awbare agro-pastoralists was low due to underlying factors like education and income, and enchasing these factors could improve their livelihood asset. The study suggests that the future policy toward pastoral and agro-pastoralist should consider these factors.

Self‐determination and a shattered star: Statehood and national identity in the Somali Horn of Africa

AbstractThis article explores the articulation—in different forms, at different periods, and by different actors—of ‘national self‐determination’ in Somalia and across the Somali‐speaking regions of the Horn of Africa. It explores how this concept can be understood in the context of protracted political fragmentation in Somalia—considering unresolved debates over the ideological foundations of state reconstruction, disagreements about the suitability of federalism, aspirations for the recognition of an independent Republic of Somaliland, and the distinctive trajectory of the Somali Regional State in Ethiopia. Taking a comparative, cross‐border and wide‐angled historical approach, the article argues that ideas of an ethno‐linguistically, culturally and religiously defined Somali ‘nation’ continue to coexist (and be reproduced, updated and used) within an environment of extreme political fragmentation and across multiple ‘state’ boundaries. This argument is made through comparative analysis of contemporary examples of the performance of Somali state and nationalist identities within and beyond the region and the distinctive transnational Somali‐language media environment within which these ideas circulate and compete.

Livestock trade and devolution in the Somali-Kenya transboundary corridor

After the collapse of the central Somali state in 1991, Somali livestock trade has increasingly been re-oriented towards terminal markets in central and coastal Kenya, helped by the more recent trade liberalization in Kenya. The predominantly informal cross-border trade (ICBT) has nurtured local livelihoods and government revenues in Kenya, where informal transactions and formal regulation overlap in the Somali-fed livestock supply chains. This article analyses the practices and dynamics that characterize Somali-Kenyan cross-border livestock trade, and proceeds to point out important policy issues that have emerged after the devolution of key state functions and regulation to county governments. The article finally highlights areas of collaboration between the national and county governments that are necessary to achieve a credible supply of meat in Kenyan and international markets. By doing so, it explores the linkage between changes in the political economy of cross-border livestock trade, and the unintended impact of decentralization on the governance of livestock supply chains.

Security Council and the Repression of Maritime Piracy: The Case of Somalia

Maritime piracy in the Somali territorial waters has been the focus of attention of international society for at least twelve years, and indeed the crime of piracy threatens international peace and security in a region through which half of the world’s crude oil passes. In the three-decade absence of a Somali State, intervention by the Security Council is required to suppress such crimes and ensure freedom of maritime navigation. The Council resolutions based on Chapter VII of the UN Charter call for the Member States of the United Nations to arrest and bring to trial those accused of piracy before national courts. It is necessary for the States that are involved in anti-Somali piracy efforts to incorporate the principle of universal jurisdiction into their national laws and adopt new laws criminalizing modern piracy, which is outside the traditional notion of piracy stipulated in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea 1982.

Somali-Swedish Research Cooperation for Health (SSRCH) - a joint initiative by Somali and Swedish Universities to guide the Somali health system recovery process

Abstract In the fragile Somali state, there is a research imperative to effectively guide health systems recovery, which is crucial in the national rebuilding process for societal stability and peace. Our collaboration has its roots in the early 1980's, was cut short by the civil war and revived in 2014 to meet the need for health research capacity in Somalia today. Somali universities, representing different regions (East Africa University, University of Hargeisa, Galkayo University, Benadir University, Puntland Health Science University, Amoud University, and recently Somali National University) formed a consortium with Swedish universities (Umeå, Lund, Uppsala, Karolinska Institutet and Dalarna) and Somali diaspora professionals. Most recently we joined forces with the Public Health Agency of Sweden, linking us to the National Institute of Health Somalia (NIHS). A joint action programme for capacity building in health research has been developed, as outlined in the article “Rebuilding research capacity in fragile states: the case of a Somali-Swedish global health initiative” (Glob Health Action, 2017;10:1;1348693). We have a model for working collaboratively across regions and cultural barriers, creating hope for real change. As a first step, priority was given to research capacity development of faculty staff at the Somali universities' health faculties and Ministries of Health. A 'training of trainers' course in health research methodology was carried out during 2016-2018, supported by WHO-based Alliance for Health Policy and Systems Research. This has fostered health research as an integral component of these universities' academic development process. Institutional and research capacity in public health has a key role in rebuilding national health services for better health and wellbeing and to reach the SDGs (goals 3, 5, 10, 16).

Digital development for a progressive networked society

Digital development for a progressive networked society