The subject of property is the key-stone that completes the fabric of political justice. --William Godwin, Political Justice (2.420) The purpose ... of early instruction is not absolute. It is of less importance, generally speaking, that a child should acquire this or that species of knowledge, than that, through the medium of instruction, he should acquire habits of intellectual activity. It is not so much for the direct consideration of what he learns, that his mind not be suffered to lie idle. The preceptor in this respect is like the incloser of uncultivated land; his first crops are not valued for their intrinsic excellence; they are sown that the land may be brought into order. The springs of the mind, like the joints of the body, are apt to grow stiff for want of employment. They must be exercised in various directions and with unabating perseverance. In a word, the first lesson of a judicious education is, Learn to think, to discriminate, to remember and to inquire. --William Godwin, The Enquirer(1) ONE OF THE MOST FREQUENTLY CITED JUDGMENTS OF GODWIN'S WORK and of his place in the British radical tradition of the 1790's is William Hazlitt's claim, in The Spirit of the Age, that no one more talked of, more looked up to, more sought after, and wherever liberty, truth, justice the theme, his name not far off. he continued, was as a Tom Fool to him, Paley an old woman, Burke a flashy sophist.(2) Godwin has rarely fared so well since that time. Marilyn Butler's account, in her Introductory Essay to Burke, Paine, Godwin, and the Revolution Controversy is a bit more reserved: [n]o other production of the pamphlet war achieved the impact or the notoriety of Paine's Rights of Man, but coupled with it, Political Justice, she argues, remains one of the most significant publications of the era.(3) Much of the critical debate about Godwin's work focuses on just this question: what is his place in the radical tradition? Most studies rightly pay particular attention to his (rather critical) relationship with the leaders of the political association movement as a central context for his work. But readers--in our day as in Godwin's--have been quite divided on the question of Godwin's commitment to revolutionary principles.(4) Mark Philp has made a compelling argument that E. P. Thompson's critique that Godwin not seriously engaged in radical political action (which he takes more seriously than as a merely polemical use of Godwin to make his case against contemporary Marxists) mis-characterises Godwinism (228). And Butler has called attention to Godwin's great courage during the repressive years from 1792-94 in defending radicals accused of treason and criticizing all forms of government.(5) Philp argues that Godwin and his circle, who played a pivotal role in the development and testing of the premises of Political Justice, sought to transform a theoretical discourse based on private into a practical reality. He also asserts that Godwin's readers--in particular his immediate circle of Rational Dissenters--would have recognized that private involved a duty to act (228-30). Indeed, Philp goes so far as to say that this context (of Godwin's close circle) makes his much mocked optimism about the eventual withering away of government as individuals govern themselves by the dictates of reason and mutual correction intellectually defensible and empirically grounded. This group, Philp argues, actually practiced the kind of rationally self-regulating and cohesive mutual self-government Godwin advocated (96-98; 170-74). Since Philp's influential argument articulates the grounding of Godwin's conception of private which I take as my subject, it merits a brief discussion here. Philp argues that Godwin owes his central belief in the sanctity of private judgment to the tradition of Rational Dissent.(6) Godwin not simply aware of this tradition, but was, more crucially, steeped in its intellectual heritage and practically involved in its social circles. …
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