Spanish-English Bilinguals Research Articles

Understanding (un)grammaticality in context: Evidence from young Spanish-English bilinguals over time

PurposePercent grammatical utterances (PGU) provides clinicians and researchers with meaningful information on young children's grammatical abilities (Eisenberg & Guo, 2016). However, work is still needed to place PGU within the context of conventional language sample measures and understand how PGU reflects grammatical development in bilingual populations. The current study focuses on Spanish-English bilingual preschoolers to examine: 1) change in Spanish and English PGU over one year of preschool English instruction, 2) associations between PGU and other language sample measures within each language and across time, and 3) the types and frequency of error patterns in each language. MethodPlay-based language samples were elicited in English and Spanish from bilingual children (n = 19) at the beginning and end of an instructional preschool year in English. PGU was derived from each sample along with other language sample measures (e.g., mean length of utterance). We examined change in PGU from Time 1 to Time 2, and correlations between Time 1 PGU and Time 2 PGU for each language. Specific grammatical errors were described in terms of their frequency in each language and stability across time. ResultsAverage English PGU increased from Time 1 to Time 2, and correlated with other language sample measures. Conversely, average Spanish PGU did not increase from Time 1 to Time 2, nor did PGU correlate with any other Spanish measure. Error patterns in each language reflected grammatical differences across English and Spanish. ConclusionsOur results revealed distinct developmental patterns in bilingual children's first and second languages. Associations between time points and measures in English contrasted with disassociations in Spanish. Error patterns revealed more detailed information as to how bilingual children begin to acquire grammatical structures in each of their languages. We provide a case example to illustrate how grammaticality and error patterns can be used to characterize children's language abilities. We conclude with clinical implications of grammaticality in Spanish-English bilingual children.

Educating Bilingual Social Workers for the Child Welfare Workforce

Spanish/English bilingual (SEB) speaking social workers are in high demand, particularly in the area of Child Welfare. Most require training and institutional support to increase their cultural and linguistic competence, yet the majority receive no specific education or support. As a result, many encounter inequities in the workforce. Research points to several elements that are essential to the education and development of SEB social workers. They include professional terminology, supervision in Spanish, and the opportunity to integrate theory and practice. To respond to the needs of a growing Spanish-speaking population, the UConn BSW Program has added a Child Welfare and Protection (CWP) track. CWP is designed to provide BSW SEB speaking students with specialized knowledge and experience to meet the needs of Latinx families served by the Connecticut Department of Children and Families (CT DCF). This paper describes how the UConn BSW program and DCF collaborated to re-envision social work education for SEB students and contribute to distributive justice for client and worker. The CWP Track prepares BSW students to work with a range of Spanish-speaking clients while facilitating institutional support including incentives to create a much-needed workforce pipeline for SEB social work students interested in child welfare.

Bilingualism is good but codeswitching is bad: attitudes about Spanish in contact with English in the Tijuana - San Diego border area

ABSTRACT A qualitative study of language attitudes toward Spanish in contact with English in San Diego county reveals that while Spanish-English bilingualism is highly valued, Spanish-English codeswitching is disfavored. While studies in other border communities along the U.S.-Mexico border have found similar general results, the present study contributes to the field in a few novel ways: the San Diego area is an understudied location in border Spanish; four populations were interviewed for this study on both sides of the border (first and second-generation speakers of Spanish in San Diego county and in the city of Tijuana); although first-generation speakers in San Diego and Tijuana express the most negative views about codeswitching, San Diego parents emerge as uniquely positioned to understand the language experience of their children and thus act as catalysts for attitudinal change; second-generation Tijuana speakers are the least biased against codeswitching; second-generation San Diego speakers internalize the stigma against codeswitching, which results in linguistic insecurity. This study explores internal linguistic discrimination across borders and generations in the Tijuana-San Diego area.

Chinese-English bilinguals are more sensitive to environmental sound perception than Spanish-English bilinguals through top-down cognitive mechanism

Sensitive perception to environmental sound is important for an individual's daily life since it helps in responding to the environment quickly and avoiding potential risks. It remains unclear, however, whether and how bilingual experiences with different native language backgrounds influence brain responses reflecting environmental sound perception. The present study compared Chinese-English bilinguals, Spanish-English bilinguals, and English monolinguals on their brain response to environmental sound perception and further examined its processing mechanism. The present study did not find the differences between English monolinguals and two bilingual groups on the environmental sound perception. However, we found that compared with Spanish-English bilinguals, Chinese-English bilinguals showed significantly larger mismatch negativity (MMN), indicating that Chinese-English bilinguals were more sensitive to the environmental sounds than that of Spanish-English bilinguals. Further, compared with Spanish-English bilinguals, Chinese-English bilinguals showed significantly larger theta oscillation. In addition, the theta oscillation is significantly correlated with MMN for Chinese-English bilinguals. The results indicated that the advantage of Chinese-English bilingual experience on environmental sound perception may be due to the enhanced top-down cognitive ability. In summary, these findings suggest that compared with the Spanish-English bilinguals, Chinese-English bilinguals showed an advantage in environmental sound perception via enhanced top-down cognitive modulation.

Laterals in Spanish–English bilinguals

Patterns of production of Spanish and English laterals by early sequential Spanish–English bilinguals (L1 and L2 respectively in the order of acquisition) were investigated. A total of 25 early Spanish–English bilinguals, who are all English-dominant (average age of L2 acquisition: 3;9), were recruited. They were recorded while reading sentences aloud in Spanish and in English containing laterals in onset and coda positions adjacent to front and back vowels. Target words with laterals were spectrographically analysed through an investigation of F1 and F2 values. The measurements obtained were compared between the two languages. The results show that the participants maintain separate acoustic realizations for the laterals in all four different phonetic environments in their two languages. Since their lateral productions are mixed with respect to the influence of the two languages, the results suggest that bilinguals’ interrelated systems influence each other at a fine-grained acoustic level.

Comparing Single-Word Insertions and Multi-Word Alternations in Bilingual Speech: Insights from Pupillometry

Prominent sociolinguistic theories of language mixing have posited that single-word insertions of one language into the other are the result of a distinct process than multi-word alternations between two languages given that the former overwhelmingly surface morphosyntactically integrated into the surrounding language. To date, this distinction has not been tested in comprehension. The present study makes use of pupillometry to examine the online processing of single-word insertions and multi-word alternations by highly proficient Spanish-English bilinguals in Puerto Rico. Participants heard sentences containing target noun/adjective pairs (1) in unilingual Spanish, (2) where the Spanish noun was replaced with its English translation equivalent, followed by a Spanish post-nominal adjective, and (3) where both the noun and adjective appeared in English with the adjective occurring in the English pre-nominal position. Both types of language mixing elicit larger pupillary responses when compared to unilingual Spanish speech, though the magnitude of this difference depends on the grammatical gender of the target noun. Importantly, single-word insertions and multi-word alternations did not differ from one another. Taken together, these findings suggest that morphosyntactic integration is not the defining feature of single-word insertions, at least in comprehension, and that the comprehension system is tuned to the distributional properties of bilingual speech.

Testing the Triggering Hypothesis: Effect of Cognate Status on Code-Switching and Disfluencies.

"Triggered switching" is the theory that code-switching happens more often with words connected to both languages, such as cognates. Corpus analyses have supported this theory; however, they do not allow testing for directional causality. Here, we test the triggering hypothesis through a picture-naming task, and examine whether cognates trigger code-switches, as well as more subtle interference effects resulting in disfluencies. Forty English-Spanish bilinguals completed a picture-cued sentence production task in three conditions: English-only, Spanish-only, and mixed. Half of the pictures represented Spanish-English cognates. Unsurprisingly, participants were more likely to code-switch when asked to use both their languages compared to only their dominant or non-dominant language. However, participants were not more likely to switch languages for cognate than for non-cognate trials. Participants tended to be more fluent on cognate trials in the dominant and the non-dominant condition, and on non-cognate trials in the mixed-language condition, although these effects were not significant. These findings suggest that both language context and cognate status are important to consider when testing both overt switches and disfluencies in bilingual speech production.

The Bilingual Code-Switching Profile (BCSP)

Abstract Significant variation exists in bilinguals’ experiences with code-switching, from dense code-switching in multiple interactional contexts to minimal switching. Although recent research has demonstrated that a bilingual’s experience with code-switching is a crucial factor for determining both linguistic and cognitive behaviors, there currently is no commonly accepted method of measuring of a bilingual’s code-switching practices. Responding to this need, this paper presents a new tool to assess a bilingual’s experience and engagement with code-switching – the Bilingual Code-Switching Profile (BCSP) – and assesses its validity and reliability. The BCSP incorporates a multifaceted conceptualization of code-switching experience, drawing on previous research in bilingual proficiency, and addresses a bilingual’s code-switching history, use, proficiency, and attitudes. To assess the validity and reliability of the BCSP, Spanish–English bilinguals (N = 454) from a wide range of ages, ethnic backgrounds, national origins, and language dominance profiles completed the questionnaire. Results of an exploratory factor analysis and intraclass correlation on test-retest data (N = 248) demonstrate that the BCSP is a valid and reliable method of assessing a bilingual’s code-switching profile. The BCSP can be easily and practically incorporated into future research on bilinguals to provide a systematic measure of an individual’s code-switching profile.

The role of sensorimotor mechanisms in phonetic and phonological learning

Phonetic and phonological learning was reported to be enhanced in bilinguals; however, the underlying mechanisms remain understudied. Prior work suggests a bilingual advantage in articulatory skill and auditory sensory memory, raising the question of the involvement of sensorimotor functions in phonetic and phonological learning. To explore this relationship, we compare the performance of English monolinguals and English-Spanish bilinguals on three tasks:(1) Articulatory skill, using a novel sound learning task with articulatory complex sounds not present in our participants' inventory.(2) Auditory sensory memory, measured via an adaptive digit span task. (3) Phonetic and phonological learning, using an artificial accent of English displaying diphthongization of mid-front lax vowels and tapping of intervocalic liquids. All tasks were conducted online 1-on-1 via Zoom. Tasks 1 and 3 were scored based on four listeners' perceptual judgments. For Task 2, we obtained response accuracy and input-output similarity scores. While data analysis is currently underway, preliminary findings replicate the previously observed bilingual advantage in phonological learning and auditory sensory memory and reveal a correlation between them. Bringing together motor, sensory, and acquisitional components and investigating the ways in which they are related adds to lesser explored mechanisms potentially underlying the bilingual advantage.

Cross-language Generalization in Bilingual Aphasia: Influence of Manner of Second Language Acquisition

ABSTRACT Background Language treatment for bilinguals with aphasia has been shown to result in gains in both the treated language and the untreated language (i.e., cross-language generalization). However, cross-language generalization is not consistently found. This inconsistency may be due to several factors, such as the age of acquisition of, and proficiency in, each language. One often-overlooked factor that may influence whether cross-language generalization occurs is the manner in which bilinguals learned their second language (L2): in a formal educational context (explicitly) or naturalistically through exposure to the language (implicitly). Prior research suggests that implicit L2 learning results in greater overlap in the representation of the first language (L1) and L2 in the brain, particularly for grammar, compared to explicit learning. In contrast, lexical processing in L1 and L2 is proposed to rely more on shared brain regions regardless of the manner of L2 acquisition. Greater overlap should provide a greater likelihood of cross-language generalization effects from treatment. Aims The goal of this study was to determine how the manner of acquisition of L2 may affect cross-language generalization following treatment in L2 separately targeting the lexicon (object naming) and grammar (sentence construction). Methods & Procedures Two Spanish-English bilinguals with aphasia each completed two treatment phases in English of 2-4 weeks each, in succession, with one week between them: semantic feature analysis (SFA) targeting object naming, and Verb Network Strengthening Treatment (VNeST) targeting verb retrieval and sentence construction. Pre- and post-treatment assessments and weekly probes were completed for each phase. Participant P1 learned English explicitly in an educational setting, while participant P2 learned English implicitly. Outcomes & Results As predicted, P2 showed cross-language generalization after verb/grammar treatment (VNeST) whereas P1 did not. However, contrary to the prediction that both participants should show cross-language generalization after noun treatment (SFA), only P1 showed cross-language generalization of object naming. Conclusions Cross-language generalization was observed for both participants but for different aspects of language. The findings suggest that naturalistic second language learning may lead to stronger links between languages in the grammatical system, whereas formal second language learning may lead to stronger links between languages in the lexical-semantic system. Future research should further explore the effects of manner of acquisition as a predictor of language co-activation and cross-language treatment generalization in bilinguals with aphasia.

Transfer effects from language processing to visual attention dynamics: The impact of orthographic transparency.

The consistency between letters and sounds varies across languages. These differences have been proposed to be associated with different reading mechanisms (lexical vs. phonological), processing grain sizes (coarse vs. fine) and attentional windows (whole words vs. individual letters). This study aimed to extend this idea to writing to dictation. For that purpose, we evaluated whether the use of different types of processing has a differential impact on local windowing attention: phonological (local) processing in a transparent language (Spanish) and lexical (global) processing of an opaque language (English). Spanish and English monolinguals (Experiment 1) and Spanish-English bilinguals (Experiment 2) performed a writing to dictation task followed by a global-local task. The first key performance showed a critical dissociation between languages: the response times (RTs) from the Spanish writing to dictation task was modulated by word length, whereas the RTs from the English writing to dictation task was modulated by word frequency and age of acquisition, as evidence that language transparency biases processing towards phonological or lexical strategies. In addition, after a Spanish task, participants more efficiently processed local information, which resulted in both the benefit of global congruent information and the reduced cost of incongruent global information. Additionally, the results showed that bilinguals adapt their attentional processing depending on the orthographic transparency.

The temporal dynamics of bilingual language control.

Bilinguals need to control interference from the nontarget language, to avoid saying words in the wrong language. This study investigates how often bilinguals apply such control in a dual-language mode, when speaking one language after the other when the two languages cannot be used interchangeably: over and over (every time they say a word), or only once (the first time they use a word or language after a language switch). Three groups of Spanish-English bilinguals named pictures first in their dominant, then in their nondominant, and then again in their dominant language; a fourth control group of bilinguals named pictures in their dominant language throughout. The study targeted language control aftereffects on the dominant language after nondominant naming, typically assumed to reflect recovery from previously applied inhibition. If the dominant language is inhibited every time a nondominant word is produced, subsequent dominant-language naming latencies should increase in proportion to the number of pictures previously named in the nondominant language. We found, however, that the number of nondominant picture-naming trials did not affect subsequent naming latencies in the dominant language, despite ample statistical power to detect such effects if they existed. The results suggest that, in a dual-language mode, bilingual (inhibitory) control is applied over a word’s translation upon the word’s first mention but not over and over with subsequent repetitions. This conclusion holds true equally for inhibitory and non-inhibitory language control mechanisms.Supplementary InformationThe online version contains supplementary material available at 10.3758/s13423-022-02168-z.

Syntax and object types contribute in different ways to bilinguals’ comprehension of spatial descriptions

AbstractThe world’s languages draw on different reference frames to encode spatial relationships between people, objects or places. We address how subtle differences in reference frame preferences across Spanish and English affect Spanish–English bilinguals’ interpretations of spatial descriptions involving the terms left and right. Bilinguals saw an entity (‘object’; e.g., a vase or a human) with a circle on either side, along with a description of the location of a ball relative to the object (e.g., The ball is to the right of the vase or The ball is on the vase’s right). Their task was to decide which circle indicated the ball’s location. Results showed that syntax and object type contributed differently to bilinguals’ responses: Effects of syntax patterned with Spanish preferences, whereas effects of object type patterned with English preferences. English language exposure subtly affected bilinguals’ response choices. Results are discussed with respect to experience-based theories of language processing.

Language switching may facilitate the processing of negative responses.

It has been proposed that processing sentential negation recruits the neural network of inhibitory control (de Vega et al., 2016; Beltrán et al., 2021). In addition, inhibition mechanisms also play a role in switching languages for bilinguals (Kroll et al., 2015). Since both processes may share inhibitory resources, the current study explored for the first time whether and how language-switching influences the processing of negation. To this end, two groups of Spanish-English bilinguals participated in an encoding-verification memory task. They read short stories involving the same two protagonists (Montse and Jordi), referring to their activities in four different scenarios in Spanish or English. Following each story, the participants received verification questions requiring “yes” or “no” responses depending on whether a given fact was correctly referred to one of the protagonists. Some of the verification questions were in the story’s original language (non-switch condition) and others in the alternate language (switch condition). Results revealed that language-switching facilitated negative responses compared to affirmative responses, exclusively for questions switching from dominant language (L1) to non-dominant language (L2). This effect might reflect that the domain-general mechanisms of inhibitory control are recruited at least partially for both language switch and negation process simultaneously, although this phenomenon is modulated by language dominance.

Subject pronouns in Spanish-English code-switching

Abstract While the Minimalist Program argues that Spanish-English code-switches between pronominal subjects and finite verbs are ungrammatical (Van Gelderen & MacSwan, 2008), the MLF/4-M models (Myers-Scotton, 1993; Myers-Scotton & Jake, 2000) predict their grammaticality when overt pronouns are obligatory in both languages (e.g., contrastive focus). In this study, we test the contrary predictions of these models using a code-switching production task. Thirty-eight Spanish-English bilinguals (31 female; Age: 18–23 years) completed a concurrent memory-loaded repetition task where visual primes forced broad or contrastive focus interpretations. We also examined the effects of switch direction, code-switching frequency, and language dominance. The results showed that code-switches between a Spanish overt pronoun and an English inflected verb were more accurately produced in the contrastive focus than the broad focus condition, lending support for the MLF/4-M models. No effect of code-switching frequency was found. Finally, higher Spanish dominance resulted in more accurate production of these code-switches.

The Categorization of L3 Vowels Near First Exposure by Spanish-English Bilinguals

The present study examined the predictions the Perceptual Assimilation Model in the context of naïve bilingual speakers while also considering whether the predictions of third language (L3) models of morphosyntax could be extended to L3 phonology. In particular, it was asked whether several groups of Spanish-English bilinguals (constituting a fully combined design) would categorize sounds in two unknown languages, French and German, using their first language (L1) categories, second language (L2) categories, or a combination of both. 199 participants took part in the study, who made up 4 total groups: L1 English–L2 Spanish (n = 55), L1 Spanish–L2 English (n = 59), English monolingual (n = 59) and Spanish monolingual (n = 29). The participants completed a vowel categorization task, where they were asked to match four vowel sounds in French and German to their existing English and Spanish categories. The results of a series of Bayesian Multinomial regression models suggested that bilinguals categorize L3 vowels using both L1 and L2 categories according to the acoustics of the input. There was no evidence of a clear bias for either the L1 or L2 when an L3 vowel exists in both the L1 and L2. Additionally, the bilingual English participants differed from English monolinguals in the their categorization of new language sounds. These results have implications for both the PAM-L2 and L3 models, by showing that the language learners are not solely guided by their native language, and have access to both L1 and L2 categories when accounting for novel language sounds.

Validation of Male Talker Recordings of the Spanish Pediatric Speech Recognition Threshold Test and the Spanish Pediatric Picture Identification Test.

The purpose of this study was to validate recordings of the Spanish Pediatric Speech Recognition Threshold (SPSRT) test and Spanish Pediatric Picture Identification Test (SPPIT) for Spanish-speaking children using a native, bilingual Spanish-English male talker of Castilian peninsular dialect from Spain. Seventy native Spanish-speaking children from a variety of countries participated. Fifty-eight participants had normal hearing, and the remaining 12 had mild hearing loss in at least one ear. Male talker recordings of the SPSRT and SPPIT were administered to obtain baseline validation data. Participants listened to the stimuli and pointed to the appropriate item on the picture boards that represented the word they heard. Mean SRTs were within 5 dB of mean pure-tone averages resulting in a positive correlation. Performance-intensity functions for the SPPIT showed minimal significant differences across the three test lists, and performance increased as the sensation level increased. The male talker recordings of the SPSRT and SPPIT are valid speech perception picture-pointing assessments that can be used with Spanish-speaking children. The recordings present the Spanish target word while simultaneously presenting the English interpretation for ease of scoring.

Changing pronoun interpretations across-languages: discourse priming in Spanish–English bilingual speakers

AbstractAre bilingual speakers’ representations of pronominal expressions completely independent in the two languages, or is there sharing of discourse-level representations cross-linguistically? In the present study, we address this question by using a sentence comprehension task that implements the cross-linguistic priming technique at the discourse-level.In two experiments conducted with Spanish–English bilinguals, we prime dis-preferred interpretations for ambiguous pronouns in the second language (English) by using first language (Spanish) pronoun interpretation primes. In experiment 1, Spanish null pronouns prime second-mentioned/object interpretations in English, showing an effect of priming. In experiment 2, Spanish explicit pronouns prime second-mentioned/object interpretations in English, indicating that an effect of priming approaches significance.The results demonstrate that bilinguals’ inferences about probability distributions and coherence relations are susceptible to cross-linguistic influence. The strength of the priming effect is discussed within models of cross-language abstract representations.

The role of syntactic cues in monolingual and bilingual two-year-olds’ novel word disambiguation

Although linguistic and nonlinguistic cues help young children infer meaning when presented with unfamiliar words, little is known about how syntactic information and early bilingual experience shape word learning. This study examined how monolingual and bilingual 24- to 30-month-olds’ disambiguation of novel words during a mutual exclusivity task differs as a function of syntactic cues, age, and productive vocabulary. English monolinguals and Spanish-English bilinguals were presented with familiar and novel objects within a syntactic context (e.g., “Give me the blick!”) or in isolation (e.g., “Blick!”). Results showed that monolinguals and bilinguals adhered to mutual exclusivity more often when provided with syntactic cues than when those cues were absent. Furthermore, bilinguals’ mutually exclusive disambiguation of novel words increased with age, but only when syntactic cues were available. These results provide insight into factors that influence children’s disambiguation of novel words. The theoretical implications of these findings are discussed.

When exceptions matter: bilinguals regulate their dominant language to exploit structural constraints in sentence production

ABSTRACT What we say generally follows distributional regularities, such as learning to avoid “the asleep dog” because we hear “the dog that’s asleep” in its place. However, not everyone follows such regularities. We report data on English monolinguals and Spanish-English bilinguals to examine how working memory mediates variation in a-adjective usage (asleep, afraid), which, unlike typical adjectives (sleepy, frightened), tend to resist attributive use. We replicate previous work documenting this tendency in a sentence production task. Critically, for all speakers, the tendency to use a-adjectives attributively or non-attributively was modulated by individual differences in working memory. But for bilinguals, a-adjective use was additionally modulated by an interaction between working memory and category fluency in the dominant language (English), revealing an interactive role of domain-general and language-related mechanisms that enable regulation of competing (i.e. attributive and non-attributive) alternatives. These results show how bilingualism reveals fundamental variation in language use, memory, and attention.