Democratic Space Research Articles

Traditional authority, democracy and protected areas: a quandary for African states

This article examines the role of traditional authorities around protected areas in Africa, engaging with debates regarding the efficacy of traditional authorities in contemporary governance in Africa. Some scholars have supported such authority as epitomising African customs and practices, and thereby offering continuity and relevance. Others have questioned the usefulness and relevance of such authority in democratic spaces given their hereditary nature. The article considers these debates in relation to the challenges that arise due to protected areas being spaces of bifurcated governance, in contrast to other rural areas, utilising two case studies: Gwayi Forest in Zimbabwe and Dwesa-Cwebe Nature Reserve in South Africa. Protected areas pose challenges for post-colonial African states regarding how they should be governed. The article argues that it is time for states to bring finality over the governance of such areas. State institutions should be restricted to an advisory role in protected areas. Local populations should be able to choose their own leadership and governance over these spaces.

Urban space as a democratic space: An analysis of the 2022 Pride Parade Media coverage in Belgrade and Sarajevo

In post-conflict societies internal demarcation is based on tradition, religion, and heterosexual family values and within this frame sexual citizenship is considered ?as ideology? and as a threat to society imposed from outside. At the same time the influence and importance of international norms and changes in the standard of international politics and the emerging culture of human rights cause conflict between inside and outside, national sovereignty and universal human rights. This conflict is not specific only to stabilocracy and hybrid systems, but the omnipresent illogicality of a closed system of citizen-ship. Following the Butler?s observation that ?conjuncture of street and media constitutes a very contemporary version of the public sphere? (2011: 9), media textual and visual reports about Pride Parade in Belgrade and Sarajevo were analysed. In the analysis focus is on the borders of citizenship within the patriarchal matrix of nation-state confronted with the present bodies on the streets. The analysed textual and visual media reports confirm a hierarchisation of urban public space formed by national history and its material structures.

Presidential Threshold Polemic in the 2019 Election and Before the 2024 Election Contest in Indonesia

The application of the presidential threshold in the presidential nomination election in Indonesia gave rise to various controversies and became a topic of discussion in the country's political system. This research wants to see the presidential threshold polemic in the 2019 election and before the 2024 election contestation in Indonesia. The type of research used is normative legal research. The findings in the 2019 election of the presidential threshold polemic that occurred were a number of political parties objecting to a high threshold, restrictions on the freedom of the people/the best sons and daughters who wanted to advance in the presidential election, the public were given choices that were not varied, weakened the presidential system and contradicted the 1945 Constitution Then the polemic leading up to the 2024 election, namely: elite candidates dominating, alternative candidates are limited, consideration of the Constitutional Court is problematic, article 222 of the law is contrary to article 6A (2) of the 1945 Constitution and democratic space is now limited.

Gender Imbalance, Reduced Productivity and Low Political Empowerment of Women in Nigeria’s Democratic Space (1999-2023)

The clamour for gender parity and/or equality is a global issue that has been and is still being widely discussed and this has prompted most governments of the world to address the apparent challenges posed by gender disparity and discrimination across the globe. Thus, this paper intends to address the plethora of problems and issues being confronted by womenfolk in Nigeria so as to provide the strategies for ensuring gender equity and to bring to an end the societal bias against women as a prerequisite for societal upliftment which will eventually lead to rapid increase in women’s contribution to socio-economic and political development of the nation at large. Using content-analysis method, data were sourced from the existing relevant literature and the research paper adopts Gender Equality Theory. The study reveals that the goal of achieving equality of rights for both men and women has been a difficult task to achieve in Nigeria due to; adverse cultural and religious practices, colonial experience, lack of education, oppressive political environment and poor socio-economic status of Nigerian women. The study therefore recommends among other things, the breaking down of the adverse cultural and religious negative practices, integration of women into the mainstream of politics, liberalization of the oppressive political environment, re-orientating and re-awakening the womenfolk through mass media as well as to ensure that issues of special concern to women are wholistically addressed at all levels of government. Keywords: Gender imbalance, Reduced productivity, Low participation, Women and Nigeria. Aims Research Journal Reference Format: Ibitoye, M.O. (2023): Gender Imbalance, Reduced Productivity and Low Political Empowerment of Women in Nigeria’s Democratic Space (1999-2023). Advances in Multidisciplinary and Scientific Research Journal Vol. 9. No. 4. Pp 44-58. www.isteams.net/aimsjournal. dx.doi.org/10.22624/AIMS/V9N3P5

Pendidikan Politik Santri Dipondok Pesantren Jabal Rahmah Anau Kadok Talang

This research is motivated by the importance of political education among students (santri) of the Jabal Rahmah Anau Kadok Talang Islamic Boarding School. The aim of political education at this boarding school is to shape the character of the students, enabling them to become citizens with ethical and polite political behavior, as well as a deep understanding of political issues. Although there is no specific curriculum for teaching political education, it is integrated through subjects such as Civic Education (PPKN), the activities of the Student Executive Board (BES), discussions, democratic culture practices, and the study of the Prophet's biography (Siroh Nabawiyah). This research employs a qualitative approach, collecting data through in-depth interviews. The objective is to analyze how political education at the Jabal Rahmah Islamic Boarding School shapes the political perspectives and thought patterns of the students, as well as the role of the school leaders in forming the students' political understanding. The research findings indicate that political education at this boarding school focuses on knowledge transfer, consciousness-raising, political identity, and organizational skills development. Through democratic spaces within the Student Council (OSIS) and lectures, the students acquire an understanding of positive political values. The students are also engaged in organizational activities that allow them to develop leadership skills. The political education at this boarding school successfully shapes good behavior, teaches ethical and wise political conduct, and equips the students to respond to political issues. The conclusion drawn from this research is that political education at the Jabal Rahmah Islamic Boarding School effectively molds the character and political understanding of the students. By employing an approach that involves various aspects of knowledge, orientation, behavior, and political action, the political education at this boarding school is capable of producing students who are aware of their rights and responsibilities as citizens, possess political ethics, and can approach political issues wisely. This research provides fresh insights into how political education can shape the character and political perspectives of students, and have an impact on their involvement in political and social life in Indonesia..

Consensus Building Method as a participatory tool of health decision making to counteract medical desertification in Europe.

Medical deserts can be described as isolated or depopulated areas with significant falling numbers of medical practitioners and overall health workforce shortages. The project ‘Action for Health and Equity: Addressing medical Deserts’ (AHEAD) aims to reduce health inequalities by addressing the phenomenon of medical desertification in European context. AHEAD is a consortium of partners from civil society organizations and academic institutions from five countries: Italy, Moldova, the Netherlands, Romania and Serbia. A single stakeholder cannot solve the problem of medical desertification and thus it requires a complex participatory decision making process involving a wide range of stakeholders. AHEAD developed and applied a participatory decision making methodology called consensus building, to address this challenge.
 We deployed the methodology with the aim of obtaining a general agreement among stakeholders on policy options to counteract and prevent medical deserts in local communities. Our definition of consensus does not necessarily mean that all stakeholders have to agree with each other in every aspect. We created a democratic space where stakeholders could agree to disagree and focus on coming to a consensus on policy options that are contextually relevant and feasible to implement. This methodology is rooted in the idea of equality, quality, legitimacy and acceptability where the policy options are co-created, locally relevant, have increased trust, confidence and are thus more likely to be accepted and implemented.
 Our consensus building methodology is deployed in three phases in all countries. First, we undertook the activities with homogenous stakeholders from three groups: community members, patient organizations, health providers, health worker organizations, health insurers and local decision makers. The homogenous sessions identify policy options and select representatives for multi-stakeholder sessions to come to consensus on most pressing and feasible policy options, in the second phase. Finally, the representatives of the multistakeholder session meet national level policy makers and experts to come to consensus on most important or appropriate policy options. These sessions are structured in a way to clarify issues, opening out the discussion by exploring stakeholders’ lived experiences, exploring ideas to counteract medical desertification and coming together to find common ground.
 The deployment of this methodology as a participatory decision making process helped us democratise and make the process more effective for policy making, by the involvement of a wide range of stakeholders. This methodology acted as an intervention in empowering the vulnerable groups who otherwise do not have a voice in the process. It also proved to be a win-win process for both the affected community and the policy makers. The community members get an opportunity to share their concerns and suggest the most feasible and effective policy options to counteract medical desert in their locality. Consequentially, the policy makers get valuable inputs from a wide range of stakeholders including people with lived experiences. The policy options generated through our consensus building methodology will be used to initiate a national policy dialogue in all five countries to bring policy change to counteract medical desert.

‘Listen Very Carefully, We Will Say This Only Once (Again)’ Dead Ends to Politicisation in Social Work

Abstract This article explores the significance of politicisation in social work and its role in challenging power dynamics and promoting transformative change. It is viewed as a means to challenge established power structures, raise awareness of issues and engage in political action. Three pitfalls are identified in the way politicisation is conceptualised and used. First, there is a tendency to define politicisation too broadly. The authors assert that politicisation should involve challenging the existing system rather than merely making modifications. Secondly, the belief in consensus thinking about democracy is criticised, as it overlooks power imbalances inherent in politics. The authors advocate for an agonistic politics approach, where ideological opponents engage in a struggle over competing values and interests within a shared democratic space. Lastly, the adoption of subpolitics as a politicising strategy, which focuses on individual actions, is deemed inadequate as it often fails to address structural inequalities. Instead, the authors propose prefigurative politics, which involves creating concrete collective interventions that anticipate and embody a different society in the present. In conclusion, this article underscores the importance of understanding its distinct meaning and strategies. The authors suggest agonistic and prefigurative politics as a promising framework for politicising practices in social work.

ANALISIS KASUS ROCKY GERUNG YANG DIDUGA MELAKUKAN PENGHINAAN TERHADAP PRESIDEN JOKOWI DODO

This study analyzes the case of insult against President Jokowi Dodo by Rocky Gerung, an intellectual and critic of the government. This study uses a qualitative method with a case study approach, which allows the researcher to understand the phenomenon from various aspects. Qualitative data were collected from various sources, such as mass media, social media, and legal documents. This study uses the Differential Association theory and the Labelling theory to explain Rocky Gerung's behavior. The results of the study show that Rocky Gerung's statement has the potential to be considered as insulting the president personally, even though he claims to be a critique of the government's policy. Insulting the leader of the state should not be done in the space of democracy and freedom of expression. As an intellectual, Rocky Gerung should express his opinion with responsibility and respect for public institutions.

Dialogic carbon accounting: toward agonistic discourses and democratic governance in China

PurposeThis study aims to explore the conflicting issues of carbon accounting and trading practices in China through the lens of agonistic democracy.Design/methodology/approachBased on a framework of three interrelated levels, this study explores emitting entity carbon accounting debates and discussions in mitigating climate change. Interview data were collected from 20 emitting entity participants and external auditors.FindingsThis study identifies irreconcilable conflicts between emitting entities and the government in carbon accounting and trading activities. Under the strong influence of government power, emitting entities portray themselves as “responsible” and “legitimate” state-owned enterprises. This study further identifies possible democratic spaces and reveals the potential for agonistic discourse and a fallacy of “consensus” and monologues in institutional space. If the emitting entity and government can overcome their participation challenges, this would significantly facilitate vibrant and agonistic discourse in carbon activities and pave the way for democratic spaces.Originality/valueThis study demonstrates the potential and limitations of applying agonistic democracy and the significance of participation in institutional spaces in government-led carbon accounting and trading issues. It enriches prior research on promoting democratic participation in carbon accounting from the agonistic democracy perspective.

Politik dan HAM: Analisis Yuridis Regulasi Presidential Treshold Pemilihan Calon Presiden di Indonesia

Democracy in the government system places emphasis on power in the hands of the people; however, with the approval of election law number 7 of 2017 regarding the regulation of threshold requirements for presidential and vice presidential candidates, it is considered detrimental to the people because the additional conditions related to the administrative requirements for presidential and vice presidential candidates are deemed to be contradictory. With the 1945 Constitution Article 6A paragraph (2) and Article 28 D paragraph (3) on human rights, especially the right to participate in politics, the space for democracy is limited because, basically, Indonesian people have the right to vote and choose. In fact, it has been proven that there are only two candidates for president and vice president in the 2014–2019 and 2019–2024 election periods, forcing the public to choose the candidates that have been provided, even though these candidates are not necessarily the candidates that the public expects, thus giving the impression of forcing personal human rights to participate. in the presidential election. In this research, the author uses a normative legal research method in the form of a library search. The results of the research show that the nomination requirements regulated in the 1945 Constitution, Article 6A paragraph (2), do not regulate thresholds, but there are additional requirements in Article 222 that have become controversial, so that the threshold causes the loss of political rights to be able to suggest presidential and vice presidential candidates. Conflicts can destroy democracy. . Indonesia. People and political parties who want to run for the presidential election cross the threshold so that entering a presidential system gives rise to limited democracy. This is because national hopes still require a judicial review to guarantee the upholding of human rights, which hampers the process of emerging more alternative leadership candidates to realize people's welfare. From a benefit perspective, whatever government policy, must take into account the aspirations of its people, so that government policy must be in line with the public interest.

Pandemic, theatre and performance: Democratizing the subalterns through the Theatre of the Oppressed

The presented work analyses Theatre of the Oppressed (TO) methods impacting the pandemic. It follows the WHO timeline, when the COVID-19 pandemic had cast a dark shadow, making sustenance difficult for the marginalized section of Indian society. TO methods, though reflected, adapted and accommodated exhaustively in Indian applied theatre over the last four decades, offered a fresh, collective, democratic space during the pandemic. Forum theatre (FT) and legislative theatre (LT) praxis rendered a platform for activism, awareness and emancipation of the ‘subalterns’ during the pandemic. Thus, TO renewed psycho-social dialogue and critical, creative, experimental space during this time. The applicability of such methods facilitating social change is gauged using Boal’s ‘spect-actorship’ and Freire’s ‘conscientization’. The article looks forward to the TO signposts to serve as nodal points for further scholarly discussion and study on democratizing the disenfranchised population through FT and LT during the pandemic.

Voices of Black and Asian minority ethnic postgraduate students post the COVID-19 pandemic: Are higher education institutions listening?

The COVID-19 pandemic significantly affected students studying in higher education (HE) institutions in the UK and international contexts. Black and Asian Minority Ethnic (BAME) university students faced massive pressure during and post COVID-19 pandemic, alongside trying to meet their education goals. Our research project was with postgraduate students from two HE institutions, and this paper highlights participants' lived experiences and perspectives, including emotional stress, the need for greater support to access learning resources, financial issues and physical and mental health issues. Our paper suggests that HE institutions need to provide democratic spaces to encourage all students, including BAME students, to engage in dialogues among themselves and with other key players in HE, such as policymakers, and local and international communities, to address issues of inequality. It is important for HE institutions to listen to students' voices, reflect on the impact of the pandemic on their lives and make strategic planning for mitigating negativities and uplifting quality learning experiences post the pandemic.

Dr Ambedkar’s Method of Social Change: Debating Means and Ends

Ambedkar’s method of social change is about its commensurability with critical methods leads the legitimatization over radical means. The preconceived method devoid of reality was not only failed but also disastrous. The theory and practice are an integral part of the theory of social change of Ambedkar. It has laid the contrast between two methods of social change that is Marxist and Pragmatist. Ambedkar’s method of social change influenced from pragmatism. It was not only the relevance of his thought but also the legitimacy of his methods used for bringing about change in Indian society. Ambedkar’s Critical method for social change upholds the idea of democracy and justice while radical violent means which emphasized on the equality without much space for democracy and freedom of speech delegitimized the purpose of communist society. The article is divided into two major parts; first part dealt with the critical theory and its primary concern for social change. It also contrasted with Ambedkar’s method of social change. Second section focused briefly on the debate between Marxist Trotsky and pragmatist John Dewey over use of means for achieving the ends. The experiment of the Cultural Change in the case of Great Proletariat Cultural Revolution in China by Mao Zedong and the methods of the Cultural Revolution proposed by Ambedkar is also part of the discussion where two experiments for bringing about cultural changes in Chinese and Indian society. The legitimacy of the democratic means remains unbeatable in the case of Ambedkar while violent radical means lost the legitimacy in Chinese experience. The struggle of Ambedkar who secured the rights for untouchable in the Indian constitution was not less than a revolution. Banning practice of Untouchability in any form and making it the punishable offence was the victory of the democratic means.

Surabaya Youth Political Discourse in in the Dynamics of Election Information

Youth have become the main agents of change and are usually the most affected by changes in the socio-political context in Indonesia. The very large youth population in Indonesia signifies a great asset for socio-political transformation in the democratic space. Specifically, this study examines youth political discourse in the changes and dynamics of the 2024 General Election. This study aims to identify linguistic expressions of public practice within the scope of youth political culture in Surabaya. Exploration of the relationship between different sets of influences and different types of political activism seeks to contribute to a better understanding of the reasons why young people choose certain paths of political participation regarding the 2024 election. Focus group discussion methods and in-depth interviews are considered most appropriate on the basis of the advantage is in gaining in-depth insights into the respondents' experiences regarding their understanding and conception of the 2024 election. Then a discourse analysis is carried out by comparing the knowledge from general cultural knowledge shared by participants from various social groups and knowledge shared by participants from separate social groups.

Protesting in the Time of Pandemic: Diagonal Accountability, #KerajaanGagal, and Democratic Regression in Malaysia

This article argues that there are four conditions that create a conducive political climate allowing civil society and the media to hold the government accountable during the time of pandemic (2020–2021) i.e., the diagonal accountability: 1) the undemocratic formation of the Muhyiddin Yassin's government that lacked public mandate, which in turn made the government unstable and prone to political pressures; 2) the relative freedom of print and online media in reporting negative news concerning the government; 3) civil society's ability to find creative ways around pandemic restrictions to protest; and 4) socio-economic fallout from strict pandemic measures built up public resentment against the government and contributed to its unpopularity. Analyzed through the lens of political process model, and augmented by interviews with protest participants, the four conditions enable civil society and media to take advantage of the unstable political situation, namely in carving up democratic spaces amidst various restrictions imposed by the pandemic.

VIEWS ON STUDENT POLITICAL FREEDOM POST-UUCA AMENDMENT AND IMPLEMENTATION OF UNDI18: A CASE STUDY OF PUBLIC UNIVERSITIES IN SOUTHERN MALAYSIA

In the 65 years since gaining independence, Malaysia’s political landscape has seen significant growth in student activism, particularly in terms of student political freedom in public universities. The 1960s and 1970s were regarded as the golden age of student movements in Malaysia, marking the peak of student political freedom. However, the enactment of the Universities and University Colleges Act 1971 (UUCA) suppressed all political activities by students. Recently, two important developments took place, namely the amendment of UUCA in 2019, which has allowed students to engage in political activities inside and outside the campus, and the implementation of Undi18, which has rekindled students’ political freedom. This study examines the views and understanding of the informants regarding the concept and practice of student political freedom. This study also highlights the existing values associated with student political freedom. The research design employed in this article is qualitative and conducted through a case study. We interviewed 15 informants from Universiti Sains Islam Malaysia, Universiti Tun Hussein Onn Malaysia, and Universiti Teknologi Malaysia. The concept of student political freedom was perceived as encompassing freedom of speech, freedom of associations, and the right to vote. Current practices of student political freedom include the use of social media platforms, political participation, and the formation of associations. In terms of student political freedom, the informants emphasised values of social responsibility, integrity, and intellectualism. In essence, this study presents findings on the current political scene in public universities post-UUC amendment and the passing of Undi18 bill, which purportedly create a more conducive democratic space for student political freedom.

Governance capture and socio-environmental conflict: a critical political economy of the global mining industry’s prior consultation regime

Prior consultation purports to mitigate socio-environmental conflict risks by creating deliberative and democratic spaces for local communities to influence decisions over newly proposed mining projects. Yet, many contest state and corporate claims to fair and inclusive decision-making, insisting that mines are often approved in violation of their human rights. Using a critical political economy of environmental governance approach, we analyze the multilevel governance regime which informs the practice of prior consultation within the global mining industry. We argue that this regime has become ‘captured’ by mining interests, as evidenced by the ‘market-enabling’ procedures which restrict communities’ capacity to exercise self-determination. Furthermore, we suggest that this leaves some local groups with little choice but to engage in risky protest action to express opposition. We utilize the Brazilian and Peruvian mining sectors as illustrative vignettes, for which data were collected from extensive fieldwork in both countries.

Blockchain and Freedom to Conduct a Business: Between Myth and Reality

Recent advances in technology have demonstrated the enormous flexibility of Distributed Ledger Technology (DLT), whose potential goes well beyond the cryptocurrency trading. This article explores the potential impact that the utilization of a permissioned blockchain could have on listed companies and how this could be an appropriate instrument for a more effective implementation of the provisions of the Shareholder Rights Directive II. This technological infrastructure could attest the correct formation of will within the shareholders’ meeting and contribute to the creation of a truly democratic space for the meeting and discussion among shareholders, thus allowing achievement of freedom to conduct a business. However, the most advanced use of blockchain technology has a disruptive effect and exposes us to the great danger of an “algocratic” drift. Therefore, this article analyses the main critical issues from both a technical and legal viewpoint of Decentralized Autonomous Organizations (DAOs).

Beyond the Education of Desire

Abstract While critical utopias sought to rescue the political import of utopia, recently scholars have questioned their overemphasis on literary forms and a disempowering pluralism. Challenging the applicability of these claims to one of the instigators of critical utopias, I provide a political reading of Miguel Abensour's understanding of utopia and connect this to councils as a concrete institutional infrastructure. This begins with a re-reading of his influential conception of the ‘education of desire’ in relation to the simulacrum as a utopian ‘model’ that, in rejecting identity-thinking, refuses to reduce utopias to a blueprint. I then turn to conceptualising the utopia of councils through the simulacrum on two fronts: first, as a form subject to innovation in the context of the dialectic of emancipation; second, as a content that aims to both ‘democratise utopia’ by embracing plurality and ‘utopianize democracy’ by expanding the realm of democratic space.

Using Terms and Conditions to apply Fundamental Rights to Content Moderation

AbstractLarge online platforms provide an unprecedented means for exercising freedom of expression online and wield enormous power over public participation in the online democratic space. However, it is increasingly clear that their systems, where (automated) content moderation decisions are taken based on a platformʼs terms and conditions (T&Cs), are fundamentally broken. Content moderation systems have been said to undermine freedom of expression, especially where important public interest speech ends up suppressed, such as speech by minority and marginalized groups. Indeed, these content moderation systems have been criticized for their overly vague rules of operation, inconsistent enforcement, and an overdependence on automation. Therefore, in order to better protect freedom of expression online, international human rights bodies and civil society organizations have argued that platforms “should incorporate directly” principles of fundamental rights law into their T&Cs. Under EU law, and apart from a rule in the Terrorist Content Regulation, platforms had until recently no explicit obligation to incorporate fundamental rights into their T&Cs. However, an important provision in the Digital Services Act (DSA) will change this. Crucially, Article 14 DSA lays down new rules on how platforms can enforce their T&Cs, including that platforms must have “due regard” to the “fundamental rights” of users under the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. In this article, we critically examine the topic of enforceability of fundamental rights via T&Cs through the prism of Article 14 DSA. We ask whether this provision requires platforms to apply EU fundamental rights law and to what extent this may curb the power of Big Tech over online speech. We conclude that Article 14 will make it possible, in principle, to establish the indirect horizontal effect of fundamental rights in the relationship between online platforms and their users. But in order for the application and enforcement of T&Cs to take due regard of fundamental rights, Article 14 must be operationalized within the framework of the international and European fundamental rights standards. If this is possible Article 14 may fulfil its revolutionary potential.