Source Of Legitimacy Research Articles

Protecting the Supreme Court: Why Safeguarding the Judiciary’s Independence is Crucial to Maintaining its Legitimacy

The stability of the Supreme Court’s size and procedures is a critical source of legitimacy, but reforms might protect the Court’s independence from politics. Perceptions among members of the public that justices are political actors harms the rule of law. This report by Fordham Law School's Democracy Clinic discusses reforms to ensure that each president receives the same number of appointments to the Supreme Court. The report also considers how to guarantee each nominee a Senate hearing and reforms to the retirement stage of justices’ tenures.

Prevalence of illicit tobacco use and tobacco tax avoidance in pregnancy.

BackgroundSmoking during pregnancy is associated with adverse maternal and fetal outcomes. Tobacco tax avoidance and tax evasion undermine the effectiveness of tobacco tax policies, resulting in cheaper prices for smokers and increased tobacco usage.AimsThe purpose of this study was to explore the purchasing habits of pregnant smokers with regard to tobacco expenditure and use of illicit tobacco.MethodsProspective cohort study. Face to face interviews were conducted with 90 attendees (age range 18–42 years; mean age 28 years) of a smoking cessation antenatal clinic in a large Irish tertiary level maternity hospital. Information regarding smoking habits, quantity of tobacco smoked, and location of purchase of tobacco was collected in addition to socioeconomic details. Tobacco products were examined to establish whether these were purchased from legitimate sources.Results76.6% of women smoked 10 or fewer cigarettes per day. The mean weekly spend on tobacco was €39. Seventeen women (18.8%) smoked roll-your-own tobacco. One woman (1.1%) currently possessed a pack of illicit tobacco, while another 5.5% of participants had purchased illicit tobacco in the past. Four women (4.4%) practiced tobacco tax avoidance by purchasing tobacco abroad or in Duty Free.ConclusionsUse of illicit tobacco is low and only a minority of women engaged in tobacco tax avoidance. As the average price of tobacco in Ireland increases, weekly expenditure on tobacco products is a significant financial impact on low-income women. Smoking cessation would deliver significant financial gains in addition to health benefits.

Carl Schmitt’s Political Romanticism and the Foundations of Law

Carl Schmitt’s critique of political romanticism is neglected in comparison with his other interventions from the early Weimar period, yet its analysis of the metaphysical foundations of liberalism has important implications for his legal thought. This paper examines the significance of Schmitt’s account of political romanticism from a jurisprudential perspective. It sets out from the question whether – as is often asserted or intimated – Schmitt’s own thought in the Weimar period represents a decisionistic variant of political romanticism. I contend that, while partly justified, this allegation does not take one to the centre of either political romanticism or the motivations for Schmitt’s anti-liberal jurisprudence. In order to do justice to both themes, it is necessary to reflect on the reasons for Schmitt’s inability to find a heteronomous, divine or otherwise, source of legitimation for law. Section 1 outlines the central strands of Schmitt’s polemic against political romanticism. Section 2 applies this analysis to the concept of constituent power with a view to untangling the strands of political romanticism in Schmitt’s conceptualisation of sovereignty. Section 3 then considers the extent to which Schmitt’s later appeal to ‘concrete order thinking’ (konkrete Ordnungsdenken) is capable of providing a more adequate normative foundation for legitimate legal order.

Settlerism, Liberation, and Neo-liberalism: Narratives and the Dialectics of Resource Redistribution in Post-Colonial Zimbabwe

The article explores the cardinal role that narratives, ideas, and discourses play as reference points to guide policy traction and trajectory. The study focuses on the interplay amongst the settler, liberation, and neo-liberal narratives as they informed the political economy of post-colonial Zimbabwe. Because the agency of these narratives memorialises race, privilege, native subalternism, restitution, and white hubris and neo-colonial obduracy, the article argues that the concepts of sovereignty and nation-state-building have become highly contested. Interpreted in the present but rooted in the colonial past, the indigenisation drive has become a conflicted discourse, torn between continuities and discontinuities—narratives and counter-narratives of liberation, post- colonialism, and black empowerment as against the Empire's neo-colonial modes of domination which have sanctioned a kind of “conflict in perpetuity”. Therefore, in deconstructing the contradictions of transitional politics, policy instrumentalisation, state predations, and unprecedented political contestations that make up the Zimbabwean predicament, this article argues that the trajectory of Zimbabwe's indigenisation drive reveals the saliency of ideas either as a source of legitimation, a source of contestation, or as contours for a nuanced analysis of Zimbabwe's political economy.

Bridging Competing Logics: Re-Reading the History of Transnational Standardization in Accounting

This study seeks to contribute to the understanding of changes in institutional logics by re-reading the history of transnational standardization in accounting. It builds on a comprehensive review of official documents of the International Accounting Standards Committee, now restructured as the International Accounting Standards Board (IASB). The findings indicate that, in the 40-year history of transnational accounting standards-setting, there have been several changes in institutional logics, which, in turn, have encouraged revisions in organizational structure, inter-organizational relationships, standards-setting approach, and sources of legitimacy. These changes have encouraged further revisions in institutional logics (representation and expertise), and vice versa. Especially after the global financial crisis of 2007-2008, the IASB accomplished several institutional changes as a response to internal and external pressures. At the same time, a new organization-level institutional logic has emerged from the process of institutional bricolage, wherein institutional actors (trustees) have picked the best elements of competing logics, thereby bridging the two

Working with Irregular Status: Undocumented Migrants and the Moral Economy of Employment

By focusing on the issue of vulnerability and humanitarian considerations, scholarship on recent migration flows has underestimated the role of work as a source of legitimacy and access to rights. Yet, while officially employment is a means of obtaining a residence permit for only a minority of migrants, it remains a determining factor in the existence of migrants with precarious legal status. Based on the French case, this article describes the different ways in which the moral economy of employment structures the successive moments of migratory irregularity. It examines the effects of administrative precarity on a range of employment relationships, the documentation strategies that make them possible and the moral arrangements that result between undocumented workers and their employers. It then highlights the different forms of employment and the various actors involved in the dynamics of obtaining legal status. Finally, it examines the effects of regularisation, identifying the biographical changes it brings about while revealing the lasting effects of past irregularity. The conclusion reintroduces the issue of economic performance in the critical analysis of humanitarianism by reminding us that the latter is also permeated by neoliberal considerations, valuing promising victims. By underlining the role of work within the moral economy of the migration-citizenship nexus, the article exposes the ambiguities of the injunction to economic performance in the construction of migratory legitimacy.

»These are the narratives of bygone years«: Conquest of a Fortress as a Source of Legitimacy

»These are the narratives of bygone years«: Conquest of a Fortress as a Source of Legitimacy

Filozofsko poimanje državne vlasti (društvene moći) i vojske (oružane sile)

In the paper the author would like to explain why the concept of the social power is relevant for the state power, and why it is more appropriate for the military to talk about the armed force. Although he is acutely aware of the intertwining, reciprocity and closeness of the state power and the organization of the military, as well as the concepts of power and force, the author would like to emphasize their differences. It is not possible to talk about the power without the help and reliance on the armed force, and there is no armed force that does not view its meaning, task and goal in the state power. The military power can be independent only in short periods, but it immediately returns to the state power or the very military establishes the state power because it needs a source of legitimacy. What is the first and main rule is that we cannot talk anywhere about true power unless the one in power controls the armed force in his community, tribe, family, class, politics, state and society. It is simply impossible to imagine, let alone really happen, that the one who rules a community or society is not the supreme commander of the armed forces, as well. The main idea is to consider what are the inviolable spheres of the society in which politics should dominate, and where the best field of action of the armed forces is and how and in what way their relations, which are close, but often tense, are regulated.

Beyond expertise: the public construction of legitimacy for EU agencies

ABSTRACT How is the power of independent agencies legitimized? This is a central question in modern democratic societies. Earlier research has privileged technical expertise as the predominant source of legitimacy for such agencies. While recent contributions have challenged this assumption, we have seen few attempts to systematically analyze the conditions under which different sources of legitimacy are established in public discourse. We address this gap by proposing a conceptual framework of four legitimation arguments and test their prevalence through an empirical analysis of the public legitimation of EU agencies. We hypothesize that the prevalence of each argument depends on characteristics of the agency, especially its scientific ‘hardness’ and its public salience. We test our hypotheses in three steps. We first combine automated text classification and qualitative content analysis to analyze Swedish news media coverage of three EU agencies, 2005–2019. In a third step, we quantitatively analyze aggregated data on the Swedish news coverage of all EU agencies 2005–2019. We find more technical-expertise discourse in coverage of hard-science agencies, and more political-control discourse where agencies are ‘softer’ or more salient. Our findings are therefore relevant for ongoing normative and empirical discussions on the legitimacy of independent agencies.

Against Political Equality: The Confucian Case by Tongdong Bai

Reviewed by: Against Political Equality: The Confucian Case by Tongdong Bai Zhuoyao Li (bio) Against Political Equality: The Confucian Case. By Tongdong Bai. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2020. Pp. xxv + 316. Hardcover $39.95, ISBN 978-0-69-119599-5. The rise of populism and the decline of western liberal democracies in the recent decade have pushed many contemporary Confucian political theorists to re-examine the relationship between Confucianism and liberal democracy. On the one hand, whether or not Confucianism and liberal democracy are strictly compatible with each other is no longer important to many. Instead, it is theoretically more interesting and practically more urgent to try and explore the best of both worlds. On the other hand, if the relationship can be understood in such a way as to pivot the question from what liberal democracy can do for Confucianism to what Confucianism can do for liberal democracy, then it seems that political Confucianism will finally break free from its East Asian setting and offer universalizable guidance to all under Heaven. Tongdong Bai’s Against Political Equality: The Confucian Case aims to do both by proposing a Confucian hybrid regime that overcomes the theoretical divide between Confucianism and liberal democracy and that at the same time transcends the cultural divide between the east and the west. According to Bai, his model of Confucian hybrid regime has three key features. First and foremost, the rule of law and human rights are endorsed and firmly established. Second, the government is considered responsible for the material and moral well-being of the people. Third, in addition to the institution of one person one vote, the hybrid regime introduces and strengthens the role of the competent and morally superior people, or the “meritocrats” (pp. 68-70). The second feature is justified by drawing perfectionist support from teachings of both Confucius and Mencius, and the third feature is justified primarily through outlining the drawbacks of democratic ideals and institutions. The idea of a Confucian hybrid regime is not new. As a matter of fact, both Daniel Bell and Jiang Qing have proposed their respective models that share the latter two features and similar justifications.1 What makes Bai’s model stand out is its affinity to liberal values exhibited by the first feature. Unlike comprehensive Confucian perfectionists, Bai does not wish to reject liberal democracy in toto. Instead, his Confucian hybrid regime is supposed to better revise liberal democracy for East Asian societies and beyond. As Bai puts it in the book, the [End Page 1] overall strategy is “to revise the democratic part of liberal democracy with Confucianism-inspired ideas and institutions, while defending the compatibility between Confucianism and the liberal part of liberal democracy, especially the rule of law and rights” (p. 257). Once again, this two-part strategy is not exactly new. The first part of the strategy should be quite familiar to anyone who has followed recent Confucian criticisms against democracy, while the second part has been adopted by Confucian theorists who are sympathetic to liberal values.2 What strikes me the most, however, is how Bai carries out the second part of the strategy. In the opening chapter, Bai goes through the intricacies and nuances of Confucianism in order to address the contemporary relevance of Confucianism and narrow his focus to classical Confucianism, particularly the works of Confucius and Mencius. Somewhat controversial is his suggestion that the Zhou-Qin transition can be understood as an early modernization comparable to the transition from the Middle Ages to western modernity. The primary reason for this comparison is that similar to the transition to modernity in the west, the Zhou-Qin transition effectively led to the collapse of nobility-based feudalism that used to serve as the bond that held previous political entities together, supplied the source of legitimacy for the political order, and served as the mechanism for dealing with entity-entity relations (p. 23). What emerged from the transition was a uniquely modern phenomenon: meaningful pluralism that could weaken the bond between people in a large society, threaten the political legitimacy of the ruling entity, and overwhelm the relationship between states. Classical Confucianism, in Bai’s view, tries to...

Talking Therapy: Knowledge and Power in American Psychiatric Nursing by Kylie Smith

Reviewed by: Talking Therapy: Knowledge and Power in American Psychiatric Nursing by Kylie Smith Dominique Tobbell Kylie Smith. Talking Therapy: Knowledge and Power in American Psychiatric Nursing. Critical Issues in Health and Medicine. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2020. 192 pp. Ill. $28.95 (978-1-978801-45-5). “Where Are the Nurses in the History of Psychiatry?” asks Kylie Smith in the introduction of Talking Therapy (p. 1). Despite robust literatures on both the history of American psychiatry and the history of American nursing, historians have given little consideration to the question. Talking Therapy, however, makes clear that nurses have been central historical actors in the development of psychiatry and mental health since the late nineteenth century. As the largest workforce in relation to mental health, nurses not only have delivered vital care but also have produced, disseminated, and integrated new knowledge about mental health that has been integral to the transformation of psychiatric and mental health practices over the course of the twentieth century. In five concise chapters and a brief conclusion and epilogue, Smith documents the “journey of nurses in psychiatry,” beginning in the late nineteenth century with the intersecting emergence of trained nurses and specialty psychiatric practice (p. 2). As Smith shows, trained nurses were a critical source of legitimacy for the newly emergent profession of psychiatry. For psychiatry to be “taken seriously as a medical and scientific practice,” asylums needed to become “serious places of treatment and care, more than mere institutions of custodial containment” (p. 15). This hinged on psychiatrists’ ability to control the training and practices of the nurses working within the asylum walls. Yet psychiatric nurses had their own professionalizing agenda, which depended on their ability to expand and control the knowledge base and scope of their practice. Debates over who should and would control psychiatric nursing education continued through the interwar years. But after World War II, concerns about the psychological health of returning soldiers and the establishment in 1948 of the National Institute of Mental Health helped facilitate the establishment of advanced education in psychiatric nursing (at the master’s degree level) controlled by and for nurses in university-based nursing schools. As psychiatric nurses established themselves as independent expert mental health practitioners, they moved out of the hospital and into increasingly important roles in outpatient and community health settings. Drawing upon the published writings of psychiatric nurses, the reports of professional nursing organizations, and the personal papers of psychiatric nurse leaders, Talking Therapy is a history of the “ideas that informed psychiatric nursing in the critical stage of its development” (p. 134). Smith is particularly interested in the ways in which psychiatric nurses conceived of the care they would provide, how their notions of care changed over time, and the tensions that emerged between the ideals of care as developed in theory and the realities of care as practiced. In doing so, Smith demonstrates a series of contradictions within psychiatric nurses’ efforts to transform psychiatric care, which included reinforcing the problematic tendency of social control within psychiatry even as they sought to challenge it. For example, during the interwar years, psychiatric nurses engaged the concept of mental hygiene, which aimed to prevent mental illness through the practice [End Page 264] of public health nursing and to reform care within the psychiatric hospital. But “in its emphasis on prevention, mental hygiene also relied on surveillance of the patient in their total environment, and despite its liberating potential also had strong tendencies to normalization and even eugenics” (p. 29). So too, Smith makes clear the complicated role of psychiatric nurses in upholding and dismantling racial segregation in psychiatry. Black nurses, for example, encountered profound barriers to education, training, and careers in psychiatric nursing because of widespread racial discrimination even beyond the segregated South. And as nurses worked, after World War II, to integrate psychiatric nursing and to bring much-needed psychiatric services to Black patients in the South, their efforts to do so were undermined by “the effects of deeply held racist beliefs and segregated practices” (p. 110). The professionalization of psychiatric nursing was also a gendered project. At the turn of the twentieth century, when psychiatrists advocated for...

Sicily in a Mediterranean context: imperiality, Mediterranean polycentrism and internal diversity (6th-10th century)

The article offers a re-reading of the role played by Sicily in the Imperial rivalry opposing the Byzantine and Islamic empires in the Central Mediterranean, stressing the island’s specific Imperial dimension. With Justinian’s “Reconquista”, Sicily underwent a thorough ideological, social, economic, and strategic integration into the Byzantine empire, ultimately becoming a uniquely “Imperial” province, a status preserved under Islamic rule. The concept of Imperiality and its evolution between the 7th and the 10th century offers a useful heuristic tool to analyse the ideological, political, and economic importance of Sicily for Constantinople and the role of the island as a source of legitimacy for the Islamic polities in the Central Mediterranean. The reassessment of the archaeological data sheds light on the concrete consequences of this Imperial struggle on the settlement patterns over the same period, with the creation of a specific frontier zone, paving the way to new research into the process of internal territorial diversification of the island.

Anticompetitive Effects and Market Definition in Platform (and Non-Platform) Markets

Market definition is a highly contested topic in antitrust. Courts’ approaches to market definition are admittedly flawed, and the case originating modern market definition, the Cellophane case, is best known in antitrust circles as the name of an economic blunder: the “Cellophane fallacy.” Yet market definition finds itself center-stage in antitrust regulation of modern platform markets and was the central issue in the Supreme Court’s first case explicitly addressing platforms, Ohio v. American Express. Justice Breyer’s dissent in that case went beyond challenging the majority’s market definition to challenge the need to engage in market definition at all. He argued that market definition was unnecessary because the district court had found actual anticompetitive effects. That notion has found purchase in both scholarship and legislative proposals that would eliminate market definition in antitrust cases if the plaintiff can show anticompetitive effects. This paper interrogates both modern criticisms of market definition and Justice Breyer’s assertion that market definition is not necessary if a court finds anticompetitive effects through direct evidence. That claim is mistaken on both economic and normative grounds. As an economic matter, the price increases the court observed in American Express are not probative of anticompetitive effect absent an understanding of their effects on the broader market, which cannot be determined without a market definition. American Express (and platform markets) present a particularly strong case against relying on market observations to infer anticompetitive effects, but the point holds for non-platform markets as well. As a normative matter, Justice Breyer’s presumption ignores that, in order to determine whether a particular practice is “anticompetitive,” it is necessary to define what are and are not legitimate sources of market power. A similar error is present in most criticisms of market definition. Market definition is usually performed in service of measuring market power, and most criticisms relate to its accuracy in doing so. But market definition not only measures market power, it characterizes it. As informed by the content of antitrust law, market definition distinguishes between permissible and impermissible accumulations of market power. Instead of something to be avoided because of its economic fallibility, market definition should be embraced as a way to give meaning to antitrust inquiries. Debates over market definition have been had largely along economic lines, but the market definition inquiry is inherently normative. That has always been the case. Donald Turner’s original identification of the Cellophane fallacy was based not on abstract economics but on his views on what the antitrust law should permit. Recognizing market definition as a step in both identifying and defining legitimate forms of competition resituates market definition from being a step in an algorithm to informing the competition that antitrust law seeks to protect.

Fashioning Magic, Fashioning History: The Past and Present of Modern Witchcraft

Fashioning Magic, Fashioning History:The Past and Present of Modern Witchcraft Helen Cornish (bio) history, rationalism, magic, magical consciousness, Pagan Nature Religions, Wicca, Gerald Gardner, Susan Greenwood 1. MAGICAL HISTORIES AND HISTORICAL MAGIC Definitions of magic are often circular and limited to rationalist parameters. They tend to embrace a set of beliefs about the irrational possibilities of control over unseen and supernatural sources, succinctly described by Keith Thomas as "the employment of ineffective techniques to allay anxieties."1 For more than a century, foundational anthropological theories mapped magic against religion and science to explain the "prevalence and persistence of occult beliefs and practices"2 as a functional social or psychological category in which "no action is inherently magical."3 But magic remains complicated and often ambiguous. It is used to classify anything that cannot be explained by supposedly testable scientific principles, from sorcery and witchcraft to illusion. Yet this also points to the circularity of these definitions. As Peter Pels noted, [End Page 389] magic as the unscientific other makes no sense outside of the "complex discursive field that makes up magic, science and religion in the nineteenth century," which continues to shape our current understanding of magic.4 My starting point is Pels's observation that definitions of magic are thus always historical and contextual—the product of the "whims of history."5 Scholarly histories of magic have been shaped by principles of rational modernity. Borrowing from Trouillot's advice in Silencing the Past, I argue that we should consider how magic "works" rather than what it "is."6 This is not an invitation to test its practical efficacy but to consider how it "works" as a more experiential and less logical set of processes and conditions. Such an approach may help dislodge magic from the rationalist restraints in which claims of a disenchanted modernity appear self-evident, an inevitable decline of magic in the face of secular reality.7 Scholarly histories of magic have been shaped by the principles of rational modernity. However, ethnographies of modern Western witchcraft8 offer opportunities to investigate how magic might "work," situated in ritual practice, dreaming, and engagements with an inspirited world that is shaped and produced over time. [End Page 390] In particular, I draw attention to alternative perspectives that researchers have been able to find among contemporary Western magical-religious witches. For example, Margot Adler states that "magic is a convenient word for a whole collection of techniques, all of which involve the mind . . . including the mobilization of confidence, will, and emotion brought about by the recognition of necessity; the use of imaginative facilities, particularly the ability to visualize."9 Susan Greenwood offers "magical consciousness" as a "type of imaginative associative thinking" that differs from "more abstract analytical modes of thought." Typically marginalized in Western cultural history, she reframes the imaginal as a "legitimate source of knowledge" and challenges empirically informed anthropological theories of magic.10 Within this context, the use of history by modern practitioners of magic is particularly worthy of consideration, especially given history's role in the construction of rationalist definitions of magic. Far from being an obstacle, such rationalist histories have provided a further spur for the construction of magical histories. Modern witchcraft falls under the broad umbrella of contemporary eclectic Pagan Nature Religions.11 It is made up out of diverse spiritual, religious, and magical thriving and growing traditions that have undergone significant changes in ideas and emphases since first emerging into the Western occult and esoteric scene in the 1930s as "Wicca." Gerald Gardner, a retired civil servant, claimed that he had stumbled on surviving fragments of the "old religion," an ancient pagan fertility witch-cult.12 Gardner proposed that witches worked in closed initiatory covens, although, as the movement has gained momentum, many practice in more solitary and informal ways.13 Central polytheistic principles revere nature as sacred, and [End Page 391] for many practitioners the world is perceived as fundamentally inspirited, animated, and alive.14 Since the latter years of the twentieth century, many self-identified British witches have been re-evaluating the historiography of the modern movement. They face contradictions posed by the recognition that it has a relatively shallow history...

Правовой нигилизм в решении семейных конфликтов дворянами и крестьянами в Российской империи первой трети XIX века

The article highlights the ways of resolving family conflicts nobles and peasants in the first third of the XIX century in the Russian Empire, against the background of the ongoing systematization of legislation. Based on examination of the letters and memoirs of the nobles and peasants we highlighted the methods, which are actually used to solve family conflicts. I conclude that nobles and peasants rarely used help of the state in resolving family conflicts. The sphere of family relations was sacred for these estates; therefore, they did not rope the authorities into family conflicts. I have identified the following ways to resolve family conflicts: duel; marriage, often in the form of a secret wedding; going to the monastery and punishing the unfaithful wife; different approaches to raising children by peasants and nobles. The author of the article pays attention to passivity of the peasants in resolving their family conflicts. The results of the study allow exploring the alternative ways of resolving family conflicts based on representatives of other classes of Russian society in the first third of the 19th century (clergy, merchants, philistines, foreigners) as well, using wider range of sources (journalism, normative acts, fiction, paperwork). This analysis contributes to the discussion about the limits of the government intervention into family affairs. The author of the article redlines that people did not trust the law and resorted to the personally legitimate sources of dealing with family conflicts. This conclusion presents a new perspective in the discussion of legal nihilism and real application of the law in life

The Role of Scientific Evidence in Canada's West Coast Energy Conflicts

With salience, credibility, and legitimacy as organizing themes, we investigated how opposing communities engaged with scientific information for two contentious proposed energy projects in western Canada, and how their perceptions of science influenced its use in decision-making. The Trans Mountain pipeline expansion, to carry diluted bitumen from northern Alberta’s oil sands to tankers on British Columbia’s (BC) south coast, was expected to adversely impact biodiversity and contribute to climate change. The Bute Inlet hydroelectric project, a large renewable energy project planned for BC’s Central Coast, was anticipated to impact biodiversity but was largely seen as climate-friendly. Based on surveys and interviews with 68 participants who had made one or more personal or professional decisions pertaining to the projects, we discovered that values, cultural cognition, and media effects permeated all aspects of using scientific evidence—from commissioning scientific research to selecting, assessing, and weighing it with other forms of information. As a result, science was developed and used to support positions rather than to inform decisions. We discuss ways to improve the use of science in environmental assessments and other planning and development processes where engaged communities are divided by oppositional positions. We hope this research will lead to community-university partnerships that identify broadly salient, credible, and legitimate sources of information about energy and climate issues, and foster knowledge mobilization across conflict divides.

Effects of Macroeconomic Factors on Gross Domestic Product in Nepal

The main aim of this paper has tried to find the effect of macroeconomic factors like trade, population growth rate, domestic credit to private sector, and consumer price index on GDP growth using time series data of the last four decades (1975-2018) of Nepal which has been retrieved from a legitimate source of World Bank. This study has used descriptive analysis and multiple linear regression model to access the relationship between predictors and predictand variables. It has been found that there was no significant relationship between GDP growth and macroeconomic factors. This implies that change in any of the variables did not change GDP growth. The finding of the study has suggested the need for more researches with reliable data to find out the causes of economic growth in Nepal.

ENTRE PASSADO E FUTURO: MEMÓRIA SOCIAL DO QUILOMBO DO ROSA – MACAPÁ, AMAPÁ

O Quilombo do Rosa iniciou, assim como muitas comunidades quilombolas no Amapá, o processo de reconhecimento quilombola e titulação territorial no início do século XXI. Não lhe sendo garantido acesso imediato aos seus direitos constitucionais, a efetivação de sua cidadania depende de uma mobilização política por parte da comunidade. O objetivo da pesquisa é interpretar o significado da memória social da comunidade na sua contemporânea mobilização por reconhecimento de sua cidadania. Busca-se assim interpretar o lugar do passado na construção do futuro da comunidade. A metodologia adotada foi a da etnografia junto à comunidade, mais precisamente a modalidade da “etnografia histórica” (SAHLINS, 1993), e sob o referencial teórico que explica as relações entre memória e espaço (HALBWACHS, 1990). Como resultados, identificamos que o passado é fonte de força política da comunidade, não apenas no sentido de dele emanar a legitimação do direito reivindicado, mas também de dele emanar a motivação, o sentido e a força moral para a luta. No passado recente, o assassinato de Benedito, patriarca da comunidade, produziu o elemento emocional que é a principal fonte de força política da comunidade. Este assassinato está vivo na consciência e na estrutura afetiva dos seus filhos. Diante da dor e do impacto desta injustiça, hoje o sentido de defender o território mistura-se com o sentido de proteção de Maria Geralda, a matriarca, viúva de Benedito. No outro extremo, a memória do passado mais longínquo, alcançado quase que exclusivamente pela imaginação, sua ancestralidade africana, desempenha papel fundamental na sintaxe da luta por direitos, pois é a fonte de legitimidade e de sentido da mais significativa estratégia de territorialização contemporânea da comunidade: sua auto-identificação como quilombola.

Symposium: Authority, legitimacy, and contestation in global governance

AbstractAs global governance institutions appear increasingly contested by state and non-state actors alike, understanding their origin, operation, and impact is becoming ever more urgent. This symposium uses Michael Zürn's A Theory of Global Governance: Authority, Legitimacy, and Contestation (OUP, 2018) as a springboard to explore the state of global governance theory. A Theory opens new terrain and advances bold and original arguments, including the contention that global governance is itself best understood as a political system. It analyzes a cycle from rising authority beyond the state through the 20th century, to ensuing legitimation problems toward the century's end, to the politicization and contestation triggered by such problems. A book of such ambition inevitably elicits queries within diverse international relations research communities. This symposium features seven articles from diverse traditions in engagement with A Theory's understanding of global contestation, authority, and legitimacy. These are followed by a response from Zürn. An introduction situates A Theory within extant research on global governance, highlights its endogenous theory of global politics, and identifies the stakes of deepening research on the sources of global authority, contestation, and political legitimation.

Beyond institutionalism: toward a transformed global governance theory

AbstractPrompted by both promises and pitfalls in Michael's Zürn'sA Theory of Global Governance, this paper reflects on challenges going forward beyond liberal institutionalism in the study of world politics. Six suggestions are particularly highlighted for future theorizing of global governance: (a) further distance from state-centrism; (b) greater attention to transscalar qualities of global governing; (c) more incorporation of social-structural aspects of global regulation; (d) trilateral integration of individual, institutional, and structural sources of legitimacy in global governance; (e) more synthesis of positive and normative analysis; and (f) transcendence of Euro-centrism. Together these six shifts would generate a transformed global governance theory – and possibly practice as well.