Socialist Approach Research Articles

The transformation in human resource management in Israel

The transition from a Socialist approach to a free market approach and the rise of a new high‐tech sector are two remarkable shifts that have occurred in the last two decades in Israel. In the face of these changes, human resource (HR) practitioners are currently expected to assume new roles, adopt different work values, and apply appropriate strategies. HR managers in the low‐tech industry still adhere to traditional values and strategies, including a reliance on trade unions and an emphasis on job security and the employees’ years of work experience and seniority as key criteria for promotion. In the emerging high‐tech sector, HR managers have adopted new values and developed new strategies, including human resource management programs, employee empowerment, higher salaries and better benefits, while placing an emphasis on employees’ talents and qualifications.

Constructivism within a positivist social science

Constructivism in the study of world politics is little more than a decade old, yet in that short time it has risen to challenge realism and liberalism as a leading approach in international relations. Its ascent has been dramatic. One prominent theorist recently suggested that constructivism has now replaced Marxism as the main paradigmatic rival to realism and liberalism. While this particular judgment might be debated—other scholars may wish to defend the continued relevance of a revived Marxist or socialist approach, for example—the fact remains that constructivism has reshaped many core debates in international relations theory.

The Political Economy of Regulation

ABSTRACTThis paper examines the political economy of regulation, reviewing market socialist, neo-classical and public interest approaches to regulation and analysing the development of financial services and insurance regulation in these frameworks. However, the paper suggests that these approaches do not capture properly many of the features of a market and the behaviour of regulators. Public choice theory is discussed, and it is concluded that there has not been significant capture of the regulatory process by interest groups. Austrian economics is proposed as a possible framework within which to analyse markets and regulators. It is concluded that there is prima facie evidence to suggest that the Austrian view of the market is realistic and that regulation in insurance markets can have unforeseen and undesirable effects. The author also concludes that, until 1970, insurance regulation did not deviate from principles which are appropriate if either a public choice or Austrian view is taken. However, the Financial Services Act 1998 and the Pensions Act 1995 do deviate from those principles.

Women and the Discourse of Desire in Postrevolutionary China: The Awkward Postmodernism of Chen Ran

Since the death of Mao in 1976, feminism in China has worked in four ways. The first way is in the practice of advocacy, engagement, and change characterized by the socialist approach to gender problems under Mao. This continuing legacy, which is aimed toward eliminating inequalities in social life, focuses on assuring girls' and women's educational opportunities, providing economic security, eradicating prostitution, and modifying other forms of sexual oppression. Under Deng Xiaoping's capitalist reforms, gains made in these areas from the 1950s through the late 1970s are under attack, and commentators have called attention to the reappearance of prostitution, the increasing sale of women and infant girls through organized gangs, and female infanticide, which is changing the gender balance of the population. Problems in job security and education have also appeared. Culturally, the gender similarities in dress styles and social roles promoted by Maoism are being eroded by a discourse of difference in fashion, speech, and behavior that highlights femininity and forms the basis

Postmodernism, Socialism and Social Welfare

Postmodernism as a critique of the foundation beliefs of various forms of modernity, including socialism and especially Marxism, presents a challenge to advocates of a critical perspective on social welfare. This paper argues that we should use postmodern ideas to stimulate a socialist approach which is more diverse, nonuniversalistic and cross-cultural than that envisioned by earlier forms of socialism and Marxism.

An Islamic Perspective on the Expectancy-Valence Theory

The most commonly used classification of motivation theories amongorganizational behavior scholars is the content and process theories (Altman,Valenzi, and Hodgetts 1985). While content theories address what motivatesemployees, process theories speculate about how to motivate them (Bedeian1980).When Muslim scholars have discussed motivation theories, they haveexplained the Islamic perspective on the content approach. For example,Sharafeldin (1988) compared content theories with the socialist approach ofmotivation. He emphasized the extrinsic motives of Islamic values andconcluded that these values are alternative motivators for Muslims to achievebetter performance. Ahmad (1988,3) also reviewed content theories and arguedthat the ritual aspect of the human personality is an intrinsic motive otherthan the “materialistic-orientation”o f the content theories. In addition, Shareef(1988, 11) noted that while certain Islamic actions will fulfill the selfactualizationneeds, “economic incentives are motivators only in life-threateningsituations.”Despite this focus on the content approach of motivation theories, Muslimscholars have given less attention to how to motivate employees. They alsohave not provided sufficient conceptualization for an Islamic process by whichMuslim employees make their motivational choices within an Islamic context.This paper addresses this gap in Islamic organizational behavioml literatureby a) presenting an Islamic model of motivation process dmwn from the @fan;b) discussing the model’s dynamics in relation to both social learning theoryand Vroom’s expectancy theory; and c) introducing an Islamic expectancyand exploring its instrumentalities and implications ...

The Burlington Community Land Trust: A Socialist Approach to Affordable Housing?

Shortly after Ronald Reagan’s election in 1980, Bernard Sanders, a socialist, became mayor of Burlington, Vermont. The Burlington Community Land Trust (BCLT), one of many policy initiatives under t...

Law and Sex

In Feminism Unmodified, a collection of speeches given between 1981 and 1986, Catharine MacKinnon talks of law from the perspective of feminism. MacKinnon does not approach her topic as a lawyer with a uniquely legal perspective on feminism; she brings, instead, a distinctively feminist approach to law. Nor is the feminism from which she speaks grounded in the standard political theories: MacKinnon disclaims and attacks the Marxist approach to feminism, the socialist approach to feminism, and, most emphatically and repeatedly, the liberal approach to feminism that has been embraced by many lawyers in their effort to use law to eliminate discrimination on the basis of sex. MacKinnon's goal is to define feminism on its own terms. That is what she means by unmodified. This book both exemplifies and discusses the difficulty, and the considerable success, of her project. It is a rough, powerful, important work. MacKinnon talks about law, and about the effect upon women of trying to talk in legal language. Although she herself is, in at least some of these essays, talking to lawyers, and although lawyers typically adopt a language of neutrality, MacKinnon herself makes no pretense of neutrality or disinterest. These are political speeches. They are concerned with the way law works as a system of power, a system that reinforces the supremacy of men over women. To adopt the language of law as if it represented not politics, but neutrality or a claim to a disinterested justice, would be to give up her claim from the beginning. It would cede to law the very status she contests. Yet the costs of MacKinnon's choice to talk about law from the standpoint of feminist politics the personal and political costs, particularly the loss of credibility are high. That is a chief theme of this book: My work is considered not law by lawyers, not scholarship by academics, too practical by intellectuals, too intellectual by practitioners, and neither politics nor science by political scientists. ... [A]s for me, I notice that law gives me some credibility, but that being woman-identified takes it away. The law gives male credibility; female identification erases it. [pp. 132-33]

Development Economics and Perspectives on the South African Economy

As a rule, in the Third World, social scientists and governments present their economic strategies in terms of national ends—typically, in the 1980's, as some variant of a supply-side, basic-needs or socialist approach. Similarly, in South Africa, the debate on policies to transform the economy away from apartheid often focused on the feasibility and desirability of different social systems. Yet each strategy originally arose out of a particular analysis of problems commonly afflicting Third World countries, including South Africa. Making that analysis explicit permits a more systematic evaluation of its applicability to South Africa and other countries. To facilitate such an assessment, this article reframes the three development strategies that rose to prominence in the 1980's in line with a problem-oriented, explanatory methodology, and suggests how each general analysis would apply in South Africa.

Controlling power in the social economy: A socialist approach

It remains a question that we cannot at present answer with certainty. As long as the question remains unanswered, the pursuit of socialism will remain the only extant version of the enlightenment humanist vision of people freely and rationally controlling their own lives. And if the preponderance of evidence should convince us all that the authoritarian personality is indeed inherent in human nature, the death of that humanist vision would be, I believe, among the saddest tragedies of human history.

Controlling power in the social economy: A socialist approach

Controlling power in the social economy: A socialist approach

Controlling power in the social economy: A socialist approach

Controlling power in the social economy: A socialist approach

Development Problem, Strategy, and Technology Choice: Sarvodaya and Socialist Approaches in India

Previous articleNext article No AccessDevelopment Problem, Strategy, and Technology Choice: Sarvodaya and Socialist Approaches in IndiaV. V. BhattV. V. Bhatt Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Economic Development and Cultural Change Volume 31, Number 1Oct., 1982 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/451307 Views: 10Total views on this site Citations: 5Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1982 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:V. V. Krishna India @ 75: Science, Technology and Innovation Policies for Development, Science, Technology and Society 27, no.11 (Oct 2021): 113–146.https://doi.org/10.1177/09717218211047029Uttaran Dutta, Syed Rashid Ali, Nizar Ahmad Relevance and Values of Gandhi’s and Bacha Khan’s Moral Education in Negotiating/Addressing Situated Disparities of South Asia, Education Sciences 9, no.22 (May 2019): 108.https://doi.org/10.3390/educsci9020108Logan D. A. Williams , ( 2019): 77.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-1625-8_3Anup Sam Ninan Gandhi's technoscience: sustainability and technology as themes of politics, Sustainable Development 17, no.33 (May 2009): 183–196.https://doi.org/10.1002/sd.381V. V. Krishna Science, Technology and Counter Hegemony — Some Reflections on the Contemporary Science Movements in India, (Jan 1997): 375–411.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-2948-2_13

Women and Modernization Theory: A Decade of Feminist Criticism

The literature on women's roles in economic and political development, and on the impact of development policies on women, illuminates both the process of modernization and the nature of male-female relations. Three main kinds of approaches-liberal modernization theory and its feminist critiques, socialist approaches and their feminist critiques, and an eclectic “female sphere” position that emphasizes the need to replace male-dominated theory and practice with female experience and values-are discussed. Each approach has a distinct view of the causes, consequences, and significance of women's inferior status during modernization, and each proposes different strategies of change. The clarification of theoretical differences suggests new opportunities for productive research with implications for public policy.

A Socialist Approach to Comparative Law

Journal Article A Socialist Approach to Comparative Law Get access A Socialist Approach to Comparative Law.Szabó I. & Péteri Z. (eds.).Leyden & Budapest: A.W. Sijthoff & Akadémiai Kiadó, 1977. Pp. 235. George Ginsburgs George Ginsburgs * Professor of Law, Rutgers University School of Law Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The American Journal of Comparative Law, Volume 28, Issue 1, Winter 1980, Pages 113–117, https://doi.org/10.2307/839740 Published: 01 January 1980

Soviet Human Rights: Law and Politics in Perspective

The contemporary disposition toward the socialist approach to human rights, focused principally upon Soviet practice in the context of the 1975 Helsinki Final Act,' at the present seems to be without well-articulated meansend relationships and objectives. This is not to say that the present critique is deficient in expectations. The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights has explicitly established the aspirational humanitarian objectives of this epoch.2 Neither does the critique of socialist practice lack its grievances. These are principally centered on socialist, cum Soviet, practice contrary to the human rights undertakings fashioned in this generation to give effect to the 1948 Declaration.3 These international standards, unlike the 1948 Declaration, are not merely aspirational, but are as legally binding as any international treaty can be.4 The enumeration of specific shortfalls from these standards, or of pointed violation of their clear requirements, are well catalogued.5 The elimination of these disparities

Confrontation over Kenya: the Colonial Office and its Critics 1918–1940

Between the world wars, Colonial Office decisions regarding Kenya were subject to two opposed pressures: while the settlers wrestled with officials for greater control of their own affairs, a body of pro-African reformers loudly protested every concession and lobbied for equal rights and an end to the colour bar. This humanitarian lobby was largely the creation of two former colonial servants, Dr Norman Leys and W. McGregor Ross. Working mainly through the Labour Party, these men broadcast their social democratic ethics and demonstrated that the colony's political economy was badly weighted against African progress. They were the precursors of a more full-bodied socialist approach to colonial reform which during World War Two began to permeate the imperial bureaucracy. Until African initiative became a major determinant of Colonial Office policy in the early 1950s, these critics, with their colleagues in religious and humanitarian groups, were able to hold the front against settler self-government in a few indirect ways. Their allegations that Africans had been unjustly deprived of land and that they received far less in services than they paid in taxes were officially corroborated by command papers in the thirties. By creating a body of pro-African opinion which could exert political pressure on the Colonial Office they discouraged official plans to surrender responsible government to the settlers. Their direct impact on the Colonial Office was simply to alienate officials. Records of the confrontations between these reformers and Whitehall reveal that during this period Colonial Office officials were not only powerless to initiate reform. They were also, with few exceptions, uninterested in reforming the colony's political economy.

Stratification, authority, and justice in the law of the Islamic Middle East: a bibliographical essay

ion, and the notion of justice, with which Islamic law did not come to terms, status laws were widely implemented, and even where they were not followed, they remained influential as the recognized norms. Therefore, these norms must be studied in their application--whether This content downloaded from 157.55.39.35 on Fri, 02 Sep 2016 06:01:44 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms complete or partial--if the extent of their impact on status is to be assessed with any accuracy. A work that shows how essential it is to consider status norms in context is S.D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, ii (Berkeley, 1971), where the impact of the jizya imposed on non-Muslim tributaries is assessed with reference to the Jewish community in Fatimid Egypt. Goitein shows how the tax, far from being the relatively innocuous nuisance that one might suppose, was a burden that led to severe hardship and deprivation. Using the same Cairo Geniza records, he discusses the position of slaves in Fatimid Cairo, in his 'Slaves and Slavegirls in the Cairo Geniza', Arabica, ix (1962), pp. 1-22, suggesting there the interplay of legal and socio-economic factors affecting their status. B. The Erosion of Legal Norms Affecting Stratification The legal norms affecting stratification have been seriously affected by the encroachment of socialist and Marxist ideologies. While Islamic law does not envisage or mandate any specific economic order, it accepts economic disparities and is most solicitous of the rights of property owners. Islamic law has in the past confirmed privileges of wealth by reason of the protection it afforded to private property: it did not envisage measures that would level out disparities in wealth or wholesale redistribution of assets and resources in the common interest. The institution that has most often been pointed to by those who maintain that Islam called for a redistribution of wealth that presaged modern socialism is that of zakdt, or the alms tax, regarding which see 'Zakat', in SEI; Aghnides, pp. 207-375. However, it is clear that this one tax could not and was never intended to dismantle the hierarchy of wealth and privilege within the Islamic community. An article the title of which suggests it may be helpful but which I have been unable to consult is R. Arnaldez, 'Sur une interpretation economique et sociale des theories de la 'zakat' en droit musulman', Catalogue de l'Institut des Sciences ,conomiques Appliques, v (1960), pp. 65-86. See also G.H. Bousquet and J. Schacht (eds.), Selected Works of C. Snouck Hurgronje (Leiden, 1959), pp. 132-70. The justifications which Islam affords for inequalities of wealth and for a capitalistic ethos are provocatively discussed in M. Rodinson, Islam et capitalisme, (Paris, 1966), which has appeared in English as Islam and Capitalism, (London, 1974). In adopting socialist or Marxist approaches to property ownership, Middle Eastern governments will inevitably be led to take measures that contravene Islamic law as they move to dismantle an economic hierarchy which Islamic law props up. Highly recommended are the scholarly treatments of the conflict between the Islamic laws on property and private ownership and the exigencies of modern socialist policies in K. Dilger, 'Eigentumsordnung und Sozialismus in den arabischen Staaten', Zeitschrift fuir vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft, lxxv (1975), PP. 171-201 (bibliog.); and K. Dilger, 'Das Recht unter dem Einfluss des Sozialismus in der Volksrepublik Jemen', ibid., pp. 1-38 (bibliog.). Works that have not been available to me but which may be useful include K. Timm, 'Der moderne Islam iiber Privateigentum, soziale Gerechtigkeit, und Nationalisierung', Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Humbo ldt-Universitit, Gese Ztschaftsund Sprachwissenschaft iche Reihe, xxi (1972), pp. 201-19; and W. Ule, Bibliographie zu Fragen des Arabischen Sozialismus, des Nationalismus, und des Kommunismus unter dem Gesichtspunkt des Islams (Hamburg, 1967). The fact that the old economic order is sanctioned by religious law has not been overlooked by conservative forces, who have used the weight of Islamic authority to oppose economic change.

Clara Zetkin: A Socialist Approach to the Problem of Woman's Oppression

Clara Zetkin: A Socialist Approach to the Problem of Woman's Oppression

The Future of the Company in Tanzanian Development

The company as a form of economic organisation is an essentially capitalist invention, and the privilege of limited liability which it confers is specifically designed to protect private investment and to ensure that such investment is kept at a reasonable level despite the vagaries of the capitalist environment. It is therefore topical and relevant to study the future of the company in an African context in which a more socialist approach to development is being increasingly advocated. This article attempts to examine the position in Tanzania—politically the most avant-garde of the new anglophone states of Africa—several months after government action which severely down-graded the significance of her private sector.1