Political disagreements within families can undermine both individual and relational well-being. This study analyzed varying configurations of parent-child political discordance—including partisan-partisan and partisan-neutral dyads—in Hong Kong ( N = 586) following the 2019 social unrest and examined its familial and psychological consequences over two weeks ( n = 200). Findings indicate that neutral-partisan dyads, similar to their partisan-counterparts, exhibited significantly larger differences in support for government, police, and anti-government protestors compared to politically concordant dyads. Dyads in which one member supported the anti-government (“ yellow ”) camp and the other supported the pro-government (“ blue ”) camp or identified as neutral reported lower levels of positive communication and poorer family functioning than dyads sharing the same stance. Mediation analyses revealed that reduced positive communication explained the impact of political discordance on increased psychological distress across discordant dyads. However, this mediation effect on family functioning was observed only in yellow - neutral and yellow - blue dyads. By incorporating partisan-neutral disagreements into the analysis, this study offers an ecologically valid account of parent-child political discordance among partisan and neutral family members, highlighting the potential threat to both personal and family well-being when intrafamilial communication is compromised.

The research analyses the interplay between AI based surveillance and civil resistance in evolving political situation and social unrest in Serbia. In 2017 Serbian officials signed agreement on implementing Chinese AI surveillance technology Smart City Belgrade, the instrument was advertised as applied in order to prevent crimes. However, previous research conducted on similar technologies in autocratic states raise concerns about the purposes of its use and possible consequences for civil society. The aim of the article is to tackle an up-to-date research question: what is the perception of AI surveillance in the perspective of ongoing protests in Serbia? The article is based on qualitative methods: thematic literature analysis and semi-structured interviews.

Globally, the number of social protests has increased in the 21st century, and these have been associated with mental health consequences. Here we examined how interpersonal conflicts and social media use are associated with depression in a 15-year prospective cohort of 1,044-17,000 adults, assessed at 23 time points before, during and after two major protests in Hong Kong. During the 2019 social unrest, 32.4% of participants reported conflicts with family, friends, colleagues or strangers, higher than during the 2014 Occupy Central period (11.6-27.5%) and the following year (6.0-10.3%). Interpersonal conflicts were associated with depressive outcomes, with long-term associations persisting over 13 years (odds ratio (OR) = 1.49, 95% CI = 1.12-1.97). During the 2019 social unrest, almost half of adults spent ≥1 h per day on politics-related content on social media (47.4%), television (46.5%) and newspapers and radio (42.1%). Only heavy social media use (≥2 h per day) was positively associated with interpersonal conflicts and depression. Our findings suggest that protests are associated with depression in the long term as a result of sustained interpersonal conflicts, while heavy social media use may contribute to the association. To mitigate this impact, it is vital to provide social support to improve mental health of the affected individuals.

This article investigates the jurisprudential foundations, mechanisms, and social implications of market control within the framework of Islamic law, focusing on its potential role in preventing social anomalies in the contemporary Iranian context. Market control in Islamic jurisprudence is not conceived as a discretionary economic intervention but as a mandatory governance duty rooted in Sharia principles such as la darar (no harm), the prohibition of ghish (fraud), the prohibition of ihtikar (hoarding), and the obligation of amr bi’l ma‘ruf wa nahy ‘an al-munkar (enjoining good and forbidding wrong). The study situates market control historically, highlighting its institutionalization through the hisbah system in classical Islamic civilization, where market inspectors supervised ethical conduct, stabilized prices, and ensured equitable access to goods. It argues that the weakening of such mechanisms in contemporary markets has contributed to economic instability, price volatility, monopolistic practices, and corruption—factors that undermine public trust and foster deviant behaviors. Through an analytical review of classical Shi‘a and Sunni jurisprudential sources and contemporary Iranian statutory law, the study identifies the legal grounds for market regulation as embedded in the constitutional mandate to align legislation with Islamic law. It emphasizes that principles such as maslaha (public interest), darura (necessity), and hifz al-nizam (preservation of the Islamic system) provide the normative justification for state intervention to prevent harm and ensure distributive justice. The study further demonstrates that market control yields multidimensional social benefits: reducing poverty and inequality, curbing rent-seeking and economic corruption, promoting equitable distribution of resources, and lowering crime rates and social unrest. It establishes a clear causal link between market disorder and social harm, showing how unregulated markets can destabilize social order by eroding trust and encouraging opportunistic or deviant behavior. Ultimately, the article argues that revitalizing fiqh-based market control offers a viable path for strengthening social stability in Iran. By embedding ethical obligations within economic regulation and operationalizing them through modern legal institutions, policymakers can transform markets from sources of disorder into pillars of justice, trust, and social cohesion.

This article examines the flow of information between Istanbul and Paris in the eighteenth century and explores how this exchange contributed to the shaping and dissemination of historical narratives across Europe. It draws on an unpublished French manuscript entitled Revolte de Constantinople, produced within French diplomatic circles in Istanbul, which narrates, day by day, the history of the 1730 (Patrona Halil) revolt. The article analyzes how this manuscript contributed to the shaping and publication of various texts, first in the French magazine Mercure de France (April 1731), and subsequently in a book published in The Hague in 1737 by the editor Jean Néaulme. In conclusion, the article offers a preliminary analysis of the possible Ottoman sources of the manuscript and reflects on the uses of the term “revolution.” Finally, from a historical perspective, the article considers how non-European social unrests, such as the Patrona Halil Revolt, have influenced the evolving connotations and semantic charge of the term “revolution” within the European vocabulary in post-1789 contexts.

ABSTRACT Our study contributes to the representative bureaucracy theory literature by testing the significance of majority identity, masculinity, and partisanship on responsiveness to social unrest. This study analyzes the responsiveness of police chiefs within the first week of the U.S. Capitol attack in Washington, D.C., on January 6th, 2021. Data are retrieved from social media accounts of police chiefs within local jurisdictions with at least 200,000 residents. An event history analysis is used to understand why some officials responded faster than others or not at all. Findings reveal that White male police chiefs and those with a Republican mayor were less responsive, while White male police chiefs were more responsive in localities with larger White populations due to the presence of minoritized mayors. The study adds to the literature by expanding representative bureaucracy theory to include the role of whiteness and masculinity, as well as mayoral identity, in shaping bureaucratic responsiveness.

This narrative review article examines the intricate interplay between Phulkari embroidery, Punjabi folksongs, and the articulation of indignation within the cultural landscape of Punjab. Moving beyond their aesthetic and narrative appeal, the study investigates how these traditional art forms function as mediums for expressing and processing experiences of social injustice and emotional unrest. Employing an interdisciplinary framework grounded in Indian psychological concepts, it explores the symbolic motifs embedded in Phulkari and the thematic undercurrents of discontent in folksongs. In order to analyse Punjab’s oral and visual traditions—which are essential for sociocultural evaluation, emotional fortitude, and collective memory—this study combines viewpoints from cultural psychology and indigenous knowledge systems.

Rooted in Jung’s theories of the unconscious, and further developed by scholars like Erich Neumann or Northrop Frye, the archetype of the Terrible Mother appears to emerge with special intensity at times of trouble and social unrest to remind us of our deepest fears. This article explores this archetype within the pages of Ann Radcliffe’s gothic novel A Sicilian Romance (1790), examining the marchioness Maria di Vellorno as an embodiment of the evil stepmother figure, a common manifestation of the Terrible Mother archetype. By analysing the marchioness’s controlling demeanour and the destructive attributes associated with the darker aspect of the Feminine, the paper reveals how Radcliffe’s novel reflects the anxieties of late 18th-century England in the face of French revolutionary radicalism. The analysis highlights the Terrible Mother’s links to social unrest and the triumph of English social order through the heroine’s victory and the demise of the evil stepmother. The article contributes to understanding the psychological and cultural meaning of the Terrible Mother in literature and its portrayal of historical anxieties.

Any political regime sooner or later faces challenges to its existence. They can be both domestic and foreign policy in nature, and both authoritarian and democratic states can be equally affected. Given the socio-economic and political specifics, autocracies are potentially more at risk of social unrest and revolutions than democracies. This issue has historically been a focus of attention for historians, political scientists, and philosophers. British thinker Fr. Bacon created a theory of the state's "preventive" response to external and internal challenges, which consists of two blocks: the signs of a crisis and the practices for preventing them. Despite the fact that this theory was formulated in the 17th century, its relevance has only increased in modern times. This article, using specific examples, offers a philosophical understanding and analysis of the state's ability, or inability, to prevent the emergence of a pre-revolutionary situation, as well as to promptly deal with its consequences.

Purpose This study aims to investigate the complex and often paradoxical relationship between digital governance tools – specifically e-government, e-participation and general internet usage – and social unrest. It addresses a fundamental question in modern governance: Do these digital technologies mitigate or exacerbate social tensions and collective dissent? Design/methodology/approach Using a comprehensive unbalanced panel data set of over 165 countries (1990–2022), a multi-method approach was used to capture nuanced effects. This analysis combines traditional econometric techniques, including fixed effects and system generalized method of moments to address endogeneity, with machine learning algorithms such as random forest to capture nonlinear relationships. Short-term forms of unrest – anti-government demonstrations, strikes and riots – as well as longer-term structural pressures, including ethnic tensions, internal and external conflicts, revolutions and socioeconomic conditions were examined. Findings Internet access, e-government and e-participation are consistently associated with higher levels of anti-government demonstrations, strikes and riots, with effects especially pronounced in middle-income countries. Effects vary by tool adoption level and unrest type. E-government’s telecommunications infrastructure facilitates protest coordination, while its human capital dimension is associated with more strikes but fewer riots. Internet usage is linked to a higher risk of ethnic tensions and internal and external conflicts; yet, it also correlates with a reduction in illegal or forced political changes and an enhancement of socioeconomic conditions. E-government’s human capital and infrastructure also contribute to better socioeconomic conditions. No substantial evidence linking e-government or e-participation to increased risks of ethnic tensions or conflicts was found. Originality/value This study provides one of the first large-scale empirical analyses to bridge the literatures on digital governance and social unrest by applying both econometric and machine learning techniques. The findings highlight the dual-edged nature of digitalization: while it can empower civic engagement and improve socioeconomic conditions, it can also heighten certain forms of unrest.

Purpose Spam messages on social networking sites (SNS) cause financial loss and social unrest. While spam classification has been studied widely, scholars have not studied their diffusibility. Diffusibility of spam messages is their ability to spread quickly and reach a large audience. Diffusibility is measured by incorporating the virality and popularity of messages. Design/methodology/approach Deep learning (DL) techniques are used to extract novel features from 84,810 spam tweets. Diffusibility is computed from retweets and likes. SHAP and permutation importance analysis are used to determine the features that impact diffusibility. The Mann–Kendall test is performed to test the drift. A machine learning (ML) model for classifying diffusibility is developed through stages of improvement. Findings The statistical analysis of the features shows a significant difference between the high and low diffusibility classes of spam tweets. The novel features that are extracted from the tweet content and the user profile predict the diffusibility of spam tweets with an accuracy of 89.5%. Expressions in the profile image (PI) and the pronounceability of screen name (SN) rank among the top predictors of spam. A moving window approach is able to address the problem of drift and improve the prediction of diffusibility. Originality/value The paper presents the application of deep learning to extract novel features, such as the profile images' blurriness and the SN's pronounceability. It pioneers the study of the diffusibility of spam tweets that will help diminish the spread of spam tweets. The study aims to reduce risks, such as financial loss and social unrest, that is fueled by fast-spreading spam tweets.

Sri Lanka’s economic crisis (2019–2024) represents one of the most severe and multidimensional economic collapses in recent South Asian history. Triggered by a combination of fiscal mismanagement, unsustainable borrowing, external shocks, and policy failures, the crisis manifested through hyperinflation, currency depreciation, severe shortages of essential goods, declining foreign reserves, and social unrest. This paper provides a comprehensive analysis of the crisis, employing a mixed-methods research design that integrates quantitative analysis of macroeconomic indicators (GDP growth, inflation, debt levels, foreign reserves) with qualitative analysis of governance, policy interventions, and societal responses. The study includes two detailed case studies: the 2022 sovereign debt default, which illustrates the macroeconomic consequences of unsustainable borrowing, and the social unrest that erupted in response to shortages, inflation, and governance failures, highlighting the human and political dimensions of the crisis. By synthesizing data from IMF and World Bank reports, Central Bank statistics, scholarly articles, and media accounts, the research identifies the structural weaknesses in Sri Lanka’s fiscal, monetary, and policy frameworks that amplified the crisis. Finally, the paper evaluates policy responses and reform measures, including IMF bailout programs, debt restructuring, fiscal and monetary adjustments, and governance reforms. Recommendations focus on long-term strategies for economic resilience, fiscal discipline, institutional transparency, and social safety nets. This research contributes to understanding the complex interplay between economic policy, external shocks, and societal impacts, providing lessons for both Sri Lanka and other emerging economies susceptible to similar crises.

This study presents fresh evidence on the impact of social unrest on the subjective well-being of approximately 400,000 individuals worldwide from 1981 to 2022. Utilizing data from a media­ reports platform allows us to capture the effects of unrest with a lag of about one month, as opposed to conventional national-level data. The results provide clear evidence­ of a growing negative effect of regional instability — causing a decline in people’s welfare. Notably, examining government actions during this period using the Integrated Macroprudential Policy (iMaPP) Database reveals that governments may mitigate the adverse effects of social unrest on citizens’ satisfaction through policies concerning liquidity adjustments and relaxed reserve requirements. Still, most other actions appear to exacerbate the situation. The findings of this study suggest practical implications for the design of prudent policy measures during periods of instability to enhance the subjective well-being of their citizens.

Sri Lanka’s economic crisis from 2019 to 2024 represents a profound case of macro-financial instability with direct implications for businesses, investors, and policymakers. Triggered by fiscal mismanagement, unsustainable borrowing, ineffective policies, and external shocks, the crisis resulted in hyperinflation, currency depreciation, severe shortages of essential goods, and social unrest, disrupting business operations and investor confidence. This research employs a mixed-methods design, combining quantitative analysis of key economic and financial indicators including GDP, inflation, debt, and foreign reserves with qualitative assessment of governance, policy interventions, and corporate environment impacts. Two detailed case studies, the 2022 sovereign debt default and associated social unrest, highlight the business, operational, and stakeholder implications of financial instability. By analyzing IMF and World Bank data, Central Bank statistics, scholarly literature, and media reports, this study identifies structural weaknesses in fiscal, monetary, and governance frameworks that amplified business and societal risks. Recommendations focus on corporate resilience, fiscal discipline, strategic risk management, and governance reforms, providing lessons for businesses and policymakers in emerging markets.

ABSTRACT This article examines how Axie Infinity , a play‐to‐earn crypto game, became a precarious source of income for young Cubans amid an ongoing economic crisis. Against the backdrop of the COVID‐19 pandemic, intensified US sanctions, and a destabilizing currency reform, Cuba has faced severe shortages, runaway inflation, and growing social unrest. In this context, Axie Infinity offered an unexpected digital lifeline: Players could earn income by battling and trading blockchain‐based assets, gaining rare access to the global crypto economy. Yet participation required significant upfront investment and often depended on exploitative scholarship arrangements that reproduced existing racial, class, and gendered inequalities. Drawing on long‐term ethnographic fieldwork in Havana and Matanzas, this study traces how Cuban players navigated complex onboarding processes, technical barriers, and informal exchange networks to transform in‐game earnings into usable currency. It argues that play‐to‐earn games embed financial speculation into everyday life, blurring distinctions between work and play and between formal and informal economies. By combining insights from the anthropology of play and digital labor, the article theorizes serious play as a moralized and monetized practice—one that conceals precarity behind gamified interfaces and reward systems. In doing so, it complicates celebratory narratives about blockchain as a vehicle for financial inclusion and instead reveals how these platforms extend speculative capitalism into new and deeply unequal terrain.

Social unrest in transition: examining civic participation and political polarization before and during COVID-19

Abstract Turnout appeals are amplified in highly polarized, hotly contested elections like 2020. The political environment included social justice unrest, overt appeals to white male voters, and new voting procedures which resonated differently across intersectional identities. Gender and race politics intertwined to create a charged environment for mobilization and for social pressure to vote. We expect the nature and effectiveness of turnout appeals to have varied by race and gender intersections. In addition, given past behavior and the climate of protest, we expect individuals under 30 were less responsive to social pressures to vote. Using data from the 2020 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey (CMPS 2020), we examine whether individuals with different intersectional identities varied in their perception of social pressure to vote as well as in the effectiveness of that pressure. We find that voters are sensitive to social pressure appeals, but both perception and responsiveness vary with intersectional identity.

China’s coal sector is the largest contributor to the country’s greenhouse gas emissions and a major cause of air pollution, which claims over 1 million lives annually. Long-term climate commitments include a target to achieve carbon neutrality by 2060, which entails between a 60–90 percent reduction in coal use by mid-century. Of the many challenges associated with this transition, addressing the dislocation of coal and fossil fuel workers is perhaps the most challenging. While there are recognized efforts to achieve a “just transition” that works for fossil communities and workers, practices to date in China do not fully prioritize these groups. The closest analogue to what will need to be achieved is the supplyside restructuring of mostly state-owned coal and other heavy industries concentrated in 2016–2018 and continuing to this day. The coal sector has shed over 2 million jobs since its recent peak of 2013—and, in contrast to earlier state-owned enterprise (SOE) reforms, did not result in widespread social unrest. Lessons were learned from earlier periods, and the increased institutionalization of labor contract law is a possible argument for the relatively smoother workforce reduction mandated by overcapacity reduction. In this brief commentary, we explore the workforce reduction strategies during this period and the legal basis for various practices adopted by SOEs.

ABSTRACT This study examines the impact of various International Monetary Fund (IMF) conditionalities on political instability in 167 countries between 1980 and 2019, with a focus on their short-term and long-term effects. Using a two-stage least squares (2SLS) panel regression framework, the analysis disaggregates political instability into three dimensions: social unrest, elite instability, and regime destabilization. Results show that IMF conditionalities significantly increase social unrest in the short term, driven by immediate economic disruptions and perceived breaches of socio-economic contracts. However, their effects on elite instability and regime destabilization are negligible and statistically insignificant. The findings are robust through alternative specifications, instrumental variable approaches, and heterogeneity analyses. The findings underscore the need to tailor conditionalities to local economic and political contexts to mitigate destabilizing effects. This study contributes to the broader understanding of how international financial institutions manage structural adjustments, balancing macroeconomic goals with political stability, and offers actionable insights for policymakers and multilateral institutions navigating the complexities of reform implementation.

The COVID-19 pandemic, compounded by systemic racism and social unrest, has left enduring impacts on students of color in higher education. This paper responds to these challenges by bringing trauma informed and culturally relevant pedagogy into the dialogue. The proposed framework recognizes trauma, affirms student identities, and builds on cultural assets rather than deficit models. Practical strategies for faculty include trauma-sensitive teaching, culturally affirming curricula, and cocreated learning experiences that strengthen equity and inclusion. The paper also highlights the importance of faculty development in trauma-informed practice and institutional commitments to equitable access and support. By integrating these two pedagogical approaches, this paper advances a holistic model for reimagining higher education and offers actionable steps for creating learning environments where students of color can thrive as learners and knowledge producers.