Social Order Research Articles (Page 1)

Why C. K. Yang’s classic work Religion in Chinese Societyis considered a “biblical”-level sociological classic in the study of Chinese religion stems mainly from its three core contributions: First, a unique dynamic research perspective.Unlike previous studies that focused on historical textual criticism or philosophical speculation, C. K. Yang viewed religion as a dynamic, functional component within Chinese social life, vividly depicting the complex interactive relationships between religion and secular institutions such as the family, socio-economic groups, and state politics.Second, profound historical consciousness and methodological innovation.Yang's research is permeated with a clear historical awareness, treating tradition and modernity as interconnected wholes rather than ruptures. He creatively employed the conceptual pair of "institutional religion" and "diffused religion" to effectively explain the characteristic integration of Chinese religion into the secular social order, avoiding the barriers and misunderstandings inherent in models based on Western institutional religion.Third, academic practice that actively responds to issues of the era.Set against the historical backdrop of the “impact-response” model in Western Sinology, Yang’s research was not only a scholarly refutation of claims like Liang Qichao’s that “China has no religion”, but also embodied how that generation of intellectuals, amidst epochal changes, used academic research to explore the fundamental question of “Whither China?” It reflects a deep sense of “scholarly concern for the world”. In conclusion, Yang’s work transcends the mere study of religion; its ultimate goal is to use religion as a methodto profoundly understand Chinese society itself. This broad vision ensures the enduring relevance of his academic legacy.

For decades from the Cold War (1950s–1980s) to the present time, a strand of scholarships concerning the ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia has been persistently informed by the ‘assimilation vs. integration’ debate. At odds with this dualism, this article finds that in contemporary Philippine state-building reality, assimilation and integration of the ethnic Chinese could well co-exist, thus constitute a more nuanced and grounded, if not novel, analytical continuum-spectrum prism of ‘assimilative integration’ instead to better capture the complex dynamics in diverse Southeast Asian state formation processes. Through a historical-ethnographic study of the ‘iron fist policy’ of former Mayor of Tuguegarao City (1988–1998; 2007–2013) – the late Mr. Delfin Telan Ting (丁羅敏; 1938–2022) in a northern Philippine frontier’s multi-ethnic society, this article aims to illustrate why and in what specific ways that indigenous political cultural conceptions of coercive authority and social order remain resilient in informing how the Chinese-Filipino political actors would participate in crucial national security and law enforcement matters, such as counter-insurgency and anti-gambling campaign. Assimilative integration policy position considers the ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia as instruments, assets and resources for defending national security and law enforcement.

Against the complex backdrop of the current international economic situation, the global social order remains turbulent. In 2020, China clearly defined the policy framework combining cross-cyclical and counter-cyclical adjustments. Based on the background of financial development, this paper explores the cross-cyclical adjustment effect. This paper takes the panel data of Jiangsu Province, Anhui Province and Qinghai Province from 2020 to 2024 as samples, uses the panel fixed effect model, measures financial development by the proportion of private credit to GDP, appraises monetary policy shocks by standardized M2, and constructs an interaction term of monetary policy shock multiply financial development level to explore the adjustment mechanism. As shown in the result, financial development lagging by one period has a significant negative impact on current-period growth. The interaction terms for Jiangsu Province and Anhui Province are both significantly positive, supporting that the cross-cyclical adjustment effect strengthens as the initial financial development level increases. There is no significant cross-cyclical adjustment effect in Qinghai Province. This research provides references for the Central Bank to formulate differentiated policies, improve the policy framework, and promote high-quality financial development.

How can states resist transnational disinformation campaigns? Analyses in the field of International Relations (IR) have offered a variety of explanations which index the harms of disinformation to state power, yet state resistance to disinformation remains underexplored and under-theorised. Through the concept of a ‘mobilisation of resistance’ and based insights from Social Theory and Science and Technology Studies (STS), this article posits a social-processual framework to explain whole-of-society resistance to transnational disinformation and the role of sociotechnical systems in facilitating this resistance. This approach emphasises the agency of civil society actors and sociotechnical systems in articulating resistance to transnational disinformation alongside the state. The article specifies four processes through which a mobilisation of resistance to disinformation can be expressed through technology: enframing, co-production, legitimation and humour. As a country at the forefront of combatting disinformation from China, Taiwan presents a valuable empirical site through which resistance to transnational disinformation can be understood. Taking Taiwan’s open-source governance (OSG) and algorithmic co-governance (ACG) as paradigmatic cases of whole-of-society sociotechnical resistance, I seek to illustrate how these four processes have been materially enacted to resist Chinese disinformation campaigns on the one hand while promoting a democratic social order in Taiwan on the other hand.

Abstract A new approach to rebuilding collapsed states is being trialed in the Arab world, most conspicuously by the Trump administration but with broad international support. This replaces the previous model—favoring democratic building blocks like inclusion, compromise, reconciliation, accountability, and citizenship—which is now seen as too costly. The new paradigm instead elevates powerful actors who can impose political and social order, backed by an emerging Council of the Middle East comprised of the leading Gulf states, Turkey, and Israel. This article examines the new approach, including the 20‐point plan to end the Gaza war. It finds that there are two fundamental contradictions. One is that the members of the potential council have divergent interests; Israel, for example, depends on instability within Arab states to ensure its hegemony. The second is that regional states have failed precisely because they were unaccountable and authoritarian. Picking a strongman or militia to reimpose order is to double down on the failed strategy. This analysis shows that it would be better to revise the previous model and make it more incremental, responsive to citizens, and autonomous from the strategic and economic interests of powerful external actors, including the United States.

This paper investigates the phenomenon of criminal convergence, the intersection between cybercrime and street-level deviance in Nigerian urban centres. It examines how the digitalization of fraud, popularly known as Yahoo-Yahoo, extends beyond cyberspace to fuel violence, cultism, and drug-related crimes among youths. Drawing on four key criminological theories: Strain Theory, Differential Association Theory, Routine Activity Theory, and Cultural Criminology, the study provides a multidimensional explanation for the rise of hybrid criminal networks that operate simultaneously online and offline. Strain Theory elucidates how socio-economic frustrations and blocked opportunities drive youth innovation through cybercrime; Differential Association Theory highlights the role of peer learning and socialization in transmitting deviant norms; Routine Activity Theory explains the situational opportunities presented by weak digital guardianship; and Cultural Criminology situates cybercrime within the glamorized cultural narratives of wealth, masculinity, and rebellion. Through these lenses, the paper argues that cyber-enabled criminality has transformed Nigeria’s urban insecurity landscape, creating new forms of violence, illicit economies, and governance challenges. It concludes that addressing this convergence requires integrated strategies that combine law enforcement reform, digital literacy, youth empowerment, and cultural reorientation to restore social order and mitigate the deepening crisis of urban insecurity in the digital age.

ABSTRACT This study explores how geographical factors influenced the emergence and persistence of banditry in nineteenth-century Smyrna (İzmir) and its hinterland. Drawing on Eric Hobsbawm’s concept of social banditry and Karen Barkey’s framework of state centralization, it argues that geography acted as an active force shaping social order, economy, and resistance rather than a passive setting. Using archival records, memoirs, and periodicals, the research shows that the rugged terrain of the Bozdağ and Aydın Mountains, combined with fertile plains below, produced a dual environment: mountains provided refuge and strategic advantage for bandits, while prosperous lowlands offered economic incentives for raids. These physical and climatic conditions fostered enduring networks of yataklık (local support), allowing banditry to survive despite repeated suppression. The study also reassesses the Ottoman state’s pragmatic engagement with outlaws—through negotiation, amnesty, and co-optation—as a sign of adaptability rather than weakness. Integrating Braudel’s longue durée perspective, it situates banditry within the enduring interaction between environment, economy, and authority, highlighting the decisive role of landscape in shaping both rebellion and control in Western Anatolia.

Studies indicate that the lived experience of being a mental health service user is common among mental health professionals. However, little is known about how such experiences may influence clinical practice. Through interviews and diary notes from fourteen Danish mental health professionals, we explored how these experiences become part of everyday practices. Data were coded and analyzed following an abductive process incorporating the theory of social drama by Victor Turner. We propose a conceptual model of the transitional challenges faced by these professionals within the current social order of Danish mental health services. For some, the lived experience disturbed the social order to such a degree that they questioned their employment; for others, lived experience was either shared verbally or concealed from service users and/or colleagues in ways that did not disturb the social order significantly. The proposed conceptual model points to dichotomies of service users versus professionals and of madness versus normalcy as evident discursive practices within mental health services that do not favor mental health professionals drawing on their lived experience.

The article comprehensively examines certain aspects of the functioning of the system of selection, personnel training, the system of state examinations and re-certifications of the civil service apparatus of medieval China during the Tang dynasty (618 – 907). The reasons for the emergence of the state examination system, its features, the system of ranks, and the features of appointment to positions are analyzed. The meritocratic system of state examinations, on the one hand, provided access to state positions to representatives of different social strata, and on the other hand, did not guarantee obtaining these same positions. It is proved that the outdated system of forming the civil service apparatus did not meet the interests of the Tang dynasty, when the territory and population increased, the emperor's power was strengthened, and therefore the centrifugal influences and confrontations of local elites deepened. The features of state examinations, their subject component and features of their conduct are considered. An analysis of official ranks, their functions and powers are carried out. It was found that the highest-ranking officials in the state were, as a rule, persons with the title of jinshi. The system of forming official cadres was complex, since candidates could pass exams and obtain positions through recommendations or bribes. The personnel policy of the rulers of the Tang dynasty created a dual structure of the bureaucracy and its career paths, interest groups, which left a clear imprint on the work of the Chinese bureaucracy. Many works on the history of the Tang dynasty bureaucratic apparatus mention mainly titles, positions, but almost do not describe “positions without responsibilities” and many other aspects. The imperial examination system alleviated acute social conflicts by fairly selecting talents in the localities, it optimized the traditional social structure and worked as a “social elevator” for young people from the provinces. The new system of formation of the bureaucratic apparatus encouraged people to study diligently and created a positive environment, maintaining a harmonious social order according to the traditional Confucian system of relationships and values in society.

Through a comparative analysis of Katherine Mansfield’s “The Garden Party” (1922) and George Orwell’s “Shooting an Elephant” (1936), this paper argues that both authors uncover how social conformity—rooted in class and empire—systematically suppresses moral autonomy and distorts human conscience. While Mansfield situates her critique within postwar English social hierarchies and Orwell within the structures of British colonial power, both reveal how societal expectations dictate behavior and distort moral agency. Through qualitative, interpretive, and comparative analysis grounded in modernist ethics and postcolonial criticism, the study argues that both authors expose the performative mechanisms by which social order sustains itself—through the silencing of conscience and the valorization of conformity. By juxtaposing Mansfield’s domestic modernism with Orwell’s colonial narrative, this research contributes to the broader literary discourse on morality and power by identifying a shared ethical trajectory between two seemingly disparate traditions. It reveals that class and empire operate as parallel systems of coercion that compel individuals toward moral compromise. The paper thus advances the understanding of early twentieth-century literature as a site where aesthetic form becomes an instrument of ethical inquiry, bridging modernist and postcolonial studies through the theme of conscience under constraint.

Despite the progress that has been made in the field of research on Roman private colleges, our knowledge of women's participation in corporate life has not changed significantly for almost a century. Based on an analysis of the epigraphic sources, I try to show that the presence of women among the members of both professional and religious colleges was a rare phenomenon, with no clear impact on the functioning of these organizations. The role that women played in Roman corporatism stands in stark contrast to the vision of the colleges as an alternative social space in which boundaries based on legal status or gender were to be blurred. On the contrary, it seems that Roman corporations attempted to, as much as possible, follow the same models and rules that were binding in the civic space. The collegia did not create an alternative social reality. They had no space for a “revolutionary” reversal of the social order: women appeared among the corporati, but their presence did not go far beyond traditional ideas about the role of women in public life.

The iddah period constitutes a pivotal phase in Islamic family law, as delineated by the Quran and hadith. In Indonesia, processes of modernization and social change have significantly transformed both the understanding and implementation of the iddah period following divorce. The Circular Letter of the Director General of Islamic Community Guidance Number P-005/DJ.III/Hk.00.7/10/2021 exemplifies governmental efforts to provide contextually relevant guidelines for contemporary challenges. This study identifies changes in the post-divorce iddah period from the perspective of maslahah mursalah, employing qualitative methods and descriptive analysis. Data were collected through interviews and literature review, with primary data sourced from purposively selected interviews with the head of the Religious Affairs Office (KUA) in Banjarbaru City. The findings indicate substantial changes in the implementation of the iddah period, shaped by social, economic, cultural, technological, and gender equality factors. The iddah period is now applied to both women and men. Reforming Islamic family law through maslahah mursalah enables greater flexibility and justice, aligning legal practice with the realities of modern society to uphold honor (ḥifẓ al-‘ird), lineage (ḥifẓ al-nasl), and social order (ḥifẓ al-niẓām al-ijtimā‘ī)

Torture, as an inhuman act, involves inflicting severe physical and psychological pain and suffering on an individual by state agents for the purpose of obtaining vital information, imposing punishment, or securing a confession. Despite its absolute prohibition in international instruments, in special circumstances such as the "ticking time bomb hypothesis," justifications are presented for the use of torture in the interest of national security or the preservation of social order. The present article, using a descriptive-analytical approach, examines the view of normative ethical systems on the prohibition of torture in exceptional circumstances. The research findings show that for followers of virtue ethics and deontological ethics, there is no moral justification for torture, even in emergency situations. In contrast, proponents of utilitarian ethics believe that torture can be used exceptionally, as the benefits gained from it outweigh the victim's pain. However, this argument is criticized and leads to the conclusion that accepting torture is in no way logical. Torture is not only impermissible, but its justification can lead to serious abuses.

The right to defend private property is a fundamental yet contentious legal principle across jurisdictions. This paper examines the inherent tension between this right and the requirement for proportional force. Employing doctrinal analysis of key legislation (e.g., UK Criminal Law Act 1967) and case law (e.g.,R (Daly)), alongside theoretical frameworks from Locke and Beccaria, this study asks: how can legal systems effectively balance the right to property defence with the paramount right to life, and what are the societal consequences of failing to do so? The analysis concludes that while the right to defend property is crucial, its exercise must be constrained by the proportionality principle to prevent unjustifiable violence and maintain social order. The findings advocate for clearer judicial guidelines to ensure consistent application of this balance.

The aim of the article is to show how moral relativism has become a defining feature of contemporary American culture, influencing individuals’ attitudes toward ethics, marriage, family, and social order. Additionally, the article aims to highlight the challenges facing the Catholic Church in fulfilling its mission in a society immersed in moral relativism. The problem of this study can be expressed through the following questions: What impact does moral relativism have on the moral beliefs of the people of the United States? What challenges does it pose to the Catholic Church in the 21st century? How is the Church to fulfill its mission in American society? The answers to these questions will be based on an analysis of the content of the documents of the universal Church and the Church in the United States, as well as publications by American theologians and sociologists. After a short introduction, the impact of moral relativism in the sphere of sexual ethics will be analyzed. Subsequently, the effects of moral relativism on marriage and family will be examined, along with relativism in the sphere of social order and organization. The final section of the article will analyze proposals for the pastoral activity of the Church in the United States in response to the challenges posed by moral relativism. The conclusion of this study is as follows: the more a society moves away from traditional norms and belief in God, the less happy individuals become. The Church must navigate the moral complexity of modern society while offering a compelling vision of human life rooted in the Truth.

This study aims to analyze the symbolism of the Nenditsakmas journey as part of Kei culture in Southeast Maluku Regency. This tradition represents the social, spiritual, and moral values ​​of the Kei people that shape their collective identity and local wisdom. Using a qualitative descriptive method, this study positions the researcher as the main instrument in uncovering the meaning of field data. Primary data were obtained through observation and in-depth interviews, while secondary data came from literature studies. Data analysis was carried out through reduction, presentation, and drawing conclusions. The results show that the Nenditsakmas journey has a strong symbolic meaning in shaping the identity and solidarity of the Kei people, while also reflecting respect for the Larvul Ngabal customary law. In the context of modernization, this symbolism still plays an important role in maintaining social harmony and preserving local cultural values. In addition, the philosophical values ​​in Larvul Ngabal and the Ain ni Ain principle are closely related to the ethics, morality, and social order of the Kei people. These values ​​contribute to cultural preservation, mitigating social conflict, and strengthening interpersonal relationships. This research contributes to the development of local cultural studies and serves as a basis for the preservation of the Nenditsakmas ritual. These findings are expected to be a reference for academics, local governments, and cultural communities in designing sustainable cultural preservation policies and programs.

Abstract The rapid development and widespread application of artificial intelligence (AI) are profoundly shaping the evolution of dispute resolution mechanisms, including arbitration, while offering novel solutions to longstanding challenges in the current arbitration system. Rooted in the principle of party autonomy, the arbitration system entitles disputing parties to select arbitrators by mutual agreement. In practice, however, this framework has given rise to issues such as malicious delay tactics by parties, difficulties in appointing qualified arbitrators, all of which undermine the fairness and efficiency that are foundational to arbitration. While AI-assisted arbitrator selection can address these aforementioned problems, it also raises concerns from a rule of law standpoint. Key issues include algorithmic manipulation that impairs party autonomy, data collection practices that infringe on arbitrators’ data privacy, and tensions between computational rationality and the emotional or normative dimensions inherent arbitration. To address these concerns, inclusive legislation should create room for the integration of AI into arbitration; concurrently, industry regulation and arbitration soft law should be leveraged to demystify “black box algorithms” and standardize AI-driven arbitrator selection processes. These measures will help safeguard the credibility of arbitration and foster the healthy development of the arbitration system in the age of AI. The convergence of AI and arbitration further prompts critical reflection on the transformation of the legal discourse system amid technological advancement. In this context, the law should adopt an inclusive yet prudent stance toward technological progress, both preserving space for ongoing innovation while establishing boundaries to prevent technology from fundamentally upending the existing legal system and social order. This balanced approach – pursuing stability through reform and advancing development through change – should serve as the guiding principle for the evolution of the arbitration system in the AI era.

Public policies in education constitute the main instrument of action of a State to guide and direct the education of a country in accordance with its demands for social order and economic development. They are made up of a set of principles, objectives and procedures that aim to guarantee the right and access of all citizens to equitable, inclusive and quality education. This article presents the results of research that aimed to analyze the process implemented by the Higher Council of Education for the design of Public Policy in Education “The person: center of the educational process and transforming subject of society”. The research was developed under the principles of the documentary analysis and with the integration of the hermeneutic method. The theoretical review allowed us to develop a conceptual theoretical construct of the cycle of a public policy in education from which the documentary analysis is developed. The results determine that the design process of the Public Policy in Education was planned and oriented to adapt the Costa Rican educational system to contemporary demands and educate a new citizenry, prepared for the challenges of the 21st century. However, it should be of political interest to overcome the challenges they present in their implementation and the establishment of evaluation and monitoring mechanisms that allow their impact to be determined.

This paper examines how Progressive Era corporate welfare programs at the Ford Motor Company and the Colorado Fuel & Iron Company (CF&I) functioned as both instruments of reform and mechanisms of control. Between 1890 and 1930, such initiatives extended managerial authority into workers’ domestic and civic lives under the guise of benevolent improvement. By analyzing company records, welfare manuals, and contemporary publications, the study argues that corporate welfare sought to engineer a morally, racially, and civically “fit” industrial citizen. Programs like Ford’s Sociological Department and CF&I’s Sociological Division fused economic reward with behavioral, racial, and gender conformity—linking industrial efficiency to moral virtue and national identity. While these welfare systems provided tangible material benefits, they also reinforced hierarchies of race, gender, and citizenship, embedding exclusion within structures of care. Worker responses—ranging from strategic compliance to subtle resistance—reveal welfare capitalism as a negotiated and contested social order. Ultimately, the paper contends that Progressive Era corporate welfare helped shape a distinct American model of conditional social provision, where access to welfare became tied to employment, discipline, and moral worth rather than universal civic rights.

This study applies Charles Sanders Peirce’s three-element semiotic model (icon, index and symbol) as an analytical device to explore how visual elements in Todd Phillips’s Joker (2019) and its follow-up film Joker: Folie à Deux (2024) convey meanings. Instead of focusing on plot or themes, the approach deciphers how camera compositions, colour, costume details and choreographed actions function as active signs. In the film, the bleak, worn-out cityscape acts as an icon that mirrors real-world social gaps, points to institutional neglect and conveys a sense of class rebellion. Arthur Fleck’s clown makeup and unpredictable dances reference traditional clown imagery, reveal his inner turmoil and trigger collective catharsis. In Joker: Folie à Deux, vibrant neon lights and shared dance routines maintain these semiotic processes by means of evoking carnival atmosphere, signalling the unfold of madness and crafting a revolutionary narrative. Through a close study of the films’ visual materials across the icon, index and symbol registers, this research shows how the construction of imagery not only shapes the character of Arthur Fleck but also serves as a critical statement at the marginalization of individuals, the breakdown of social order, and the consequences of systemic neglect, and uncovers layers of significance that have previously been overlooked.