Social Division Of Labor Research Articles

SOCIAL AND SPATIAL PATTERNS UNDER FORDISM AND FLEXIBLE ACCUMULATION

AbstractCurrent debate surrounding Fordism and flexible accumulation centers on explaining their transition and the implications for capital and labor. This article disagrees with the argument that technology and capital competition are the basis for transition and focuses instead on the labor process. Using a case study of the French automobile industry since the Second World War, the analysis examines the transition in production and the link between spatial organization and the labor process. Contradictions in the current phase of capitalist production are apparent in the divergent trends towards international dispersal and regional integration of automobile production, and the deepening social divisions of labor.

Gender and consumption in Finnish society

When studying the mechanisms by means of which feminine categories appropriate for the existing gender system are produced and preserved, reference has been made to the social division of labour, to the ideology of family life, the educational system and government activities. Little attention has been paid to consumption and consumption objects as requisites to the categorization of womanhood. This, however, is essential the closer one gets to the present day. Today, more than ever before, the identities of different social groups are created with the aid of consumer goods and habits.This article shows how womanhood and manhood are created with the support of commodities in Finnish society. The article also makes the point that these categories are not stable, because they are asymmetrical. Women in particular have historically shown unease about the content of gender categories and they have begun to use consumer objects that before had been taken as masculine. This in turn has led to attempts to make new distinctions with the help of consumer goods among men.

Producer Services, Trade and the Social Division of Labour

GOE W. R. (1990) Producer services, trade and the social division of labour, Reg. Studies 24, 327–342. Several hypotheses have been advanced to explain the growth in employment and output of producer services industries in US metropolitan and regional economies. One hypothesis contends that this growth is attributable to the increasing externalization of service activities by corporate managerial offices to independent producer services firms. This has contributed to the growth of corporate complex agglomerations in urban regions. Manufacturing industries have traditionally been viewed as being the motivating force underlying this growth. A second hypothesis contends that the growth of producer services industries is attributable to their evolution into basic industries and the growth of export trade. This paper examines the validity of these hypotheses using data collected from a survey of business establishments in producer services industries located in the four metropolitan areas of the northeast regi...

Individualism and legitimation paradoxes and perspectives on the political sociology of Émile Durkheim

Sociology competes with other social scientific disciplines not only with regard to the interpretation of social crises but also with respect to the development of particular models of legitimation. For this reason, early sociology was once aptly described as the 'science of order' (Negt 1974). In actual fact sociology is not only concerned with the analysis of social crises; it also sees itself as a science of political legitimation. Max Weber devised the typology which lead to the decisive conceptual broadening of political sociology and which is still of fundamental importance today. According to this typology, forms of domination can be defined by looking at the typical claim to legitimation made by the authority which holds sway at the time, independently of the specific motives or purposes of the social superiors or subordinates involved. It is on this basis that the three well-known forms of domination—traditional, bureaucratic legal and charismatic—can be distinguished. Furthermore, the structure and continuity of power relations are determined by the internal organization of their associations, particularly by the distribution of executive powers between leaders and subjects as well as within the administrative ranks (Weber 1976: I22ff and 548). Weber's contemporary and the co-founder of sociology, Emile Dur kheim, takes up the problem of political legitimation and looks at it under a different theoretical perspective. He is primarily interested in the insti tutional preconditions of stable political order in the light of the specific conditions of integration of modern societies. The theory of the social division of labour, the anomie hypothesis, as well as the structural analysis of social change in the period of transition towards modernity presented Durkheim with new theoretical challenges in the area of political thought. Just as social cohesiveness no longer appeared to be 'automatically' guaranteed by premodern forms of integration, so according to Durkheim the political system, and above all the State in 'organic' society, were faced with fundamentally new problems of legitimation. The great ideological debates and political conflicts which shook the France of the Third Republic—from the Dreyfus affair, which cast its shadow over everything, to the scandal over the financing of the Panama Canal and the assassination attempts of the anarchists, from the strengthening of organized socialism to school and university reforms—caused Durkheim to subject the structures

Food Insecurity and the Social Division of Labor in Tanzania, 1919-1985

Food Insecurity and the Social Division of Labor in Tanzania, 1919-1985

Classes de trajectoires scolaires

CLAUDE GILAIN, ANNICK KIEFFER, SABINE ERBES-SEGUIN The present paper is the first step of a current research programme, which deals with the study of social stratification. We intend to build a tool - educational profiles - designed for the analysis of the educational system as part of social reproduction. Our statistical approach makes use of an INSEE survey (FQP4). Educational profiles are based upon a reconstruction of the school history of working age individuals, and related to their position in the social division of labour.

When talk isn't cheap: language and political economy

Although the classic Saussurean conception of language segregates the linguistic sign from the material world, this paper shows linguistic phenomena playing many roles in political economy. Linguistic signs may refer to aspects of an exchange system; differentiated ways of speaking may index social groups in a social division of labor; and linguistic “goods” may enter the marketplace as objects of exchange. These aspects of language are not mutually exclusive, but (instead) may coincide in the same stretch of discourse. Illustrations are drawn primarily from a rural Wolof community in Senegal. It is argued that linguistic signs are part of a political economy, not just vehicles for thinking about it. Only a conception of language as multifunctional can give an adequate view of the relations between language and the material world, and evade a false dichotomy between “idealists” and “materialists.”[language, political economy, sociolinguistics, semiotic theory, Senegal]

Democracy and economic planning: the political economy of a self-governing society

Part 1 Introduction. Part 2 Historical experience : capitalist planning central planning market socialism . Part 3 Objectives: the socialization of production democracy abolition of the social division of labour. Part 4 Democratic planning: national priorities and planning communities and production units negotiated coordination. Part 5 Conclusion.

From the Theories of Social and Cultural Reproduction to the Theory of Resistance

Abstract The aim of this article is to articulate the theory of resistance with the theories of social and cultural reproduction, within the boundaries of the new sociology of education. Starting from the concepts of classification and framing developed by Basil Bernstein and of Pierre Bourdieu's social camp, the author defines some concepts which, in his opinion, are basic to establish the theory of resistance with conceptual rigour and analytical capacity. It will thus be possible to constitute a referential theoretical matrix for the development of counter‐hegemonic curricula, teaching materials and pedagogical practices, whose objective is to oppose the schools’ social and cultural reproduction in its different forms (of class, race, ethnic groups and gender), at its two levels—the reproduction of the sexual and social division of labour and of the inculcation of the dominant ideologies.

New Approaches to Economic Life: Economic Restructuring: Unemployment and the Social Division of Labour. Edited by Bryan Roberts, Ruth Finnegan, and Duncan Gallie. Manchester University Press. 566 pp. Cloth, $30.00; paper, $11.00

New Approaches to Economic Life: Economic Restructuring: Unemployment and the Social Division of Labour. Edited by Bryan Roberts, Ruth Finnegan, and Duncan Gallie. Manchester University Press. 566 pp. Cloth, $30.00; paper, $11.00

New Approaches to Economic Life: Economic Restructuring: Unemployment and the Social Division of Labour.

New Approaches to Economic Life: Economic Restructuring: Unemployment and the Social Division of Labour.

Program for a Sociology of Sport

One of the obstacles to a scientific sociology of sport is due to the fact that sociologists of sport are in a way doubly dominated, both in the world of sociologists and in the world of sport. Since it would take too long to develop this somewhat blunt proposition, I will proceed, in the manner of the prophets, by way of a parable. In a recent discussion with one of my American sociologist friends, Aaron Cicourel, I learned that the great black athletes, who, in the United States, are often enrolled in such prestigious universities as Stanford, live in a sort of golden ghetto, because right-wing people do not talk very willingly with blacks while left-wing people do not talk very willingly with athletes. If one reflects on this and develops this paradigm, one might find in it the principle of the special difficulties that the sociology of sport encounters: scorned by sociologists, it is despised by sportspersons. The logic of the social division of labor tends to reproduce itself in the division of scientific labor. Thus there are, on the one hand, those who know sport very well on a practical level but do not know how to talk about it and, on the other hand, those who know sport very poorly on a practical level and who could talk about it, but disdain doing so, or do so without rhyme or reason. In order to be able to constitute a sociology of sport, one must first realize that a particular sport cannot be analyzed independently of the totality of sporting practices; one must conceptualize the space of sporting practices as a system within which each element receives its distinctive value. In other words, to understand a sport, whatever it may be, one must locate its position in the space of sports. The latter can be constructed by using sets of indicators such as, on the one hand, the distribution of practitioners according to their position in social space, the distribution of the different federations according to their number of members, their assets, the social characteristics of their directors, etc., or, on the other hand, the type of relation to the body that each sport favors or demands, whether it involves direct contact, body-to-body struggle, as in wrestling or Ameri-

Schooling the Family

This paper explores the pre-conditions of the images of normal family relations which inform contemporary discourse on truancy. It locates these pre-conditions within state intervention into nineteenth century schooling. This structured the kind of school relations which were to become fundamental to state-authorised schooling. It illustrates the way in which this intervention fostered the generation of one particular model of family relations as `normal' and rendered alternatives deviant. It argues that a theory of correct family relations was embedded in the model of good schooling which was being structured by the state. Any given social division of labour involves a particular scheduling of social identities. A division of labour involving the family as a unit of production meant a scheduling of identities such that schooling and work would intersperse with each other. State intervention into schooling undermined social relations of families in occupations characterised by this form of organisation. It is argued that both the form and the content of schooling were implicated in fostering a particular scheduling of social identities and in marginalising alternative patterns of living.

GDR Women Writers: The Post-War Generations Bibliography of Narrative Prose, June 1987

GDR Women Writers: The Post-War Generations Bibliography of Narrative Prose, June 1987 Dorothy Rosenberg In the 1970s, GDR women began writing about themselves . Christa Wolf's Nachdenken über _ Christa T. was followed by Gerti Tetzner's Karen W., "Brigitte Reimann's Franziska Linkerhand, and Irmtraud Morgner's Leben und Abenteuer der Trobadora Beatriz. These works were the first to challenge the idealized and convenient female stereotypes which had populated much of GDR literature in the 1950s and 1960s, in which women characters had been smoothly integrated into the flow of work life without significantly ruffling the surface of domestic tranquility. In the small flood of novels and, in particular, the collections of short stories that followed, women began to write about the price of admission to the public sphere and the personal costs of leading a double life. Wolf, Tetzner, Reimann, and Morgner were joined by Maxie Wander (Guten Morgen,__Du Schöne), Charlotte Worgitzky (Vieräugig oder Blind), and Renate Apitz (Evastöchter) , from their own generation and a growing number of younger writers: Helga Königsdorf, Helga Schubert, Maria Seidemann, Monika Helmecke, Angela Stachowa, Christine Wolter, and Rosemarie Zeplin, among others. The past ten years have seen the development of a body of GDR literature written by and about women which explores and discusses in depth the contradictions and problems of a society in which the economic organization and political ideology promote equality between the sexes, but in which cultural norms and individual attitudes toward sex roles and appropriate gender behavior lag far behind. With the major changes in social and economic structure largely accomplished, women writers in the 1980s have turned to address the much deeper challenge of sexual stereotyping and the social division of labor. 233 The writers listed below constitute the post-war generations in the sense that their concept of society has been either predominantly or exclusively determined by the experience of GDR socialism. Those who experienced the war did so as children. I have included several well-known writers born in the early 1930s (Wolf, Morgner, Reimann, and Wander) for the sake of completeness , but have tried to emphasize less well-known, younger writers. This is not a complete list of GDR women writers. It is a sample of prose works by women who fall into the above loose definitions and who write about questions of gender and society, broadly defined. My selection has been further limited by the practical question of accessibility: I have listed only works which I have been able to get copies of, read, and find interesting. I have listed GDR first editions wherever possible. West German editions are given for Wolf and Morgner (for convenience) and for works which did not appear separately in the GDR. As of June 1987, all of the authors except Katja Lange-Müller, Monika Nothing, and Doris Paschiller were GDR citizens. Renate Apitz (1939) Evastöchter. (Erzählungen), Rostock: Hinstorff, 1981. Hexenzeit. (Roman), Rostock: Hinstorff, 1984. Christiane Barckhausen (1942) Schwestern. Berlin: Verlag der Nation, 1985. Daniela Dahn (1949) Spitzenzeit. (Feuilletons), Halle-Leipzig: Mitteldeutscher Verlag, 1978. Prenzlauer Berg-Tour, Halle-Leipzig: Mitteldeutscher Verlag, 1987. Gabriele Eckart (1954) Per Anhalter: Geschichten__und Erlebnisse aus der DDR. Berlin: Verlag Neues Leben, 1982. So sehe ick die Sache. (Protokolle), Köln: Kiepenheuer und Witsch, 1984. Der Seidelstein. (Novelle), Berlin: Buchverlag der Morgen, 1986. Renate Feyl (1944) Rauhbein. (Roman), Rudolstadt: Greifenverlag, 1968. Bau mir eine Brücke. (Roman), Berlin: Verlag Neues Leben,"1972. Der lautlose Aufbruch. (Portraits), Berlin: Verlag Neues Leben, 1981. 234 Rosemarie Fret (1935) Nachsaison. (Erzählungen), Rostock: Hinstorff, 1973. Hoffnung auf Schneewittchen. (Erzählungen), Halle: Mitteldeutscher Verlag, 1981. Roswitha Geppert (1943) Die Last die du nicht trägst. Halle: Mitteldeutscher Verlag, 19 78. Christiane Grosz (1944) "Der Trick" in: Das Kostüm. "Der verlorene Ausdruck" in: Das Kostüm. "Das würde dir guttun" in: Brautfahrt. Monika Helmecke (1943) Klopfzeichen. (Erzählungen), Berlin: Verlag Neues Leben", 1979. Ursula Höntsch-Harendt (1934) Wir Flüchtlingskinder. Halle: Mitteldeutscher, 198 5. Rosita Ionescu (1941) Lila, Kolorit auf Breitwand. Berlin: Aufbau, 1976. Dorothea"lser (1946) Wolkenberge tragen nicht. Berlin: Militärverlag, 1979. Lea. Berlin: Militärverlag, 1983. Neuzugang. Berlin: Verlag Neues Leben, 1985. Sylvia Kabus (1952...

The Struggle of the Handicraft Cotton Industry Against Machine Textiles in China

The peasant economy of China, compared to systems based upon the labor of serfs or peasants that existed in other times and places, stood out for its relative independence and intensity of production, and for the greater development of the division of labor and cooperation within the peasant household. These constituted the very social foundation for China's earlier leadership in the world. However, at the same time, the small peasant economy of China was relatively inflexible, owing to the integration of agriculture and handicrafts within the peasant household. Specialization and differentiation occurred here only with difficulty. This, consequently, hindered continuing progress in the social division of labor and forces of production. In the course of time, the small peasant economy of China was gradually transformed into an economy characterized by slow development and backwardness. This explains the longevity of feudalism in China, as well as the feebleness of the sprouts of capitalism that did appear (see Xu Xinwu, 1986). Despite the invasion of foreign capitalism after the Opium War, the system of land ownership and the structure of small peasant production survived intact-an important factor that obstructed the development of modern capitalism in China. This point can be seen in rural cotton textile handicrafts, which were closely linked with agriculture within the small peasant household, and which long competed with the machine cotton textile industry.

Foreign exchange regulations in the socialist countries

The foreign exchange regulations of CMEA member countries exam ined in this paper1 flow from the state monopoly on foreign exchange, i.e., the state's right to concentrate in its hands all sources of foreign exchange and to decide how to allocate them most usefully, as well as to carry out international payment and credit dealings, including trade in foreign currencies. The foreign exchange monopoly and its function are reflected in the foreign exchange laws of the socialist countries, which lay down the rights and duties of state authorities, economic organizations, and citizens, and which also define the obligations of foreign persons when dealing with foreign exchange. The foreign exchange regulations of the socialist countries differ in various particulars. These differences stem from the historical condi tions in which the laws originated and developed, from the importance of external economic relations for national income formation, from the diversity of bodies empowered by the socialist state to operate the monopoly, and from the period in which any given regulation was issued. Differences exist in the actual concepts of foreign exchange law, in handling foreign funds, in relief from obligations granted to foreign nationals, in the exporting and importing of foreign currency funds, in operating foreign exchange controls, etc. As the international socialist division of labor among CMEA mem bers continues and deepens, and with growth in the number of joint ventures established by two or more enterprises from two or more member countries, we can expect to feel the need to bring the basic provisions of foreign exchange law more into line with each other.

New Approaches to Economic Life: Economic Restructuring: Unemployment and the Social Division of Labor.

New Approaches to Economic Life: Economic Restructuring: Unemployment and the Social Division of Labor.

Occupational concentration in work establishments

The failure of sociological and economic models premised on individual decision-making to account for persistent patterns of occupational concentration by race and gender has been a matter of considerable recent interest and debate. One response to this debate has been to explore the impact of various organizational dimensions on the social division of labor as experienced by males and females and/or blacks and whites. The importance of the work place as a locus of occupational restrictions has been widely acknowledged, but empirical research on this topic has been limited by the availability of establishment-level data. This paper seeks to contribute to our understanding of occupational concentration by race and gender through analysis of 1980 EEOC data on business establishments. The first phase of analysis examines the importance of the work place for occupational concentration by race and gender and places the EEOC data within the context of the 1980 U.S. economy. The second phase of analysis explores the impact of several organizational characteristics on occupational concentration within work establishments.

The Capitalist State.

determinations of the 'present state' and assess their implications too. Thus Marx stressed that, regardless of the specific forms of the modern state, it stood on the ground of capitalist relations of production. He also stressed elsewhere that it was the historic mission of the communist movement to abolish not merely the present capitalist state but also to end the separation of the state and civil society in all its forms. This suggests that an adequate theoretical analysis of the state must consider not only its economic determinations but also those rooted in the distinctive organisation of the state as well as in the social division of labour between officialdom and people. That Marx himself was interested in such issues is evident not only from his early remarks on the separation between the state and civil society (in addition to Marx, 1843a and 1843b, see especially the comments on state and administration in Marx, 1844b, pp. 192, 197–200) but also from his argument that the Paris Commune involved an assault on the very form of the state rather than one or another variant of the state form (Marx, 1871). It is also clear from his little– remarked discussion of the conditions and manner in which Louis Bonaparte succeeded (albeit temporarily) in displacing the principal contradiction in France 31 Marx and Engels on the State from the opposition between bourgeoisie and proletariat to the opposition between officialdom and people (Marx, 1858b, passim, for commentary, see Draper, 1977, pp. 453–463, and Gulijew, 1977, pp. 41–42). That these comments are secondary in terms of the general thrust of the founding fathers' work on the state and, in relation to Marx's observations on the 'rule of the praetorians', little–remarked, does not mean that they can safely be ignored in the development of state theory. Indeed, as is argued in the concluding chapter, it is vital to include such determinations in a full analysis of the state. But we must first consider how the approaches that received greater emphasis in the work of Marx and Engels have been taken up and deployed in more recent Marxist theories.

Classical political economy: primitive accumulation and the social division of labor

<i>Classical political economy: primitive accumulation and the social division of labor</i>