The genetic landscape of northeastern Iberian communities from the early to late Iron Age

The emergence of new political and social structures in Western and Central Europe during the transition from Antiquity to the Middle Ages has long been attributed to large-scale migrations. Yet emerging evidence increasingly emphasizes the role of small-group mobility in reshaping the Roman world1-3. Here we present 258 ancient genomes from the former Roman frontier of southern Germany, which we analyse alongside 2,500 ancient and 379 modern genomes. Population genetic analyses reveal a major demographic shift coinciding with the late fifth century collapse of Roman state structures, when a founding population of northern European ancestry mixed with genetically diverse Roman provincial groups. Pedigree reconstruction and filia, a method for inferring the ancestry of unsampled relatives, indicate widespread intermarriage and minimal cultural differentiation. Genetic structure persisted through the sixth century, with admixture forming a population resembling modern Central Europeans by the early seventh century. Using Chronograph to refine the chronology of genealogically linked individuals, we estimate a generation time of 28 years, life expectancies of 39.8 years for womenand 43.3 years for men, high infant mortality, and a society in which nearly onequarter of children lost at least one parent by age 10, yet most still grew up with grandparents. Pedigrees further reveal a society centred on nuclear families thatpracticed lifelong monogamy, strict incest avoidance, flexible lineage continuation and no levirate unions, indicating continuity with Late Roman social practices that later shaped the European family.

The use of anthropomorphic ossuaries, so-called ‘canopic urns’, is a burial custom documented during the seventh and sixth centuries BC in the territory of the Etruscan city-state of Clevsi/Clusium, modern Chiusi (Tuscany, Central Italy). This particular type of ossuary represents a human body and serves as an ideal portrait of the deceased after the destructive act of cremation. The necropolis of Tolle, located in the western part of this territory, has yielded 136 of these canopic urns, which is the largest collection on record from undisturbed contexts. In this study, we present an integrated analysis of the canopic urns, a wide range of associated archaeological data and osteological data of cremated human and faunal remains. Our aim was to test the correspondence between gender attributions on the basis of the iconography of the urns, grave goods and the biological profile of the deceased, according particular emphasis to the relationship between sex and gender. The resulting 95.6% correspondence is not only remarkably high but also allows us to describe funerary behaviour, gendered roles and identities in this Etruscan community. Online Supplementary MaterialsSupplement 1Supplement 2

This paper presents the study of a scarab found in the Necropolis of El Toro, located in the interior of Iberia. The scarab tomb is described, followed by a detailed morphological, typological, archaeometric (SEM-EDX analysis), and chronological analysis of the amulet, including absolute dating. The archeometallurgical analysis by X-ray fluorescence (XRF) of the metal pieces of the trousseau is also included. The piece shows signs of having been in contact with fire, is greenish-blue in colour and can be attributed to the early reigns of the 26 th Dynasty. On the base there is an inscription of five Egyptian hieroglyphic characters inserted in a cartouche adapted to the shape of the amulet. Its inscription makes it possible to read the anthroponym p-s-m-ṯ-k , compatible with similar specimens found in Egypt and in the Mediterranean in the seventh and sixth centuries BC.

The burial complex of the Imdang-Joyeong site at Gyeongsan in southeastern Korea is notable for the large number of tombs constructed within ~100 years (fourth and sixth centuries CE) and widespread practice of human sacrifice. Analyzing genome-wide data from 78 individuals, we detected 11, 23, and 20 pairs of the first, second, and three-or-more-distant degree relatives, respectively, revealing a dense network of kinship in the Imdang-Joyeong society. We found five individuals from closely related parents, suggesting the practice of consanguineous marriage in both grave owners and the sacrificed. We also observed adult female descendants buried together with their kin, unlike several recent archeogenetic studies in Europe reporting a strict pattern of female exogamy. We detected no discernible genetic difference between grave owners and the sacrificed. Our analysis provides bioarcheological information on the burial customs and social structure of the Three-Kingdoms period society in Korea.

Lyrical literature is one of the most important and famous types in Persian literature, which is used to express romantic themes and it has been common in various forms such as ghazal and masnavi (double-rhymed verses). The fifth century poet Unsuri’s Vāmiq u ‘Adhrā, Ayyuqi’s Varqa wa Golshāh, Fakhruddin As'ad Gurgani’s Vis and Rāmin are among the famous works in this type of literature. However, this type of literature reached its height in the sixth century in the form of masnavi by Nizami Ganjavi, who among lyrical and romantic poets, according to the masters of speech, no poet has ever achieved his success in storytelling and the evolution of this type of literature. Taking the importance of “Shirin” and “Layla” in the well-known poetries of “Khosrow and Shirin” and “Layla and Majnun” into account, in order to clarify the layers and dimensions of their personality and society on one hand and in attempt to identify the effect of society and parents in forming one’s personality and life on the other hand, the author first presents the summaries of these two stories and then tries to compare and contrast these two elegant characters- according to the characterization of the master and the storyteller of Ganja- and compare their parents and the society among which they were living.

ABSTRACT The three centuries between the collapse of the Sabaean‐Himyarite state in the middle of the sixth century and the disintegration of the Abbasid caliphate in the middle of the ninth century represent some of the least known periods in South Arabian history. As central caliphal authority broke down, semi‐independent states in South Arabia began to re‐emerge, as the South Arabian highlands were divided between the Yuʿfirid and Manāḫid dynasties, who both traced their heritage back to the pre‐Islamic period. This article discusses different strategies of political legitimacy and authority during the late pre‐Islamic and early Islamic periods, focusing on three aspects: the Sabaean‐Himyarite royal title; pre‐Islamic Himyaritic genealogy and the role of spiritual authority in the early Islamic period. It also offers a theory as to the sudden appearance of a new political title in South Arabia's history, the ‘king of all tribes’ ( mlk kl ʾs²ʿbn ) and why, despite its long political tradition, neither the Yuʿfirids nor the Manāḫids sought to restore the pre‐Islamic Sabaean‐Himyarite royal title.

This paper examines the role and significance of forests in early Indian society through the evidence of Buddhist literature dating from approximately the sixth century BCE to the third century CE. Rather than treating forests as marginal spaces outside the sphere of settled life, the study approaches them as integral components of the social, economic, and religious landscape of early historic India. Early Buddhist texts provide detailed references to forests as spaces of habitation, economic activity, religious practice, and cultural imagination, making them a particularly valuable source for reconstructing the environmental history of the period. The paper explores four interrelated dimensions of forest–society interaction. First, it examines the relationship between mobility and settlement, analysing how forests formed the transitional zone between wandering ascetics and expanding agrarian communities. Second, the paper investigates forests as spaces of spiritual expression, where monks and ascetics practised meditation and renunciation, and where monastic establishments often developed in proximity to woodlands. Third, the study considers the economic uses of forests, including the gathering of forest produce, hunting, wood collection, and other forms of resource utilisation that supported both rural households and monastic communities. Finally, the paper analyses forests in cultural imagination as depicted in Buddhist narratives, where forests appear simultaneously as places of danger, refuge, moral testing, and transformation. By integrating these perspectives, the paper argues that forests occupied a central position in the environmental and social world described in early Buddhist literature. The study demonstrates that Buddhist sources provide a unique window into the environmental history of early India and reveal the complex and varied relationships between forests and human society in the early historic period.

The object of the present article is to collect and analyse passages from narrative sources concerning monasticism in the Byzantine prefecture of Africa in the sixth to seventh centuries, in an attempt to determine the nature and extent of the monastic movement in the area. Due to the fragmentary nature of the surviving source base and its concentration around events of a political nature and relating to Christological controversies, the narrative texts (including the works of Procopius of Caesarea, the chronicle of Victor of Tonnona, and hagiographic literature) were also confronted with epistolographic and normative material, allowing for a more complete picture of the subject under study. The analysis has shown that there is no apparent continuity in the existence of monastic foundations between the Late Roman period, Vandal rule and Byzantine times; moreover, the information appearing in the sixth and seventh centuries basically concerns only monasteries and monks active in the area of Africa Proconsularis. The largest amount of data is provided by the Greek sources, which refer mainly to the situation in the first half of the seventh century and the Monothelite controversy, showing Africa as a place of settlement for numerous Eastern monks, but without mentioning the Latin-speaking monastic structures that had existed there before. The picture obtainable from the narrative of Byzantine monasticism in the area is therefore fragmentary and in many places hypothetical.

ABSTRACT The aim of the present study is to describe some large lesions observed in cranial vaults belonging to pre‐Hispanic individuals (Guanches) from Tenerife. Among the 41 pre‐Hispanic skulls housed at the Instituto de Canarias Cabrera Pinto of the city of San Cristóbal de La Laguna (Tenerife, Canary Islands), we identified two cases from Barranco del Agua de Dios, an archaeological site with many dwelling sites and burial caves that was occupied by the pre‐Hispanic population at least since the sixth century ce . The two skulls correspond to male adults and show large (up to 50 cm 2 ) oval‐shaped, slightly depressed lesions, surrounded by a bony ridge. The remodeling process in the affected area has led to a relatively smooth surface, with microporotic lesions and interrupted cranial sutures. Computed tomography (CT) studies revealed the absence of diploe and apparent fusion of both tables in the affected areas, with preservation of the inner table. CT features and interruption of the cranial sutures strongly differ from the alterations described in cases affected with the so‐called sincipital T lesion. Transverse subtle marks are observed in the frontal and posterior parts of both parietal bones. An apparent healing process of these marks has led to more or less complete obliteration, especially in one of the skulls. Although differential diagnosis may include some infectious diseases and trauma, the findings suggest that the Guanches also performed scalping. The reason for which this procedure was performed is largely unknown (perhaps therapeutical, or ritual, as discussed later). One limitation of this study lies in the fact that the diagnostic possibility is only based on the similitude of the lesion with those described in other populations of the world. More research is needed, especially regarding the comparison of the meaning of these lesions with the so‐called sincipital T.

The practice of journeying to specific locations believed to confer a range of spiritual and physical benefits was well established in Britain before the arrival of the first Christian missionaries in the late sixth century. Over the next millennium, a network of institutions ranging from local churches to monasteries and cathedrals shaped the religious life of Anglo- Saxon and Norman England, creating a diverse heritage of significant individuals recognized as patron saints of cities, professions, and universities whose veneration continued even after the dissolution of the monasteries in the sixteenth century. This article explores the research literatures of English pilgrimage in the humanities and social sciences.

Abstract The paper is a first summary of the excavations of the third, minor temple in the Sogdian city of Panjakent which is located in the area XI-East to the north of the large temples i and ii . The excavations are ongoing since 2015. Here, I would like to (1) give a short history of research on the site; (2) describe the architecture of the excavated parts of it as it looked in the first half of the eighth century; (3) present the fragmented mural paintings and individual finds discovered so far; (4) scrutinize the stratigraphy of the area, its coins and pottery to show that the third temple was functioning until 740 and thus outlived the main temples of the city, although it was erected not later than the sixth century and (5) position this temple among other religious structures of Sogdiana and (6) in the history of Panjakent. Needless to say, many assumptions of this interim paper will be rejected or confirmed by future work on the site.

Abstract The archaeological site of Buto (Tell el-Fara'in) in the northwestern Nile Delta, Egypt, is a multilayered settlement with a complex occupational history spanning from the Predynastic period to the Early Islamic era. The workflow of this study is mainly focused on using_ not on developing new methods_ SAR (Sentinel-1 GRD) satellite imagery along with the electrical resistivity tomography (ERT) measurements, and excavation process to investigate the site's settlement phases, particularly in relation to subsurface architectural remains in the archaeological Tell of Buto (Kom C). Sentinel-1 (C-band) satellite imagery captured on May 5, 2018, was processed using SNAP software (version 9.0.0) to identify large-scale anomalies indicative of buried structures. Based on these detected anomalies, the locations for ERT profiles were strategically selected to maximize the likelihood of indicating significant subsurface features. ERT was applied in a quasi-3D survey mode across Kom C, using parallel 2D survey lines. A comparison between quasi-3D images—created by merging inverted 2D sections—and fully 3D inverted resistivity models highlights the superior accuracy of the 3D inversion algorithm in enhancing subsurface imaging and improving the interpretation of buried archaeological features, even in a site as intricate as Buto. Both horizontal resistivity depth slices (tomoplanes) and voxel-based 3D resistivity models provide critical insights into the subsurface architectural remains. The upper layers (0–3 m) exhibited diffuse resistivity patterns with scattered anomalies, indicating the presence of remnants of Ptolemaic or Roman archaeological material, including mudbricks, limestone debris, and pottery fragments, which were likely displaced by natural or human activity. Further, at a depth ranging from 3 to 6 m, a well-defined high-resistivity anomaly was identified as a Saite period (26th Dynasty, seventh–sixth century BCE) mudbrick structure, possibly a large tomb or shrine, resting on an artificial sand foundation or sandboxes. The sand layer of high-resistivity values was identified at a depth of 6–7 m, indicating intentional ground levelling during the Saite period, with a deeper layer potentially dating from the late eighth century BCE. Integrating Sentinel-1 data with ERT results provided multi-scale insights, guiding the excavation process, which was carried out over a 10 × 10 m area divided into four squares, revealing mudbrick walls and religious artefacts, further validating the geophysical and remote sensing interpretations. The results of this study demonstrate the effectiveness of combining geophysical measurements and remote sensing data, which gave a very accurate vision in detecting buried settlements in a complex region.

Abstract This article argues that a significant pagan presence in Antioch and the wider Christian East during the lifetime of Evagrius Scholasticus (c. 536–590 CE) provided the impetus for the anti-pagan polemical digressions against the historian Zosimus and the anonymous “idol-maniacs” in his Historia Ecclesiastica. Scholars have argued over the nature of these polemical digressions and the historical situations that precipitated them. Some like Pauline Allen have attributed these digressions to a “tired” rhetorical convention of ecclesiastical historiography. Others have noted the great environmental disasters in Antioch and Persian military incursions in the sixth century as a motivation for stimulating remaining pagans in the region. I argue that the existence of pagans in Antioch and the broader Christian East during the reigns of Justinian (r. 527–565), Justin II (r. 565–678), Tiberius II Constantine (r. 578–582), and Maurice (r. 582–602) necessitated a polemical response by Evagrius in his Historia. Through a careful analysis of contemporary sources during these reigns, such as the Codex Justinianus , John of Ephesus’ Historia Ecclesiastica and Lives of the Eastern Saints , and the Vita of Symeon Stylites the Younger, and building upon the scholarship of Glanville Downey, Michael Whitby, Anthony Kaldellis, Lucy Parker, and others, this essay analyzes how pagan scandals in Antioch, purges throughout the Christian East in the sixth century, and Evagrius’ own personal crises in a city ravaged by war, natural disaster, and plague warranted his inclusion of these polemical digressions.

The Church of Caucasian Albania constitutes a distinctive yet often overlooked element within the broader narrative of Eastern Christianity, positioned at the intersection of cultural and geopolitical dynamics in the South Caucasus (Hewsen 2001). This investigation posits that the Albanian Church functioned as an autonomous ecclesiastical institution, cultivating a singular Christian identity by integrating indigenous Caucasian customs and doctrinal influences from prominent regional Christian centers (Dasxuranci 1961; Aleksidze and Mahe 2008). In terms of its material-cultural legacy, architectural ensembles such as the monasteries of Gandzasar and Amaras stand out, differentiated from analogous Georgian and Armenian structures by unique planimetric configurations, structural innovations, and the incorporation of pre-Christian architectural motifs (Akhundov 1986; Aliev and Mamedzade 1997). The assertion of the Albanian Church’s distinctive material and religious heritage is bolstered by its long-standing autocephaly, formally established at the Council of Aghuen in the fifth century, following the adoption of Christianity as the state religion (Dasxuranci 1961). This autocephalous status was underpinned by the political sovereignty of the Albanian polity and embodied a pursuit of canonical independence (Dasxuranci 1961; Guseinov 2017). Nevertheless, evolving geopolitical circumstances, notably the Arab conquest, precipitated the erosion of Albania’s political autonomy circa 705 CE (Dasxuranci 1961; Hewsen 2001). As a result, the Albanian ecclesiastical hierarchy became subsumed under the Armenian Church, eventually manifesting as the Catholicosate of Aghvank (Dasxuranci 1961; Hewsen 2001). This trajectory culminated in 1836, when the Russian Empire formally dissolved the Catholicosate, reallocating its assets and ecclesiastical oversight to the Armenian Apostolic Church (Guseinov 2017). In contemporary scholarship, the historical and cultural patrimony of Caucasian Albania remains embroiled in contentious historiographical discourses, often marred by allegations of distortion and leveraged to underpin modern political and territorial assertions in the South Caucasus (Mamedova 1977; Hewsen 2001). Against this backdrop, the resurgence of Albanian heritage and the establishment of Albanology — the study of Caucasian Albania — as an autonomous academic discipline, predicated on objective, evidence-based, and apolitical methodologies, assume heightened importance (Niyazievich 2024). This inquiry seeks to offer a judicious reassessment of Albanian heritage, framing it not as a peripheral footnote but as an essential and autonomous facet of the Caucasus’s religious and linguistic milieu (Schulze 2005; Gippert 2015). The examination delineates the Albanian Church’s historical evolution, encompassing its apostolic foundations and era of institutional autonomy (fifth to sixth centuries), through the progressive diminution of its autocephaly and its ultimate dissolution in the nineteenth century (Dasxuranci 1961; Guseinov 2017). This analysis underscores the intricate historiographical terrain surrounding this heritage, wherein empirical evidence is frequently co-opted for contemporary geopolitical agendas (Mamedova 1977; Guseinov 2017). Accordingly, the present work contests oversimplified narratives from diverse perspectives, advocating recognition of the Albanian Church’s independent identity, forged through a multifaceted amalgamation of endogenous traditions and exogenous theological paradigms (Aleksidze and Mahe 2008; Schulze 2005).

Abstract This study seeks to elucidate the historical development and transmission of the traditions associated with the ‘Seven Sets’ through a cross-textual analysis of Pali, Sanskrit, Chinese, Tibetan, and Gāndhārī sources. The Seven Sets comprise the four establishings of mindfulness, the four right endeavors/abandonings, the four bases of success, the five faculties, the five powers, the seven factors of awakening, and the noble eightfold path. The Eight-Set tradition emerged alongside the Seven-Set tradition by the second century, followed by the forty-one and forty-three dharma s contributing to awakening ( bodhipakkhiya / bodhipakṣya ) by the fifth century. However, the Seven Sets became the most dominant. Both the Vaibhāṣika and Mahāvihāra schools upheld the Seven Sets as the definitive framework for the dharma s contributing to awakening, rejecting any additional items. The Vaibhāṣika dismissed the forty-one dharma s as heretical, whereas the Mahāvihāra excluded the four meditations incorporated into the Eight Sets. After the sixth century, the Eight-Set tradition was subsumed by the Seven-Set tradition. No evidence supports the long-term survival of the other two traditions. The dominance of the Seven Sets reflects the transition in South Asian Buddhism from pluralism to doctrinal unity.

Abstract The fifth to seventh centuries ce witnessed a transition from expositional to literal translations of Greek texts into Syriac. This progressive transition is evident in various letters written by translators as introductions to their translations. This paper comprises an analysis of four sets of sixth-century letters introducing the anonymous translation of Gregory of Nyssa’s Commentary on Song of Songs , Moses of Aggel’s translations of Cyril of Alexandria’s Glaphyra and the anonymous History of Aseneth and Joseph , and Abbot Simeon’s translation of Athanasius’ Letter to Marcellinus . These contemporary testimonies provide unique insight into the shift in translation style of the early sixth century, while also reflecting an increasing awareness of the need for more precise translations due to the ongoing process of Hellenisation and the theological developments of the time.

One of the more puzzling problems in Greco-Roman historiography is the very strong tradition that Numa Pompilius, creator of the Romans’ religious system, was a pupil of Pythagoras, who set up his school in south Italy about 530 bc. The idea was denounced by Cicero and Livy as an anachronistic fiction—but how could it have come to be so widely believed? This article draws attention to the very extensive Pythagorean material repro­duced in Plutarch’s life of Numa, and Plutarch’s own reasonable doubts about the accuracy of the received chronology of the Roman kings. The tradition of Numa the Pythagorean evidently predated the creation of the chronology, so why should it be dismissed as unhistorical? An innovating religious legislator at Rome in the late sixth century bc is a hypothesis that deserves to be taken seriously.

Abstract This work compares the use of palace diplomacy and propaganda by the rulers of Constantinople and Mexico-Tenochtitlan. It builds on studies of the cultural exchange between the Roman and Sasanian empires from the third to sixth centuries a.d. , which led to a diplomatic protocol shared by these two realms. This protocol and Liudprand of Cremona’s account of diplomatic receptions are the basis for comparative analysis. Drawing on Hernando Alvarado Tezozómoc’s Crónica Mexicana and other sixteenth-century sources, this study identifies key characteristics of diplomacy in Mesoamerica. It explores how Mexico-Tenochtitlan employed palace diplomacy and propaganda from the reign of Motecuhzoma Ilhuicamina to Motecuhzoma Xocoyotzin. Through this analysis, we find that the diplomatic and propaganda objectives of Constantinople and Mexico-Tenochtitlan had distinct focuses. The Byzantine rulers aimed to maintain their existing empire, while the Tenochca rulers sought not only to preserve but also to expand their domain. As a result, Constantinople’s strategy emphasized palace diplomacy, whereas Mexico-Tenochtitlan’s focused more on propaganda. Despite these differences, both approaches share several similarities. Both began with invitations, and their protocols included the same components: visual (architecture, wealth, and terror), ceremonial (including aural, olfactory, gustatory, ludic, haptic, somatic, and terror elements), and diplomatic (interviews and gift exchanges).

Among Old Testament figures, Moses enjoyed a unique status from the perspective of late antique Christian writers. He was recognized as a lawgiver, prophet, leader, priest, and miracle-working holy man whose guidance of the Israelites toward an earthly salvation prefigured the mission of Christ. Yet, while patristic theologians defined for Moses a common stock of characteristics and themes, a considerable degree of fluidity in defining the prophet’s significance for contemporary Christians remained. This is particularly apparent in the depictions of Moses authored in post-Roman Gaul between the sixth and mid-eighth centuries. These “Merovingian Moseses” were united by a common store of biblical stories, symbols, and themes, as well as by their collective debt to patristic tradition, but also were distinct in their embodiment and representation of a selective choice of these tropes. While characterizations of Moses by Bishops Avitus of Vienne and Caesarius of Arles offered two possible models for understanding the Israelite prophet—hero and imperfect embodiment of the Old Law, respectively—neither model dominated contemporary discourse, and depictions of Moses continued to be shaped by differences in genre, authorial program, and in a number of cases a specific concern with contemporary Jews. Collectively, these Merovingian Moseses thus signify a socioreligious milieu that was confident in its Christian identity but also still somewhat ill at ease with both a biblical Jewish heritage and, even more so, the continued presence of living Jews within a professed Christian regnum.