In the Jeju shamanic religion, chickens have been sacrificed for aekmagi, a ritual to prevent aek, a looming misfortune that may cause death. Whereas ordinary participants are thought to be at risk of harm when possessing or eating chickens or other offerings made to prevent aek, the simbang, Jeju shamans, are thought to be immune to it. Simbang are believed to be permanently on the threshold between the human and the divine realms. They help remove aek but are not harmed by it, because it only harms humans in the human realm, not the person on the boundary. While the other participants are temporarily placed in the liminal state during aekmagi and come back to the ordinary living human realm after the ritual, simbang remain in the perpetual liminal state. Chicken sacrifice has been omitted from aekmagi since around 2010 in most places in Jeju-do. Though ritual killing is no longer practiced, adherents still think that aek is prevented by aekmagi. The Jeju people believe that gods are the main agents of preventing aek and that they can persuade the gods to do the work without receiving chickens’ lives. In addition, due to the change in people’s view on killing animals, aekmagi without chicken sacrifice has become a more efficient ritual system for nourishing social sustenance by following the new social prescription.

Life is a raucous carnival, full of “games” and “rides” whose ongoing interactions continually surprise us. Yet thinkers are too often tempted to treat it as a machine that spits out linear time lines of events, one leading deterministically to another. By its interdisciplinary nature, big history is inclined to treat the world as a carnival; yet the temptation to treat it in the more linear way sometimes prevails. This essay treats one key dynamic that governs life’s carnival—the principle of emergence. Emergence is the process by which a relatively simple entity interacts with its environment to become structurally complex, often in ways that seem impossible to anticipate. In this way, a seed becomes a fruit tree, a small community becomes a vast city, or a shamanic religion in a hunter-gatherer band evolves into a system of belief and practice shared by a billion people. By defining emergence and exploring religion as an extended illustration, this paper makes the case for more fully incorporating the principle of emergence into the study of big history.

Abstract From the Nazi Reich to the deadly storming of the U.S. Capital building on January 6, 2021, symbols of pre‐Christian Norse religious practices, especially magic, have come to represent androcentricity, authoritarianism, and White nationalism. This modern misrepresentation contrasts how the Norse people themselves potentially saw these same signs and images: as subversive, subaltern, and queer. Rather than the austere and distorted image left to us by monastic chroniclers of later centuries, recent historical, archaeological, and literary studies have taken into consideration new evidence that suggests magic was a vibrant and interwoven part of everyday life for the Norse people in the Viking Age. New methodological approaches and material discoveries have enabled scholars to re‐evaluate the socio‐sexual systems of Viking‐Age Scandinavia and theorize about the potential for ungendered, transgendered, and gender‐fluid readings of how individuals subverted these regimes through sorcery. This article surveys this recent turn in Old Norse studies and explores the possibilities for such scholarship to revolutionize how we think of the Vikings' place in the circum‐polar history of Shamanism, gender‐bending, and queer magic.

В междисциплинарном исследовании, основанном на эпических традициях эвенков, рассматривается проблема проникновения домашнего оленеводства в культурный комплекс северных тунгусов. Для решения задачи исследования используются методологические основы эпического историзма, подкрепляемые мировоззренческими традициями эвенков, а также результатами исследований по археологии и этнографии. До настоящего времени наиболее распространенная гипотеза о возникновении домашнего оленеводства складывалась из предположений В. А. Туголукова, Г. М. Василевич, Е. Н. Широкогоровой, согласно которым северные тунгусы приручили оленя в первых вв. н. э. Вместе с тем, фольклорные традиции эвенков свидетельствуют о более раннем историческом времени доместификации оленя предками современных эвенков и эвенов. В эпосе эвенков распространены два сюжета о приручении оленя. Согласно первому, оленя приручает первопредок-женщина. Второй, наиболее распространенный сюжет, свидетельствует о вхождении оленеводства в культурный комплекс эвенков в тесной связи с этногенетическими контактами к востоку от Байкала. Мифология и мировоззренческие традиции указывают на взаимосвязь культа оленеводства с культом медведя-предка, а также сохраняют культурные параллели с неолитическими традициями древних тунгусов-глазковцев. Содержание мировоззренческих и шаманских традиций эвенков также свидетельствуют о культурной взаимосвязи с содержанием писаниц Приамурья, которые по мнению А. П. Окладникова и А. И. Мазина, являются воплощением мировоззренческих традиций прямых предков современных эвенков-орочонов. В результате исследования, выдвигается предположение о том, что эпические, мифологические, ритуальные и этнографические традиции эвенков сопоставимы с результатами археологических исследований и свидетельствуют о высокой вероятности возникновения эвенкийского оленеводства в Приамурье во II тыс. до н. э. Работа представляет интерес для специалистов по фольклору, истории и этнографии, в круг научных интересов которых входят традиции устного народного творчества и история тунгусо-маньчжурских народов.

Shamanistic Elements in Altay Burkhanism

Sang Ju period the characteristics of shamanism and its role in political and social status

Sang-Ju period the characteristics of shamanism and its role in political and social status: Center on archaeological date in the literature

This paper argues that shamanic instruments known as mengdu are revered as sacred on Jeju-do and that the smiths who make the mengdu, as creators of divine mengdu and as transmitters of these instruments to the simbang (Jeju shamans), are regarded as sacred beings. The relationship between shamans and smiths could be seen in many places in Korea, including Jeju-do, until quite recently, though it has become difficult to identify in the course of time. On Jeju, where the sacred power and role of smiths were in evidence until twenty years ago, smiths were considered sacred because they make the material god mengdu. This job is extremely challenging because the mengdu are themselves a kind of sillyeong, which can be offended during the process of being made into metal instruments. Although sillyeong are defined as “spirits or natural objects that are served as gods,” this definition should be expanded, for the mengdu are metal “artifacts” also served as gods. The smith making the mengdu also performs the mengdu gosa, in which he unites the new mengdu with its soul and divines the future of the simbang. It is not the shaman but the smith who is the first user of the new set of mengdu for divination. Since full-time smiths making the mengdu do not exist any longer on Jeju, a renowned young simbang is currently doing the work of creating gods out of metal, showing again that “smiths and shamans are from the same nest.”

본 논문은 황석영의 『손님』에 드러난 샤머니즘의 윤리관과 그것의 보 편적 지점을 밝히고자 한다. 황석영의 『손님』은 분단체제의 모순과 그로 인해 지속되는 개인적, 집단적 트라우마를 다루고 있다는 점에서 분단문 학의 전형이다. 『손님』의 가장 큰 특징이 있다면, 분단이 가져온 트라우마 를 해결하는 방법으로 샤머니즘(무속)을 수용했다는 점이다. 흔히 리얼리 즘 문학의 대가라고 일컬어지는 황석영의 작품에서 무속적 요소가 단순 한 배경이 아니라 핵심적 요소로 제시되고 있다는 점은 다소 의외라고 할 수 있다. 그간 분단문학에서 샤머니즘은 근대(이데올로기)의 폭력성을 주 술과 같은 전근대의 방식으로 해결하고자 한다는 점에서 근대의 불완전 성을 드러내는 역할을 수행해왔다. 이는 엄밀하게 말해서 근대의 자장 아 래서는 진정한 화해, 진정한 치유를 끌어내기 힘들다는 것을 역설적으로 보여준다고 할 수 있다. 하지만 『손님』에서는 상대를 무조건적으로 우위 에 두는 샤머니즘의 윤리관은 주체와 타자간의 비대칭성을 중시하는 레비나스의 타자의 윤리와 닮아있다. 이는 손님’을 조건 없이 받아들여 주인 의 권리를 허용치 않는 데리다의 절대적 환대의 개념과 친연성을 가지고 있기도 하다. 『손님』은 분단의 문제를 해결하는 데에 있어, 샤머니즘이 가 지고 있는 보편적 윤리의 가능성을 타진하고 있다고 할 수 있다.

Shamanism Discourse in Premodern Korea and the Relationship between Confucianism and Shamanism in Popular Religion

A Study on the Identity of the Silla People through Shamanism: Focusing on Hwarangdo and Goereung

<p>Para atender a los factores que inciden en el proceso de mercantilización de artesanías, analizamos el modo en que se relacionan dos colectivos de artesanas de los pueblos wichí y qom con trabajadores de un programa de desarrollo rural estatal y una ong poniendo foco en: la conformación de una calidad atada a la venta y la organización de la circulación de las artesanías con base en acopios periódicos. </p><p>La investigación, basada en mi tesis de doctorado, se realizó con el método etnográfico. La recolección de la información, en alternancia con periodos de sistematización y reflexión sobre el material recolectado, transcurrió entre agosto de 2012 y agosto de 2018.</p><p>Parentesco, diferencias en el control del dinero que se considera colectivo, tipo de productos a adquirir con el mismo, diferencias de edad, capacidad para recurrir a la presión a través de ataques chamánicos o brujeriles y ciertas herramientas de cálculo generan dinámicas que se orientan a separar a las personas de los trabajos o a administrar la continuidad persona-trabajo.</p><div> </div>

Through the analysis of the role of shamanic practices in Jose Maria Arguedas’ \textit{El zorro de arriba y el zorro de abajo} and Cesar Calvo’s \textit{Las tres mitades de Ino Moxo}, this essay explores a possible alternative way of producing mestizo identities that is neither part of nor a result of the Western intellectual tradition but is instead supported by an indigenous knowledge system. Fueled by the fluidity Shamanism offers to its practitioners (a potential to become another being/entity, and to be located in a liminal space where one may dwell in a foreign epistemological horizon without leaving his own) as well as by the Andean and Amazonian indigenous belief that the spirit is common to human and non-human, the mestizo identity-making machines in these novels show the stealth ways that indigenous people produce a mestizaje that works as a tool of cultural resistance. For instance, in Arguedas’s work, the characters Loco Moncada and the Peace Corps member Maxwell are affected by shamanic practices that create cracks in the Western intellectual tradition and foster dialogue across different cultural realms. In turn, these characters acknowledge that there is a logic behind statements considered irrational within Western cultural epistemology. In Calvo’s work we see similar shamanic movements. Ino Moxo and the jibaros, while making their shrunken heads, reveal Amazonian Indigenous ways of negotiating with otherness, even if that Other is a Western subject driven by violence that aims to suppress and transform everything that is different from him. Keywords: shamanism; human/non-human; upside down mestizaje; cultural resistance

The performance on East Sea Coast Shamanism Gutguri rhythm’s variation types - Centered on Gutguri rhythm

Article Wrong about the Land Without Evil but right about shamanism. The lasting legacy of Hélène Clastres was published on May 1, 2020 in the journal Zeitschrift für Kulturwissenschaften (volume 14, issue 1).

Inuit Stories of Being and Rebirth: Gender, Shamanism and the Third Sex (Saladin d'Anglure

The year 1949 has been of crucial importance in the life of Claude Levi-Strauss, both for his academic career and for the theoretical development of his thought. In this phase of alternative possibilities and afterthoughts, he published two texts about shamanism, which became the classic references for every scholar interested in this phenomenon. These texts reveal profound reflections, innovative solutions, originality and easiness in facing up big theoretical questions. They show as well a thought in the making, which begins to explore new fields and topics of research, and which is evaluating his own strengths and interests. However, Levi-Strauss will quickly decide to abandon the study of rituals and shamanistic practices, choosing to devote his research to the systems of thought: totemism, classification systems, and, at last, mythical thought, a topic to which he will be devoted until the end of his long scientific career.

샤머니즘적 종교는 전 세계 어디서나 찾을 수 있다. 한국에서는 무교, 베트남에서는 Đạo Mẫu라고 하는 종교들은 샤머니즘적 성격이 잘 나타난다. 한국과 베트남은 샤머니즘적 종교생활과 수행에서 신을 무당이라는 존재의 몸에 모시고 신비하고 성스러운 종교제의를 거행한다는 점에 매우 흡사하다. 특히 의례를 연행할 때 악기도 연주하고 노래도 부르는 다양한 예술형식을 통해 문화와 접목되는 요소를 보여준다. 의례에서 불리는 노래는 무속가요 또는 무가라고 할 수 있다. 본고에서 한국 무교에서의 제일 높은 신령인 제석과 베트남 Đạo Mẫu에서의 제일 높은 신령인 Mẫu Đệ nhất Thiên tiên(제일천선성모)에 대한 무가를 선정해 내용을 분석한 뒤에 무가의 기능과 역할을 비교했다. 각 나라의 무가의 기본적 구성에서 신청배-신풀이-신의 축원 등으로 비슷하지만 기능에서 차이가 나타난다는 것을 확인할 수 있다. 무가의 기본적 특징과 기능을 살펴보면 연행 전승 제한성, 종교 주술성, 오락적인 기능, 포용성 등으로 볼 수 있다. 한국 무교의 제의에서는 무당이 중심이 되며 제의를 주관하면서 신과 인간을 교섭하게 하기 위해 춤도 추고 무가도 구연한다. 베트남 Đạo Mẫu 제의에서도 대체적으로 다름이 없다고 볼 수 있으나 차이점은 무가를 구연하는 사람은 무당이 아니라 악사라는 점이다. 무당이 무가를 통해 신을 내려오도록 하고 신의 의사를 인간에게 전달하며 인간의 소원을 신에게 전해준다. 그렇지만 무당이 직접 무가를 부르지 않으면 무가의 주술성이 완전히 없어지거나 나약해질 수밖에 없다. 인간인 악사들이 무당 대신에 무가를 가창하고 신을 기쁘게 하고 인간의 소원을 드러내고 신의 축원까지도 포함해서 표현하는 경우에는 제의에서 일반 민중들도 중심이 된다는 것을 볼 수 있다. 한국의 경우 악단이 없어도 제의를 거침없이 진행할 수 있지만 베트남의 경우 악단이 없으면 제의를 성공적으로 이룰 수 없다고 볼 수 있다. 신과의 거리를 줄일 수 있도록 신을 위한 제의에서 인간의 역할을 높인 것이라고 볼 수 있다. 신에게 무당을 통해 현세에 대한 소원을 전해달라고 할 필요가 없으며 직접적으로 노래를 통해 전달하는 것은 한국과 베트남 샤머니즘적 종교의 큰 차이라고 볼 수 있다. 한국과 베트남 샤머니즘적 종교의 무가 자료는 아주 풍부하고 다양하다. 각 나라의 무속종교의 신관 우주관 현생관 등을 밝힐 수 있으면 그 나라의 문화의 본질을 찾을 수 있다고 믿는다. 그렇기 때문에 깊게 연구하는 것이 필요하다고 생각한다. 이러한 작업을 통해 양국의 토속문화를 더 깊게 이해할 수 있으면서 문화 측면에서도 많은 요소를 되살릴 수 있다고 생각한다.Shamanism is followed in many parts of the world. Mukyo in Korea and Dao Mau in Vietnam have directly originated from Shamanism. Shamanistic practices are the same in Korea and Vietnam: the magicians receive spirits into their body and then perform the rituals. While conducting these rituals, they sing, play musical instruments, etc. The ritual song is called Muka. This paper chose to analyze Muka’s roles and the features of the highest god in Mukyo, Korea and the highest deity in Dao Mau, Vietnam. Muka’s structure is the same in Korea and Vietnam, but the features are different. The basic features of Muka include the limitation of inheritance, religious spell, entertainment, tolerance, etc. In the Korean Mukyo ritual, a Mudang dances and sings to help people communicate with the gods. The Vietnamese Dao Mau ritual is generally the same as the ritual in Korea except that the person singing Muka is not a Mudang but a musician. Mudang, through Muka, call on the gods, and convey the words of the gods to humans; they also help in transmitting the desire of the people to the gods. However, if the Mudang does not directly sing Muka, then its spell will completely disappear or be very weak. Musicians sing Muka to make the spirits happy and express the desires of humans. Thus, we can see that the humans have also become the center of the ritual. In Korea, the ritual can be carried out continuously without an orchestra, but in Vietnam, the ceremony cannot proceed successfully, if there is no orchestra. The increasing role of people in ritual can be considered as a form of shortening the distance between people and the gods. Not being required to go through a Mudang and conveying one’s desire to god directly through the song is the difference between Korean and Vietnamese shamanism. Korean and Vietnamese Muka documents are rich and diverse. I believe that if we clarify the culture of Shamanism in Korea and Vietnam, it is possible to find the cultural roots of each country. Therefore, in my opinion, Muka necessitates in-depth study. Through this, we can understand and revive the cultures of the two countries.

ФЕНОМЕНОЛОГИЯ ТЕЛЕСНОСТИ: ОТ ОПЫТА К

In Davi Kopenawa and Bruce Albert’s A Queda do ceu, listening, within the context of Yanomami shamanism, entails transposing the words of Omama, the creator god, and his spirits, the xapiri into the present, with the aim of establishing a livable future. This text, with its complex questions of co-authorship, demands of the reader a kind of listening in order to open up to Yanomami forms of sense-making. Shamanic listening depends on an initiation ceremony, which is a “listening lesson” as much for Kopenawa as for the reader. The undecidable nexus of hearing/imitating is the grounds for the discovery of the otherness of the self, a self-difference from which meaning stems. The shamanic listening practice is embedded within collective political struggles emerging in resistance to the colonizing incursions of market capitalism. Matihi is the name the Yanomami give to commodities, as they integrate them into a system of exchange involving affect and interdependence. Matihi, connected to mortality and the forest’s lived past, illustrates the renewal process born of shamanic listening.