Sense Of Victimization Research Articles

Trauma in world politics: Memory dynamics between different victim groups

While the international arena is littered with events of war and atrocities, the memory of the Holocaust was institutionalized as the ultimate benchmark of human suffering within the liberal world order. Against the backdrop of such a global memory landscape, this article explores how different memories of trauma interact. Building on literature within international relations, sociology and social psychology, as well as survey data collected from a sample of Syrians, Palestinians and Israelis, its analysis explores how victims of political violence compare their suffering with that of others and why such comparisons slip easily into competition. The analysis found that individuals were competitive with their memories when they showed high levels of patriotic attachment and a real and perceived, yet unrecognized, sense of victimhood. This article thus offers insight into a key issue in peace and conflict studies: the links between traumatic memory, victimhood, international recognition and conflict.

평화선을 둘러싼 시마네현의 독도 주변 수역에 대한 인식

The purpose of this study is to shed light on how the perception of the waters around Dokdo in Shimane Prefecture surrounding the Peace Line was expressed. Based on the theoretical background of the politicization of fishing rights, the discussion will focus on the moments that led Shimane Prefecture to transform the issue of captured fishing boats in waters around Dokdo into a sovereignty issue from the declaration of the peace line in January 1952 to the conclusion of the normalization of diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan in June 1965. Shimane Prefecture regarded the declaration of the peace line as a political measure aimed at cracking down on Japanese fishermen in the waters around Dokdo and the fishing grounds on the southern coast of the Korean Peninsula. Above all, Shimane Prefecture recognized the Peace Line as an unreasonable fishing border and argued that the Korean government's seizure of Japanese fishing boats was an illegal act. Moreover, while the Japanese media was raising the illegality of the peace ship, fabricated reports about the capture of Japanese fishing boats that landed on Dokdo provided an excuse to escalate the Dokdo issue. What is noteworthy is that Shimane Prefecture's self-centered perception of the Peace Ship originated from a distortion of the wrong facts resulting from changes in the Japanese government's fishing policy, rather than from a sense of victimization among fishing boats and fishermen captured by Korea. In other words, Shimane Prefecture's perception of the waters around Dokdo surrounding the Peace Line was expressed through the politicization of fishing rights, where the distorted facts of fishermen entrenched by Japan's fisheries policy infiltrated their real lives and escalated beyond securing the right to survive to a question of sovereignty.

Sharing information with AI (versus a human) impairs brand trust: The role of audience size inferences and sense of exploitation

This research examines whether and why disclosing information to AI as opposed to humans influences an important brand-related outcome—consumers’ trust in brands. Results from two pilot studies and nine controlled experiments (n = 2,887) show that consumers trust brands less when they disclose information to AI as opposed to humans. The effect is driven by consumers’ inference that AI shares information with a larger audience, which increases consumers’ sense of exploitation. This, in turn, decreases their trust in brands. In line with our theorizing, the effect is stronger among consumers who are relatively more concerned about the privacy of their data. Furthermore, the negative consequences for brands can be mitigated when (1) customers are informed that the confidentiality of their information is protected, (2) AI is anthropomorphized, and (3) the disclosed information is relatively less relevant.

“Stop the Steal”: Racial Resentment, Affective Partisanship, and Investigating the January 6th Insurrection

Our analysis of data from a nationally representative survey of adults shows that beliefs in whether the January 6th insurrection was justifiable and whether it required investigation through the creation of the U.S. House Select Committee are inexorably steeped in affective partisanship and racial resentment. It is easy to attribute the insurrection to partisan machinations, but evidence shows that racial resentment is the dominant explanation: this includes the fact that allegations of election fraud were centered on districts with large African American and Latino populations; that many of the insurrectionists were white nationalists, racists, and members of radical right-wing groups; and that a large proportion of the electorate had voted to retain a president who fueled whites’ sense of victimization by African Americans and other minorities. We argue that reactions to the legitimacy of the January 6th insurrection have become an example of how racial resentment fuels affective partisanship.

Criminal offences related to domestic violence: Structure of the investigation methodology

Violence by family members is not only systematic, but is also characterized by an increase in its intensity, aggression, and the victim's sense of impunity and inability to resist leads to serious criminal and legal consequences. Even when criminal offenses that result in injury or death are detected, it is not always possible to establish their connection to domestic violence. This situation can be avoided by following a defined, scientifically based structure of actions. Therefore, today there is a need to develop algorithms for investigator's actions during the investigation of criminal offenses resulting from domestic violence. That is why in this article the author aims at identifying the interdependent elements of the criminal investigation process. To achieve this goal, the author used the methods of analysis, synthesis and questionnaire, the method of decomposition, and the special legal method. As a result, this work has made it possible to substantiate the expediency of dividing the investigation methodology into nine mandatory structural elements. The completeness of such elements depends on the investigative situation, the specific type of criminal offense committed, the form of criminal plans implementation, the identity of the offender (either a person who commits systematic domestic violence or a person who is a victim of such violence or a witness thereto), the presence or absence of previous experience of the offender's illegal behavior, and the place of the criminal offense (rural area or a large city environment). The author substantiates the need to include such structural elements as "interaction with state and public authorities, institutions and organizations on preventing and combating domestic and gender-based violence" and "preventive activities of an investigator in criminal proceedings related to domestic violence" in the structure of the methodology. It is also determined that the effectiveness of the methodology is determined by the interdependence of investigative (detective) actions, compliance with the stages of the investigation and timely involvement of relevant specialists. Such elements, if properly sequenced and combined, form the methodology for investigating this category of criminal offenses. The practical value of the work lies in the formation of an effective program, planning of the investigator's actions not only to establish the circumstances of the incident, but also to establish the causal relationship between domestic violence and other criminal offenses.

Disinformation and weaponized communication: The spread of ideological hate about the Macedonian name in Greece

The study examined through ideological discourse analysis (IDA) 38 widely spread disinformation-laced news stories (or “fake news”) regarding the Macedonian Name Dispute (MND) and the “Prespes Agreement” in the years 2018 and 2019. The paper explores the ideological narratives and constructions disseminated through the disinformation-laced news stories during these 2 years. Therefore, the study expands the relevant literature regarding democracy, disinformation, and hate campaigns by examining the ideological narratives and constructions disseminated through the disinformation-laced news stories during that two-years-period. The findings showed that those news stories were successfully weaponized and resulted in empowering identity characteristics and ideological narratives through the distancing method (us vs them), the alienation with elements of dramatization (e.g. territorial loss of the Greek Macedonia due to the “Prespes Agreement”), and the sense of victimization and dehumanization that demanded emergency actions to protect the ingroup (Greece) from the outgroup (North Macedonia and its Greek assistants).

The relationship between social skills and school adjustment in junior high school students:

The present study investigates the association between social skills and indicators of school adjustment: school satisfaction, loneliness, self-esteem, depression, and academic grades. A total of 1,042 junior high school students (boys = 513, girls = 529, Mage = 13.63, range = 12–15) from 33 classes in three schools participated in a questionnaire survey. The results of correlation analysis with multilevel modeling and Zou’s test revealed that (a) hairyo skills, consisting of compassion for others and maintaining relationships with peers, were positively correlated with academic grades, and (b) kakawari skills, consisting of assertion and developing relationships with peers, were positively correlated with school satisfaction and self-esteem. Both types of social skills were negatively correlated with a sense of victimization and depression. These results show multiple aspects of the effects of social skills toward school adjustment problems.

Prevalence of Migraine and its Association with Neck Pain Among Students of the University of Lahore

Headaches have been associated with a certain collection of mental difficulties, including sadness, anxiety, worries, and frenzied issues. If untreated, cranial discomfort and atypical headache attacks may cause nervousness and sorrow due to the victim's sense of helplessness brought on by the pain's irrationality Objective: To find out the prevalence of migraine attacks and its association with neck pain among students of the University of Lahore Methods: Data was collected from 217 students of The The University of Lahore, having migraine and neck pain by using questionnaire of Neck Disability Index and Numerical Pain rating scale for Migraine. The permission was taken from institute and the questions were asked after obtaining consent of student Results: Age distribution among students was 20.88±1.644 years with minimum age of 19yrs and maximum 25 yrs. Out of 217, males with the percentage 28.6 % and 71.4 % females. Students with no migraine were 17.1%, mild migraine were 36.9%, moderate migraine were 27.6% and severe migraine were 18.4%. Out of 217, 7(3.2%) had no neck pain, 6(2.8%) had mild neck pain, 115(53.0%) had moderate neck pain, 74(34.1%) had severe neck pain and 10(4.6%) had very severe neck pain Conclusion: An association between migraine attacks and neck pain was observed.

층간소음 사회문제 해결을 위한 공동주택 거주자의 의식 조사 연구

Residential noise in apartment has become a social problem, thus the government and the private sector are making efforts to resolve or minimize disputes by various attempts. Disputes due to noise between floors have lots of reasons, therefore an approach based on the event must be customized. This study aims to identify the reason, and to establish a solution optimized for the case from the survey. The survey was conducted to the residents in an apartment located in Seogu, Gwangju Metropolitan City. The reasons and solutions for the various residential environment problems such as floor impact noise were derived. As for the reasons, it was found that there was a sense of victimization while taking a break in a residential space, and most of them have chosen ‘being patient’, which announces the communication about the problem was insufficient. About 50% of the residents do not know the regulations and the systems on floor impact noise, it means that residents need to know how many kinds of solutions are there when they are faced with a particular situation. The survey result was appeared that the relationship between the intimacy with the neighbour who produces noise problem and the conflict was statistically significant, therefore this can be an important clue for developing a program to improve intimacy of residents.

Populists in power and conspiracy theories

The populist use of tropes such as conspiracy theories plays an increasingly important role in their politics. Populism and conspiracy theories present a number of common traits – Manichaeanism, a sense of victimhood, and an ambivalence towards representative politics – and populists’ use of conspiracy theories is politically purposeful. Targeting a conspiring elite serves to vilify real or fictional opponents and/or shield populists from hostile attacks. Looking at three cases of populists in government – Orbán in Hungary, Trump in the United States, and Chávez in Venezuela – we examine the definition of conspiring elites (who), the circumstances under which conspiracy theories are propagated (when), and the ultimate purpose of conspiratorial framing (why). We demonstrate how populists in power use conspiracy theories to demonise and delegitimise their opponents, to promote or prolong a sense of crisis, and to rally support while distracting from possible failure.

The Representation of the Holocaust in Israeli Society and Its Implications on Conceptions of Democracy and Human Rights of “Others”

Much has been written about the representation of the Holocaust in Israel, but there is less awareness to its effects on attitudes toward democracy and the universal meaning of human rights. Representations of the Holocaust by Israeli socialization agents usually focus on hatred toward Jews, disregarding the broader theoretical-ideological context. This tendency is typical to groups that suffered such severe traumas in their past. Nonetheless, we argue that it does not allow a healing process and fosters a reduced perspective on the essential principles of democracy. It also particularizes the concept of human rights, thus excluding those of “others,” such as Palestinians. We further argue that a more extensive perspective on the Holocaust, which includes an understanding of Nazism within an ideological mosaic that denies democratic principles and humanity, may strengthen Israelis’ identification with democratic principles and universal human rights. We analyze the different approaches to teaching the Holocaust in the context of the collective trauma and explore their impact on society’s sense of victimhood and moral injury. The paper ends with a suggestion for further research that will explore the possibility that a school curriculum that emphasizes universal lessons will enable the memorialization of the Holocaust without succumbing to nationalistic perceptions.

Demystifying the causes of the Amhara people’s protest in Ethiopia

For nearly three decades, Ethiopia has been ruled by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) regime. Under this regime, the Amharas were subjected to many cases of abuse. Since 2016, the Amharas have been protesting against this regime. This article shows the EPRDF regime’s structural problems and shows how these are the causes of the Amhara people’s protest. It argues that the EPRDF regime’s severe structural engagements have instilled a sense of victimhood in the Amharas. This sense of victimhood is the result of the mobilisations of the diasporas and other actors. The article concludes that in the post-2018 Ethiopian politics, the country’s constitution, the state structure, and some EPRDF officials and practices that abused the Amharas during the EPRDF regime are still in place.

Religion in Creating Populist Appeal: Islamist Populism and Civilizationism in the Friday Sermons of Turkey’s Diyanet

Drawing on the extant literature on populism, we aim to flesh out how populists in power utilize religion and related state resources in setting up aggressive, multidimensional religious populist “us” versus “them” binaries. We focus on Turkey as our case and argue that by instrumentalizing the Diyanet (Turkey’s Presidency of Religious Affairs), the authoritarian Islamists in power have been able to consolidate manufactured populist dichotomies via the Diyanet’s weekly Friday sermons. Populists’ control and use of a state institution to propagate populist civilizationist narratives and construct antagonistic binaries are underexamined in the literature. Therefore, by examining Turkish populists’ use of the Diyanet, this paper will make a general contribution to the extant literature on religion and populism. Furthermore, by analyzing the Diyanet’s weekly Friday sermons from the last ten years we demonstrate how different aspects of populism—its horizontal, vertical, and civilizational dimensions—have become embedded in the Diyanet’s Friday sermons. Equally, this paper shows how these sermons have been tailored to facilitate the populist appeal of Erdoğan’s Islamist regime. Through the Friday sermons, the majority—Sunni Muslim Turks are presented with statements that evoke negative emotions and play on their specific fears, their sense of victimhood and through which their anxieties—real and imagined—are revived and used to construct populist binaries to construct and mobilize the people in support of an authoritarian Islamist regime purported to be fighting a “civilizational enemy” on behalf of “the people”. Finally, drawing on insights from the Turkish case, we illustrate how the “hosting” function of the civilizational aspect plays a vital role in tailoring internal (vertical and horizontal) religious populist binaries.

Online Consumers’ Satisfaction in Self-Collection: Value Co-Creation from the Service Fairness Perspective

ABSTRACT E-commerce logistics services are increasingly offering innovative solutions that invite consumers’ co-creation. Although value co-creation empowers consumers, it also connotes a sense of exploitation. This study explores the fairness perspective of co-creating satisfactory logistics services, using self-collection service as an example. A theoretical model based on synthesized insights of Fairness Heuristics and Selective Information Processing was conceptualized and validated. Survey data were collected from 680 actual self-collection users. The findings show a three-pronged service evaluation process with consumers’ fairness perception as a central anchorage. Furthermore, the satisfaction formation process is moderated by consumers’ pre-formed beliefs leading to biased evaluations of co-creation experiences. This study contributes to literature with a contingent framework of consumers’ participation in logistics services, suggesting a heuristic-based process of value co-creation among the consumers. We also create practical insights on consumers’ preformed beliefs toward the logistics services and service providers that lead to a biased satisfaction formation process.

Why is it so hard to leave you? Psychodynamic reflections and experiences in a listening centre with battered women

At the end of a participatory experience in a Women's Listening Centre with battered women, the author reflects - through the description of "perverse relationships", pathological addictions and various types of violence - on the reasons that often imprison the woman in her relationship with her partner. Then, through the story of a case, she tells how the path out of violence and pathological dependence can happen. The article concludes with some personal reflections on what is most significant in working with women victims of violence. The author underlines the importance that the therapy is based on sensitivity and "non-judgement". Psychotherapy should therefore create a "relational home", which never reinforces the victim's sense of guilt, but favours good "anticipatory identifications".

Disruptive behaviors among nurses in Israel \u2013 association with listening, wellbeing and feeling as a victim: a cross-sectional study

ObjectivesTo examine the association between listening and disruptive behaviors and the association between disruptive behavior and the wellbeing of the nurse. To test whether constructive and destructive listening has an incremental validity.MethodsA structured questionnaire survey that measured the (constructive & destructive) listening climate at work, exposure to disruptive behaviors, well-being and feeling as a victim. We presented this survey using the Qualtrics software.ResultsOf the final sample of 567 respondents who reported that they were nurses, MAge = 38.41, 67% indicated that they were exposed to some form of disruptive behavior. Experiencing listening in the ward was associated with low levels of exposure to disruptive behaviors; exposure to disruptive behaviors, in turn, predicted reduction in the nurses’ wellbeing; the reduction in wellbeing was especially pronounced among nurses who felt like a victim. Each of the facets of the listening measure—constructive listening and destructive listening—had incremental validity in predicting exposure to disruptive behaviors. Finally, the effect of exposure to disruptive behavior on wellbeing was curvilinear.ConclusionsDisruptive behavior is a major challenge to the workplace well-being for nurses. The victim mentality has an adverse impact on nurses. Preventive efforts aimed at reducing disruptive behaviors among nurses and decreasing their sense of victimization are crucial for the well-being of nurses.

General Editor's Introduction to Volume 13

General Editor's Introduction to Volume 13

Transnational Japan in the Global Environmental Movement by Simon Avenell

Reviewed by: Transnational Japan in the Global Environmental Movement by Simon Avenell Peter Wynn Kirby (bio) Transnational Japan in the Global Environmental Movement. By Simon Avenell. University of Hawai'i Press, Honolulu, 2017. xii, 318 pages. $65.00. The following vignettes animate Simon Avenell's Transnational Japan in the Global Environmental Movement: [End Page 480] 1. A young Japanese physician examines the contorted bodies of victims of Minamata Disease (methylmercury poisoning) for the first time and, appalled by the discrimination and poverty they suffer, dedicates the rest of his life to antipollution activism—also resolving wherever possible to visit victims in their homes to understand the wider context of their condition and their suffering (pp. 48–51). 2. After a United Nations environmental conference held in Stockholm during the Vietnam War, a Japanese activist and journalist asks herself during a speech whether whales were more important than "yellow people" to Americans (p. 87). 3. Agitating in Japan in 1980, a Tinianese antinuclear campaigner threatens to bulldoze colonial Japanese cemetery war remains into the sea in his small island nation if Japan proceeded with plans to dump steel canisters of nuclear waste in waters near his Micronesian homeland (p. 167). Soon after, Japan's Science and Technology Agency director proclaimed the canisters were "completely safe" and that he wouldn't mind hugging them or "sleeping with them" in his bed (p. 157). This impressive and original history of the transnational dimensions and influences of Japanese environmental activism bristles with nuggets of historical detail, bringing important chapters of Japan's twentieth-century environmental awakening to life for readers. Avenell burrows into troves of Japanese-language primary sources to unearth telling vignettes and key debates between Japanese activists and their adversaries and also nuanced deliberations within Japanese environmental movements during a fertile and eventful period when the foundations for global environmental activism and domestic activism were being laid. Indeed, this book shows that Japan's early devastating experiences with extreme industrial pollution forged a powerful sense of concern over the local human fallout of such contamination, creating a sense that Japan served as a sort of augury or early warning system for the rest of the industrialized and industrializing world. This fostered a strong sense of obligation and public service on the part of some dedicated activists, featured in the volume, as well as a sense of victimhood that came under challenge when Japanese corporations exported pollutant operations to other nations. The book grapples with dense, important questions regarding activists' revisionist theorizations of capitalism (and its culpability in extreme industrial pollution debacles), as well as their early reactions toward globalization and environmentalism, highlighting a pocket of underscrutinized non-"Western" critique. The scale of Avenell's achievement is difficult to communicate. Not only has he brought to light an important element of Japanese activism and environmental development that has been relatively underemphasized in other studies of the subject, but also his dogged perusal and keen understanding of obscure documentary sources—as well as, significantly, the [End Page 481] connections between them—is difficult to accomplish. Avenell evidently dedicated a sizable amount of research time to a demanding set of research questions and produced a study that will be a reference point for these issues for some time to come. In the introduction, Avenell identifies and sketches out an "environmental injustice paradigm" (p. 4) that has served as an ongoing motivating force for Japanese activists and others. The following passage gives a sense of the rationale for the volume: The agonizing experience of industrial pollution victims in local communities throughout the archipelago inspired some Japanese activists to look abroad, and it profoundly shaped the messages they sent to the world—even when interest shifted from localized pollution to the global environment in the late 1980s. For many Japanese activists who became involved transnationally, industrial pollution victims represented living proof of an unbreakable chain linking political and economic power, environmental degradation, and the violation of basic human rights. (p. 4) Victims of extreme pollution in Japan therefore became living exhibits of a sort, flying to international environmental conferences to "put a face" (or a body) to the outrageous toxic depredation of environments and humans that served...

Generational victimhood in post-apartheid South Africa

In post-apartheid South Africa, insufficient consideration is given to how historical injustices affect current generations and how they could affect future generations. This has implications for issues such as intergenerational justice and equity. Framed within historical trauma theory and the life-course perspective, this paper explores notions of victimhood in post-apartheid Africa. It draws on qualitative interviews conducted with 20 children and grandchildren (10 females and 10 males) of victims of apartheid-era gross human rights violations. The interview data, which were interpretively analysed, yielded a number of salient themes. Participants’ sense of victimhood is anchored in their continuing socio-economic marginalisation deriving from the structural legacy of apartheid, as well as the pervasive racism that continues to bedevil South Africa well into the post-apartheid era. This is compounded by the perceived lack of accountability for historical injustices and the responsibilities that they perceive the government to have towards them. Given this, the paper argues for a reconceptualisation of the notion of victimhood and giving greater consideration to the impact that the structural legacy of apartheid has on the contemporary existential realities of Black South Africans.

Andrew C. Willford. Tamils and the Haunting of Justice: History and Recognition in Malaysia's Plantations. Singapore: NUS Press, 2015, 336p.

Tamils and Haunting of Justice: History and Recognition in Malaysia's Plantations Andrew C. Willford Singapore: NUS Press, 2015, 336p.In Tamils and Haunting of Justice, Andrew Willford explores questions of justice and retribution confronting Malaysian Tamils as they face eviction from their homes and demolition of their community structures in former plantation districts in Kuala Lumpur by real estate developers.With urban development becoming hugely more profitable than rubber plantations in Malaysia's inner city districts, owners sold their plantation lands to lucrative housing developments. But these were lands in which thousands of Tamil residents have lived since late nineteenth century, and where British companies in colonial Malaya built their community-based model of rubber plantation production. Even as Malay government razes community structures of Tamils-the schools, temples, churches, and community halls-it also views them as merely ex-laborers to be classified as squatters and evicted. Tamils feel compensation for their lands is insufficient and desire for their longtime presence as important for achieving justice.Willford's study of Tamil plantation workers shows them resisting resettlement before negotiating compensation with notions of compensatory justice grounded in a desire for recognition. In attempts to prevent demolition of their temples and community buildings and the erasure of their associated memories, historiographic recognition becomes a kind of compensatory justice (p. 5).A key argument of book is that transformation of land usage in Malaysia cannot be separated from its inextricable links to religious-ethnic politics in nation-building, and deliberately measured politicizing of Islam and Malay rights. The book makes substantive and lengthy use of French philosopher Derrida's work to show that as a sense of victimization takes hold of an aggrieved minority, Malaysian Tamils, force of law that marks and sustains such dissonance becomes more visible, indeed deconstructible (p. 8). For Derrida, logic of is an important way of understanding justice (O'Riley 2007, 18). The spectral or haunting presence of past events, in this case demolition of Tamil ancestral lands and religious structures, disrupts and brings into question present history and events.Willford's extensive citing of Derrida's work forms essential strands of book's critique of Malaysian ethnic nationalism, racialized landscape within which these events unfold, and how seeking of justice by Tamils goes outside and beyond juristic or civil order, and even exceeds reason or logic to cross over into divine or sublime.The Tamil Sense of Cultural Historicity and JusticeBased on 17 months of ethnographic fieldwork in plantation areas between 2003 and 2009, Willford shows how ideas of race and ethnicity are produced, imagined, and negated within a political, material, legal, and discursive field. As they struggle for compensation and ultimately justice, book portrays sense of hurt and betrayal felt by Tamils as they are labeled as squatters despite their long community presence in area.The Tamil sense of justice goes beyond law. The strength of study is showing how notions of justice as imagined by marginalized and betrayed Tamils complicate legal demarcations of ethnic differences in post-colonial states (p. 6).The book provides a critique of development ideology of state, with its quite implicit cultural, nationalist, ethnic, and religious face. Malaysia's development politics have forced dramatic shifts in ethnic composition of Malaysia's industrial heartland, which as Willford notes intended goal all along (p. 34). As Willford says: To develop nation's core identity, politically constructed around Malay ethnicity and Islam, two being increasingly synonymous, Malays, it was argued, had to be united and strong-particularly at center (p. …