The article examines the experience of implementing and operating the Custody Records system in Ukraine, a modern information subsystem designed to ensure transparency, accountability and respect for the rights of detainees in the activities of the National Police. Based on an analysis of regulatory and legal acts, organisational documents, official data and the results of practical application, the article describes the key stages in the development of the system, its functional capabilities and its significance for ensuring standards of treatment of persons deprived of their liberty. Particular attention is paid to the role of the custody officer as a new subject of administrative and legal relations responsible for monitoring the observance of the rights of detainees, as well as to the issue of introducing a ‘smart’ video recording system that minimises the possibility of interference or manipulation of data. It is shown that Custody Records allows for complete, timely and reliable recording of all actions taken in relation to a detained person, including documentation of their state of health, recording of bodily injuries, and the actions of lawyers, medical workers and law enforcement officers. The relationship between the functioning of the system and the reduction in the number of complaints about police actions has been identified, which indicates its effectiveness as a human rights protection tool. The structure and content of the 2022 Ministry of Internal Affairs Instruction, which regulates the procedure for creating and maintaining electronic detention cards, the specifics of access to information and the terms of information storage, are disclosed. At the same time, the article outlines a number of problems that remain in the context of the practical application of the system: the need to define the administrative and legal status of the custody officer, the need to provide police departments with adequate technical equipment, the standardisation of zoning of premises for detainees, and the regulation of the use of video data. It is emphasised that the further development of Custody Records should be carried out under martial law, which creates additional challenges but at the same time confirms the importance of ensuring human rights even in crisis situations. It was concluded that the Custody Records system is an effective tool for increasing trust in law enforcement agencies, reducing cases of ill-treatment and increasing police accountability. Its development should become one of the priorities for improving administrative and legal mechanisms in the field of human rights protection and security sector reform.

This study analyzes the role of the Indonesian Army Engineer Company (Kompi Zeni TNI AD) – Garuda Contingent in MONUSCO in the United Nations peacekeeping mission under MONUSCO (United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo). The research focus is directed at the contribution of this unit in supporting security sector reforms and post-conflict development in Beni Province, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). This study fills a research gap related to the involvement of Indonesian military engineering units in peace missions, which has so far highlighted more aspects of diplomacy and infantry forces. The method used is descriptive qualitative with in-depth interview techniques, field observations, and documentation studies. Primary data were obtained through the direct experience of Zeni Company Task Force personnel in the field, while secondary data came from MONUSCO reports, UN publications, and academic literature. The analysis was carried out through data reduction, presentation, and triangulation verification to ensure the validity of the findings. The results of the study show that the TNI AD Zeni Company plays an important role in the development of strategic infrastructure such as the Beni-Eringeti-Kainama road and the Halulu bridge, which have a real impact on improving the security, mobility, and welfare of the local community. These findings confirm that the participation of the Zeni Company not only strengthens the effectiveness of MONUSCO's mandate in civilian protection, but also strengthens Indonesia's defense diplomacy and demonstrates a model of military-civilian synergy in realizing sustainable peace in Africa.

This article aims to critically assess how artificial intelligence (AI) technologies are reshaping European border policing and to evaluate whether their deployment requires a broader framework of Security Sector Reform (SSR) within the European Union (EU). Using a qualitative legal research grounded in doctrinal and policy analysis, the study examines how AI-driven predictive analytics, biometric surveillance, and automated risk assessments influence law enforcement practices along the EU’s key migration routes. The research is guided by three hypotheses: first, that AI enhances border management efficiency but weakens transparency and accountability; second, that algorithmic systems increase the risk of discriminatory enforcement and human rights violations; and third, that embedding AI governance within SSR frameworks can mitigate such risks by reinforcing democratic oversight and institutional responsibility. By linking AI innovation to fundamental rights protection, the study contributes to ongoing debates on ethical governance and the human-rights-based regulation of border technologies in the EU.

The research explores the perception of the EU in Central Asian mass media, specifically focusing on Kazakhstan and Tajikistan comparatively. Four news agencies, two from each country, were selected, and news articles related to the EU published between 2019 and 2023 were collected. The guiding question for this study is: How is the EU portrayed in mass media in Kazakhstan and Tajikistan? To answer this question, a mixed-method approach was employed, and collected data were analysed using ATLAS.ti, a computer-assisted qualitative data analysis software. The main finding from this analysis is that in Kazakhstan, the EU is predominantly portrayed as an economic powerhouse, highlighting its significant contributions to economic development through initiatives, partnerships, and investments. Tajikistan’s media emphasises the EU’s role as a security partner and humanitarian supporter, particularly addressing regional challenges originating from Afghanistan. These findings demonstrate that Central Asian mass media primarily regard the EU as an economic power, with limited recognition of its role in security sector reform and trade norms, and its normative power is barely visible in the region.

Bangladesh faces an increasingly complex landscape of transnational security threats including drug trafficking, human trafficking, money laundering, terrorism, and cross-border smuggling that undermine national stability and strain existing governance structures. These evolving threats also impede progress toward selected Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly SDG 16 (Peace, Justice, and Strong Institutions), SDG 5 (Gender Equality), SDG 8 (Decent Work and Economic Growth), and SDG 10 (Reduced Inequalities), although SDG considerations remain a secondary analytical dimension. This study employs a mixed-methods approach combining survey data (N = 200), focus group discussions, and document review to assess public perceptions of threat severity and identify key institutional weaknesses within Bangladesh’s security governance framework. Findings indicate that drug trafficking and human trafficking are perceived as the most significant transnational threats, followed by financial crimes and terrorism. Respondents widely emphasized governance gaps, including weak inter-agency coordination, limited border and maritime surveillance capacity, and insufficient cyber-financial intelligence capabilities. The study argues that addressing these challenges requires a targeted Security Sector Reform (SSR) agenda oriented toward institutional restructuring, improved coordination mechanisms, and enhanced operational readiness, with SDG alignment serving as a complementary development lens. Key recommendations include establishing an integrated transnational crime command, enhancing maritime and border surveillance, and improving regional intelligence cooperation. Overall, the findings contribute to the evolving discourse on national security governance in Bangladesh and highlight the urgency of institutional reform in mitigating transnational threats.

ABSTRACT Libya has endured over a decade of conflict, political fragmentation, and external interventions that have hindered its path to sustainable peace and development. Despite multiple peace initiatives, the country remains divided between competing factions and foreign-backed alliances. This article critically examines Libya’s peace efforts through the lens of Johan Galtung’s theory of negative and positive peace, assessing whether past initiatives have addressed the root causes of instability. The study argues that Libya’s peace process continues to be dominated by elite bargaining and externally influenced, focusing on short-term conflict management rather than long-term structural reforms. Drawing on insights from expert workshops and secondary sources, this research identifies three critical yet neglected areas for achieving sustainable peace: economic diversification, decentralisation, and security sector reform. By applying conflict transformation and hybrid peacebuilding approaches, the article highlights the importance of grassroots participation and locally driven governance to complement top-down peace efforts. The findings suggest that for Libya to transition from negative peace to positive peace, future initiatives must integrate long-term development policies, address the conflict economy, and create a more inclusive governance framework.

This article analyses the EU’s engagement in conflict resolution and peacebuilding in its Eastern Neighbourhood, which is undergoing political transformation. The article highlights that, initially focusing on diplomatic efforts and development assistance, the EU has gradually deepened its engagement in response to the increasing complexity of regional conflicts. In the Eastern Partnership countries, the EU has deployed a range of instruments, from political dialogue and economic sanctions to financial assistance and civilian missions, aimed at stabilising the region and promoting long-term peace. The effectiveness of such EU strategies varies in a number of ways, reflecting the diverse political landscapes and challenges faced by each EaP country. This article analyses three separate case studies to examine the EU’s conflict resolution and peacebuilding strategies. Each of these studies provides a nuanced understanding of EU conflict resolution and peacebuilding strategies in different geopolitical and conflict contexts. In this regard, Georgia’s significant involvement in European integration processes is highlighted, which underscores Georgia’s strategic importance for the EU in promoting democratic governance and regional stability. The article also examines the role of the EU in Georgia’s political and security sector reforms and conflict prevention. The article also examines the geopolitical dimensions of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in the context of Armenia’s European integration processes and Armenia’s membership in the Eurasian Economic Union. The article analyzes the role of the EU in Ukraine, in particular, after the annexation of Crimea and Russia’s invasion in 2022, which shows a significant shift towards a more proactive and interventionist stance. A comparative analysis of the Ukrainian case provides an opportunity to gain insight into the EU’s strategies to stabilize the Eastern Partnership region, support state-building, and overcome the broader geopolitical consequences of the conflict.

Indonesia and Fiji share similar climate situations and both are prone to disasters. As natural disasters affect human security in Fiji, Indonesia’s defense diplomacy through Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) towards Fiji is crucial as Indonesia is no stranger in providing HADR to affected countries and to play an important role in bringing dialogue between Indonesia and Fiji. The research problem is about how Indonesia can enhance defense cooperation with Fiji by the means of defense diplomacy through the implementation HADR. The purpose of this research is to analyze Indonesian defense diplomacy in the implementation of HADR towards Fiji. This research employs qualitative method with descriptive analysis. The research data were obtained from literature studies and informants, which were then analyzed using qualitative analysis technique and SWOT analysis. The results demonstrate that Indonesia’s defense diplomacy through the implementation of HADR have goals and efforts such as CBMs, capacity building, defense industry, security sector reform, international reputation, and foreign policy support that can enhance Indonesia and Fiji defense cooperation. As the conclusion, Indonesia has contributed HADR to Fiji as a defense diplomacy activity that has been well realized

The motivations behind terrorism have emerged from debates on armed conflict. This article seeks to explore the membership status of the Taliban that maintained a positive social identity as an in-group to fight vigorously against the international community and seize Afghanistan in August 2021. With a range of semi-structured interviews with key security and justice stakeholders and civil society groups in Kabul from 2010 to 2016, opinions are based on efforts that engaged with Security Sector Reform (SSR) and fighting the resilience of the Taliban. It was found that the Taliban continued its fight and growth in membership and partial civic support due to its strong social identity (as an in-group) fighting an undesired, illegitimate, and corrupt state, judiciary, and police force supported by the international community. As part of social identity theory, poverty, unemployment, corruption and immorality are seen to serve a strategic and tactical purpose in aiding the socioeconomic, political and religious motives for recruitment towards the Taliban. However, after reseizing power, sanctions, a reduction in international aid, poverty and civic discontent with strict governance have resulted in other rival terrorist and resistance groups posing a threat to the Taliban, losing its positive social identity.

Global security governance has undergone a significant transformation, shifting from large-scale statebuilding and comprehensive Security Sector Reform (SSR) toward leaner, locally tailored security assistance programs. This article challenges prevailing narratives that characterize contemporary security governance as practiced through indirect forms of interventions such as light footprints, remote warfare, or technologically enabled distance. Instead, we argue that late modern security assistance is profoundly intimate, shaped by strategic relationships between embedded advisors and their counterparts across national politico-security ecosystem. We introduce the concept of strategic intimacies —the deeply personal and materially entangled relationships that underpin security interventions. These relationships enable the effectiveness of security assistance programs by fostering trust, commitment, and shared purpose, but they also generate tensions and struggles, betrayal and suspicion. To analyze these dynamics, we develop a framework that captures the experimental and labor-intensive nature of security assistance, focusing on three modalities: (1) practicing the purpose through experimentation and developing a shared lexicon of action; (2) performing rituals of coordination; and (3) infrastructures of intimacy, i.e. the enabling material and ideational conditions that make global relationships possible. Using Lebanon as a case study—a site of sustained international security assistance—we draw on interviews with security practitioners, diplomats, parliamentarians, and civil society members to illustrate how intimacy structures contemporary interventions. Ultimately, we argue that understanding patterns of power in global security governance requires examining how relationships are formed, maintained, materially conditioned and strategically leveraged.

On August 5, 2024, Bangladesh’s Awami League (AL) government under Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina fell following weeks of mass, student-led protests that broadened into a nationwide anti-regime uprising. This article offers a theoretically informed review and analysis of the uprising’s antecedents, dynamics, and outcomes. Drawing on the literature of contentious politics, regime survival and breakdown, civil–military relations, and economic grievance politics, the study synthesises open-source reporting, human rights documentation, and secondary scholarship to construct a process-tracing narrative. The central argument is that the AL’s fall combined mobilizational triggers (quota-reform protests catalysed by repression and information blackouts), coalition cascades (cross-class and cross-organisational alignment), security defection (military and police non-intervention or withdrawal), and elite exit (prime ministerial flight) under conditions of declining regime performance legitimacy and escalating coercive costs. The article contributes a typology of “trigger-to-transition” sequences relevant to hybrid and electoral-authoritarian regimes. It reflects on the interim arrangement headed by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus and the role of international actors. Policy implications regarding transitional justice, security sector reform, and election sequencing are offered.

On August 5, 2024, Bangladesh’s Awami League (AL) government under Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina fell following weeks of mass, student-led protests that broadened into a nationwide anti-regime uprising. This article offers a theoretically informed review and analysis of the uprising’s antecedents, dynamics, and outcomes. Drawing on the literature of contentious politics, regime survival and breakdown, civil–military relations, and economic grievance politics, the study synthesises open-source reporting, human rights documentation, and secondary scholarship to construct a process-tracing narrative. The central argument is that the AL’s fall combined mobilizational triggers (quota-reform protests catalysed by repression and information blackouts), coalition cascades (cross-class and cross-organisational alignment), security defection (military and police non-intervention or withdrawal), and elite exit (prime ministerial flight) under conditions of declining regime performance legitimacy and escalating coercive costs. The article contributes a typology of “trigger-to-transition” sequences relevant to hybrid and electoral-authoritarian regimes. It reflects on the interim arrangement headed by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus and the role of international actors. Policy implications regarding transitional justice, security sector reform, and election sequencing are offered.

This study examines Indonesia’s democratic regression post-Reformasi through an interactive framework of three institutional pillars: security sector reform failure, party system dysfunction driven by cartelization and oligarchy, and the weakening of independent oversight bodies. Quantitative analysis of democracy scores (EIU, Freedom House, IDI) reveals stagnation and decline from 2014–2023, corresponding with controversial legislative revisions and judicial rulings eroding civil liberties. Literature review shows how political elites exploit unaccountable security apparatus to suppress opposition, while oligarchs finance parties to form fat coalitions that secure their interests. This political–security alliance systematically undermines the KPK and Constitutional Court via autocratic legalism, creating a vicious cycle of democratic regression. Findings confirm that regression is not isolated incidents but the product of destructive interactions among these pillars. The study concludes that structural reform of political funding, completion of security sector reform, and revitalization of civil society are essential for restoring democracy in Indonesia.

The article explores the issue of the status of children and youth in the context of armed conflicts. It analyzes the provisions of fundamental international treaties related to the protection of this category of persons, adopted under the auspices of the UN; special attention is given to key UN Security Council resolutions addressing youth, peace, and security. The article emphasizes the role of UN peacekeeping missions in integrating youth-focused principles into their operations, such as security sector reform, community engagement, disarmament, demobilization and reintegration, reducing community violence, and promoting human rights. It also highlights support for governments in addressing barriers to meaningful youth participation and fostering cooperation with youth organizations to encourage authorities to involve young people in local conflict resolution and international peacebuilding efforts. Positive practices of peacekeeping operations supporting children and youth are highlighted (e.g., South Sudan (UNMISS), Kosovo (UNMIK), Cyprus (UNFICYP)). The article underscores the role of the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict, who actively works to protect children affected by conflicts, particularly through the “Zero under Eighteen” campaign, which advocates for universal ratification of the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict. A significant aspect of this work is systematic engagement with UN member states, involving close cooperation with the General Assembly, the Security Council, and regional organizations; bilateral contacts and field visits are conducted to secure political will from the international community for the effective protection of children and youth affected by war. The Special Representative also works closely with UN agencies and programs to develop and implement the agenda on children and armed conflict. The activities of the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) are also described, including projects promoting the release, rehabilitation, and reintegration of child soldiers, and calls on conflict parties to fulfill their international obligations to immediately cease violations of children’s rights and attacks on civilian infrastructure, including schools and hospitals. Relevant conclusions and recommendations are provided.

The article presents a deep and multifaceted study of the professional responsibility of servicemen of the National Guard of Ukraine in the context of modern socio-political challenges, in particular, full-scale armed aggression against Ukraine, reforms in the security sector and the state’s European integration aspirations. Professional responsibility is considered as a complex integral category that encompasses not only legal requirements, but also moral and ethical, social, psychological and managerial aspects, forming the basis of the professional culture of a serviceman. The key forms of legal liability (disciplinary, administrative, criminal, material) that operate in a strict system of command subordination are highlighted. The importance of respecting human rights and international humanitarian law, which provides for a humane attitude even towards the enemy, is emphasized as a marker of the moral maturity of the army. The ethical aspect is considered as an internal imperative of the individual, manifested in loyalty to the Oath, respect for human dignity, solidarity, patriotism, honesty, justice. The idea is developing that in the conditions of modern war, moral responsibility is sometimes the only guideline in situations not regulated by law. Special attention is paid to the social responsibility of a military serviceman, as the ability to bear responsibility not only for his direct official actions, but also for the consequences for society, the environment, and the citizens with whom he interacts. The author proposes to form such responsibility in the process of humanitarian training of military personnel - through the introduction of courses in military ethics, international law, the psychology of responsibility, as well as mentoring and chaplaincy institutes. The conclusions summarize that the professional responsibility of the servicemen of the National Guard of Ukraine should become the basis for the formation of a new culture of military service, focused on respect for human rights, the rule of law, moral maturity and social justice. In the context of hybrid threats and security sector reform, such responsibility appears not only as an individual virtue, but as a fundamental component of national security, citizens’ trust in the state and the international authority of Ukraine.

Regulation 2019/1896 allows the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (FRONTEX) to adopt working arrangements with Common Security and Defence Policy missions (CSDP missions) on operational issues. Two such arrangements are in force: one with EUNAVFOR MED Irini and another with European Union Advisory Mission for Civilian Security Sector Reform Ukraine (EUAM Ukraine). These collaborations are expected to intensify, allowing for the exchange of information with third countries and joint training of the latter’s officers. However, there is a risk that this interaction may lead to violations of fundamental rights in multi-actor scenarios – with violations having already been documented in the framework of these CSDP missions and in FRONTEX joint operations at large. Against this background, this article takes as a starting point the action for damages under Article 340(2) TFEU as a tool to establish (shared) responsibility in these situations. It then analyses the likelihood of success of such actions brought against FRONTEX and these CSDP missions. Emphasis is placed on the attribution of harmful conduct to the defendants and the causal link that is required between their behaviour and the damage caused. The difficulty in determining causation is tackled by resorting to theories and principles found in the European Court of Human Rights’ (ECtHR)’ case-law and in European soft-law texts. Moreover, the right to an effective remedy in such concerted actions causing indivisible damage favours an interpretation that allows for joint and several responsibility. All this supports the need for the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) to apply a tailor-made approach when assessing these claims, considering the particularities of multi-actor scenarios where violations of EU fundamental rights are at stake.

The Sahel region of Western Africa confronts complex challenges of governance, weak democratic institutions and persistent insecurity, making it a significant focus for Security Sector Reform (SSR). From past two decades countries like Chad, Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali have fought with political instability, transnational organized crime and violent extremism. These threats have highlighted the requirement for effective, transparent and accountable governance and have exposed institutional flaws. While SSR is considered as important for enhancing the resilience of the state and democratic consolidation, its application throughout the Sahel remains constrained and fragmented by political resistance, institutional deficiencies and low trust of the public in security forces. This article analyses the governance obstacles to SSR and regional and national responses, including initiatives by the Economic Community of West African States and the G5 Sahel Joint Force. It argues that limited coordination between international and regional actors, weak civil-military associations and fragmented political stability undermine SSR efforts. The exclusion of marginalized groups and civil society further deepens public distrust and insecurity. Drawing on academic studies, recent policy reports and regional case analysis, the article identifies emerging opportunities and structural barriers for improving SSR. It stresses that in the Sahel Region, sustainable security governance requires an inclusive approach that incorporates institutional reform with human rights protection, democratic accountability and inclusive political engagement.

The article reveals the conceptual foundations of normative drafting (normoprojective) activity as an immanent component of law-making, which becomes particularly relevant in the context of martial law and post-conflict recovery. The author provides an in-depth analysis of the legal nature of normative drafting and its role in ensuring the continuity and legitimacy of the legal order during emergencies, national and historical challenges, martial law, and the transitional period of establishing peace. Both practical and theoretical-methodological aspects of legislative activity by the state operating under crisis conditions are outlined, particularly when society undergoes large-scale transformations amid external aggression and geopolitical changes. Special attention is paid to the rapid adaptation of legal mechanisms to the conditions of armed conflict, including ensuring defense capability, mobilization readiness, public safety, and the protection of citizens’ rights and freedoms. At the same time, the importance of adhering to constitutional principles and international legal standards is emphasized, including international humanitarian law and human rights. The author addresses the challenges that arise in the process of creating and adopting normative acts under time constraints, with a reduced number of discussion participants and weakened public oversight. The second part of the article provides a detailed analysis of the peculiarities of normative drafting activity in the peacebuilding process—as a foundation for transitioning to sustainable development. In particular, the importance of legislative support for transitional justice, the restoration of the judiciary, lustration processes, reintegration of occupied territories, security sector reform, and decentralization is highlighted. The author stresses that law-making in the context of peacebuilding should be based on the principles of inclusivity, transparency, accountability, and public participation. In conclusion, the article offers a number of original approaches to assessing the effectiveness of normative drafting in times of crisis transformations, including criteria for legislative resilience, flexibility, normative predictability, and alignment with the strategic goals of the state. This article is of interest to legal scholars, public officials, legal policy experts, and international organizations involved in reform and post-conflict recovery processes in the state.

ABSTRACT Terrorism remains a global security threat. Despite its longevity, many of its aspects remain unstudied. This article assesses the SANDF senior officers’ perceptions on terrorism. This assessment is undertaken with the intention to determine whether there is a need for a security sector reform in South Africa to address a potential terrorist threat. Quantitative data was obtained from 280 senior officers of the SANDF through survey questionnaires. The data was analysed using descriptive statistics from Version 26 of IBM SPSS Computer Program. Although South Africa has not experienced large-scale terrorist attacks, the respondents exhibit substantial apprehension about the potential for such an event. Furthermore, the respondents demonstrate a heightened scepticism in the government’s general response towards terrorism. Finally, there exists a widespread deficiency in the respondents’ confidence on the efficacy of the anti-terrorism policy framework in addressing and preventing terrorism in South Africa. These findings suggest that there might be a need for a holistic approach to security sector reform to effectively combat and prevent terrorism in South Africa.

ABSTRACT This article analyses the role played by the UN’s Special Forces Task Force (SFTF) and its impact on the protection of civilians in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) during the years of the UN Organization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO). The research employed a mixed-methods case study on the SFTF, supported by complexity theory. The study found that the SFTF, employed as a special operations asset, had mixed results. While the SFTF effectively engaged hostile armed groups and successfully created a three-year window in which levels of violence decreased – becoming the key element of MONUSCO's ‘protection through projection’ strategy – its measures to establish a safe environment for civilians in the long term were not effectively implemented. This included efforts to provide military assistance in the context of security sector reform. For this reason, the SFTF made no significant permanent contribution to the protection of civilians in the DRC.