ABSTRACT Scholars have written extensively on the link between ethnonationalism and genocide, but, so far, little has been written about how populism factors into genocidal violence. In this article, we theorise the link between ethnopopulist discourse and genocide. We begin by arguing that ethnopopulism is a tripartite sovereigntist discourse that elevates the ethnic nation as the ‘true’; or ‘authentic’ sovereign, rejects ‘penetrated’ sovereignties such as liberalism, and calls for excluding both ‘national others’ and elites from the authentic sovereign community. We use the 1994 Rwandan genocide as an exemplar case to show how populism can be combined with ethnonationalism to construct the Tutsi minority not just as a ‘national other’, but as a ‘super-threat′ to the Hutu nation. This discourse functioned in a context of radical de-institutionalism to make the extermination of the Tutsis not only thinkable, but seemingly necessary. Using transcripts from media broadcasts in the months leading up to the 1994 Rwandan genocide, we demonstrate that the genocidal ideology conveyed by Hutu supremacists against Tutsis and Hutu moderates is merely an extreme extension of the more mainstream ‘enemy within’ ethnopopulist discourse. Although ethnopopulist rhetoric rarely leads to genocidal violence, the case of Rwanda shows that it may do so in severely de-institutionalised settings.

ABSTRACT Beata Umubyeyi Mairesse's memoir of the 1994 Rwandan genocide, Le Convoi [The Convoy], echoes Auschwitz survivor Charlotte Delbo's Convoy to Auschwitz. Umubyeyi Mairesse came to France on a Swiss humanitarian children's evacuation convoy on 18 June 1994. Through her search for a photograph that would bear witness to her survival, she sets out to reverse the neocolonialist narrative of African history in which victims are turned into props of their own history. Engaging with Georges Didi-Huberman and Rithy Panh, the Holocaust is eventually substituted for the missing image, serving as a necessary mediation without which the author's testimony proves impossible.

In a post-genocide context, mental health disorders among Rwandan genocide survivors and released perpetrators remain a critical concern. To date, no study has evaluated the effectiveness of the Community Resiliency Model (CRM) skills in addressing the mental health needs of both groups simultaneously. This study assessed the impact of CRM when delivered to a combined group of survivors and perpetrators, compared to groups trained separately. A total of 152 participants were recruited from Nyamagabe district, Rwanda. Participants were assigned into three groups including genocide survivors (n = 51), released genocide perpetrators (n = 51), and a combined group of both survivors and perpetrators (n = 50). Data were collected at three points: pre-intervention, immediately post-intervention, and six months post-intervention using validated psychometric scales for anxiety, depression, posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), emotional dysregulation, and anger. Repeated measures ANOVA and Bonferroni post hoc tests were used to analyze changes over time. A statistical significance of p < 0.005 and p < 0.001 was applied. Our findings showed significant reduction of anxiety (F = 20.17, p < 0.001), depression (F = 37.03, p < 0.001), anger (F = 95.97, p < 0.001), and emotional dysregulation (F = 76.68, p < 0.001) across all groups of participants. These positive changes were sustained at 6 months post-intervention for anxiety, depression, anger, and emotional dysregulation. In contrast, PTSD symptoms only showed a slight, non-significant reduction over time (F = 0.59, p = 0.44). Additionally, there were no significant differences in outcomes between groups that received the intervention separately (survivor-only or perpetrator only) and those that received it in mixed survivor-perpetrator groups. Although the CRM intervention does not replace psychotherapy, it produced lasting and positive effects on mental health symptoms among both genocide survivors and perpetrators, particularly in reducing anxiety, depression, and emotional dysregulation. Importantly, outcomes did not differ whether the intervention was delivered to separate or combined groups. A randomized controlled trial is recommended to further evaluate the long-term effects of CRM on community healing and cohesion.

In the aftermath of genocide, individuals convicted of crimes develop explanations for both their own participation and that of others. While previous research has addressed the rationalizations and neutralizations put forth by those who commit genocidal violence, few have considered how these explanations compare to participants’ perceptions of the motives of their peers. Using the 1994 genocide in Rwanda as a case study, this article draws from in-depth interviews with 165 people convicted of genocide crimes to examine such accounts. We analyse their narratives to compare how they talk about their own crimes with how they talk about those of others. In doing so, we find partial support for what psychologists term the Fundamental Attribution Error (FAE), as participants predominantly attributed their own participation to external factors—like being coerced or forced to act by others—while more often attributing the participation of others to a combination of external and internal factors—like being greedy or evil. We connect these findings to existing research on accounts of participation in genocide and reflect on the implications of these narratives for the construction of collective memory and reconciliation in Rwanda.

Anthropological analysis has long rested on the premise that cultural borders were somehow linear, based on bounds between people who essentially shared a common culture, with particular differences distinguishing each cohort from all others. Accordingly, identity bounds would possibly find direct representation in geopolitical borders. Mainstream public discourse absorbed such a perspective, reproducing the simplistic view that geographical borders and social isolation of aggregates were the critical factors in defining cultural diversity and similarity between peoples. Social anthropologists, for their part, obliquely supported such a vision by adopting a highly vague concept of “society.” The work of Fredrik Barth, among others, marked the transition to a new era of ethnographic studies, parting with anthropological notions of cultures as isolated entities and ethnicity as a primordialist bond. From then on, analysis of categorical ethnic distinctions did not depend anymore on the absence of mobility, contact, or interaction, but rather on the ongoing negotiations between communities as a key factor structuring identity bounds. African post-colonial studies provided the most valuable materials for the consideration of the social ontology of ethnicity, which is here analyzed with a particular focus on Rwanda. Such analytical tools, here integrated with a post-structuralist discourse theory, are still crucial to prevent essentialism, ethnicism, racism, and culturalism as means of social discrimination in the context of the ethno-states.

Recognizing the multiplicity of contexts and interpretations surrounding the notion of resistance, this article examines the evolution of the concept, its diverse modalities, and its particular manifestations within the framework of genocidal processes. Focusing on the Armenian Genocide, the Holocaust, and the Rwandan Genocide, the study highlights a wide spectrum of resistance strategies, ranging from organized armed defense to individual and collective acts of nonviolent opposition, as well as spiritual, cultural, and intellectual efforts aimed at preserving identity and humanity. It further considers the ongoing struggle against denial as a continuation of resistance beyond the temporal boundaries of the genocides themselves. The analysis emphasizes that, depending on one’s capacity to maintain composure under extreme conditions, regulate emotions, react decisively, and display ingenuity, victims could transform into active agents through acts of defiance, self-protection, or other expressions of resistance. Drawing on examples identified across the three case studies, the article concludes that every attempt to survive and safeguard life was inherently individual and situational, shaped by the available means of opposition and protection, and encompassing both physical and non-physical dimensions.

This research investigates the critical role of Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM) in inciting the 1994 Rwandan genocide. Examining the station's establishment, programming, and rhetoric within the historical and political context of pre-colonial, colonial, and post-independence Rwanda, this study argues that RTLM functioned as a powerful instrument of propaganda, directly contributing to the mass violence. The research analyzes how RTLM systematically dehumanized the Tutsi population through derogatory language and stereotypes, portraying them as "cockroaches" and enemies of the state, thus lowering psychological barriers to violence. By combining popular music, talk shows, and news broadcasts, RTLM effectively disseminated hate speech to a broad audience, particularly the youth, who were later mobilized as perpetrators. This study further explores the correlation between specific RTLM broadcasts and outbreaks of violence, demonstrating the station's direct role in triggering and escalating the genocide. Through an examination of key International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) judgments, including the Nahimana et al. and Ruggiu cases, this research analyzes the legal implications of RTLM's actions, emphasizing the responsibility of media actors in inciting genocide. Finally, the research discusses the implications for international law and policy on hate speech, genocide prevention, and media regulation, highlighting the crucial lessons learned from the Rwandan tragedy and suggesting future directions for preventing similar atrocities.

Summary This article discusses the manifestations of political violence and associated challenges for social work in Africa's Great Lakes region. Theoretical reflections refer to Galtung's “triangle of violence” model which analyses the interrelation of direct, structural, and cultural forms of violence. Based on this conceptual framework, the article presents a definition of political violence with a focus on human rights violations against the civilian population. Three case studies examining the relationship between political violence and social work are provided: conflict-related sexual violence in eastern Congo; the Rwandan genocide and its aftermath; and the discrimination and persecution of sexual minorities in Uganda. Findings Social work in these countries is confronted with a myriad of structural and social problems. Although political violence is not a specific area of practice for social workers, they regularly deal with its consequences. They work in dangerous contexts of armed conflict and political oppression, facing harassment and intimidation from authorities. When they advocate for human rights and social justice, they risk being publicly discredited, attacked, and persecuted by unjust judicial systems. Applications To respond adequately to political violence, social workers must intervene at micro, meso, and macro levels. While social work practitioners address the immediate consequences of political violence, social work educators, researchers, and professional associations also play a vital role. The political mandate of social work and the profession’s discursive power can serve as catalysts for positive social change.

Up to 2 million people fled Rwanda during the 1994 genocide, with 75,000 survivors being children who lost one or both parents (World Vision, 2023). This essay discusses the causes and consequences of the Rwandan Genocide and the key role that colonialism and nationalism played in driving the events that occurred between April 7 and July 15 in 1994 (Straus, 2020). Ethnic ID cards introduced by Belgian colonialists in 1926 racialized Hutu and Tutsi, fostering discrimination. Hutu nationalism, fueled by historical oppression and economic decline from the 1989 coffee crisis, led to violence triggered by the assassination of President Juvénal Habyarimana. Consequences include economic collapse, widespread PTSD, and stigmatization of children born from rape. Rwanda’s ban on ethnic identification aims to curb divisionism but limits monitoring of inequality, impacting recovery efforts.

Justice Post‐Tutsi Genocide in Rwanda: When “Community Service” Fails to Repair the Damage Suffered by Survivors and the Torn Social Fabric

This article revisits Coetzee’s conceit of the “dark chamber” through Dusklands, to explore the Orphic confrontation between the literary imagination and what Kurtz presciently named “the horror.” Modern literature has tasked itself with grasping and naming the horrors and atrocities of the twentieth century: the genocidal rubber trade of Conrad’s Congo, the Holocaust, the torture and crimes against humanity committed in apartheid South Africa and in Vietnam, and the Rwandan genocide. The article reads the novel’s explorations of sovereignty, trauma, and colonial atrocities with a detour through Sade, to argue that Dusklands foreshadows Coetzee’s later works and also now merits a re-evaluation of its own narrative as an archive of human depravity and the legacies of colonialism, drawing from that later work. Dusklands bears witness to the horrors, perversities and cruelties concealed in the moral, psychological and existential night terrains of the human condition.

Introduction: This study explores the dual role of media in crimes against humanity. Media may at times amplify hate and incite violence (as in Rwanda), while at other times it may expose truth and contribute to the pursuit of justice and accountability (as in Ukraine). Understanding this dual capacity is essential for developing legal and ethical safeguards in the digital age. Method: Using a qualitative methodology, the study conducts a comparative analysis of the Rwandan genocide and the war in Ukraine. Based on court judgments, print and visual media sources, and NGO reports, it analyzes how media functioned either to fuel violence or support accountability. Findings: In Rwanda, RTLM radio played a central role in spreading hate speech and orchestrating mass violence. In Ukraine, open-source investigations and citizen journalism have aided in documenting war crimes and verifying them through digital tools. The contrasting roles illustrate that media’s impact depends heavily on its ownership, values, and the political environment in which it operates. Discussion or Conclusion: The role of media in crimes against humanity is shaped not by the medium itself but by how and by whom it is used. These findings call for stronger international standards to regulate incitement and promote responsible media. Media literacy, press freedom, and digital evidence protocols play a critical role in preventing future atrocities.

Abstract How does gender influence participation in violence? Research shows that women are less likely than men to engage in direct violence. However, women remain consequential actors in conflicts. Drawing on gendered understandings of conflict, we argue that mobilization is shaped by gendered homophily within social networks. We theorize that both men and women are likely to mobilize with individuals of the same gender. However, this effect is more pronounced for women due to differences in how men and women are mobilized for conflict as well as other forms of political engagement. To test this argument, we utilize data from the 1994 genocide that targeted Tutsi in Rwanda. Using network analysis, we demonstrate the pivotal role women played in mobilizing other women to commit violence. This article broadens our understanding of network dynamics in conflict and emphasizes the importance of gendered differences in mobilization patterns for political processes.

ABSTRACT In 1994, during the Rwandan genocide against the Tutsi, sexual violence was used as a powerful weapon of genocide, affecting an estimated 250,000–500,000 women and girls. Limited attention has been paid to the intergenerational implications of conflict-related sexual violence. This forum contribution draws on the voices of 44 Rwandan women who bore children as a result of rape, and 60 youth born of conflict-related sexual violence. We explore the realities of intergenerational memory, and the ways in which mothers and children born of conflict-related sexual violence sought meaning, new memories, and built relationships despite shared post-genocide discrimination, stigma and socio-economic marginalization.

The Rwandan genocide of 1994 remains a chilling reminder of the depths of cruelty and violence that humans can inflict upon one another. While Rwanda has since emerged as a symbol of successful post-conflict recovery, the scars of the genocide continue to fester beneath the surface. This paper delves into the concept of Victors' Justice in the context of the Rwandan genocide and the Transitional Justice efforts that followed, with a specific focus on the actions of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) and the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). Victors' Justice, a term fraught with ethical implications, emerges as a central theme in this analysis, highlighting how it manifested in the proceedings and outcomes of the ICTR. Employing a theoretical approach and drawing upon the work of experts in the field, this research rigorously examines the dynamics of Victors' Justice and its enduring impact on Rwandan society. At first, the paper establishes the foundational concepts of Victors' Justice and Transitional Justice, tracing their historical roots and relevance to the ICTR. Then, by providing the historical context for the Rwandan genocide, it elucidates the complex power dynamics leading up to the massacre and establishing the International Criminal Tribunal. Furthermore, it delves into the accusations of Victors' Justice, analyzing the actions of the RPF during 1994, its interference with the ICTR's operations, and the injustices witnessed in national courts. Finally, it explores the challenges of Transitional Justice and Social Reconciliation in Rwanda, including restrictions on freedom of expression, persecution of political opposition, and mechanisms of social control. This paper synthesizes the findings and data accumulated throughout the study. It offers recommendations to address the social and ethnic divisions that persist in Rwanda, emphasizing accountability, political freedom, and the significance of historical narratives in fostering true reconciliation. This research contributes to a deeper understanding of the complex dynamics in post-genocidal societies and the implications of Victors' Justice for pursuing lasting peace and Justice.

The Genocide in Rwanda Against the Tutsi, was an ethnic cleansing which took place during the Rwandan Civil war between the 7th of April 1994 to 15th of July 1994. Within these (approximately) one hundred days of bloodshed and violence, nearly a million Tutsis and their Hutu sympathisers were killed. The cause of the genocide was rooted in long term seething tensions between the Hutus and Tutsis, which were a product of Belgian Colonialism. In 1897, Germany became the first European Nation to colonise Rwanda, Belgium soon followed suit and took over during the First World War, in 1916. As Belgian colonialism took hold over the small country, so did their ideologies, and soon followed ruthless expropriation. When the colonists arrived, they accentuated the differences between the two groups by favouring the Tutsis. Historically, Hutus and Tutsis are different ethnic groups, but they do have numerous similarities; they speak the same language, have similar traditions and live in common areas. They lived in harmony 600 years ago, when Tutsis, warrior people from Ethiopia descended south and albeit few, managed to conquer Hutus inhabiting regions in Central Africa. They were promised crops in return for protection and lived in mutually acceptable harmony for centuries. On occasion, theyeven partook in intermarriage between the two. However, as effects of colonialism became more pronounced, the exacerbated seething tensions between the two groups resulted in a hundred day long genocide following the assassination of the president of Rwanda and Burundi respectively. This massacre was responsible for the murder and mutilation of an estimated 800,000 men, women and children in 1994. Rwanda’s economic struggles did not begin with the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, they were deeply rooted in a long history of colonial exploitation and structural inequality. Under German and later Belgian colonial rule, Rwanda’s economy was restructured to serve the interests of the colonizers, prioritizing cash crops like coffee and tea over diversified development. This laid the groundwork for dependency, poor infrastructure, and limited industrialization. Post-independence, political instability and ethnic tensions further hindered economic progress. Though the country managed a modest average annual growth rate of approximately 2.5% between 1980 and 1990, this fragile progress was entirely derailed by the genocide. The violence led to the complete unravelling of Rwanda’s socio-political fabric and pushed the economy into severe recession and hyperinflation. The destruction of infrastructure, loss of human capital, disrupted supply chains, and widespread poverty and famine caused long-lasting, perhaps irreparable, economic damage. In the aftermath, the Rwandan government has spent the past two decades implementing substantial restoration efforts aimed at rebuilding the socio-economic foundation of the country. The scale and depth of the economic devastation continue to shape the country’s recovery trajectory even today. This paper aims to analyze the long term and short term impact of the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda against the Tutsi on the economy of Rwanda and explore how the genocide was not only a result of political instability, but consistent economic deprivation at the hands of their colonizers. Even though the colonization sowed the seeds of industrialization, the genocide outbreak devastated the economy.. By applying economic principles and concepts, this paper will analyze the various factors that affected Rwanda’s economy pre, during and post the genocide, leading to the eventual implementation of restoration policies which aimed to recover Rwanda’s economy. Moreover, this paper will use Rwanda as an example to evidence that political and sociological disruptions put a break on economies that are inherently fragile.

From missing brothers to educated sisters: The effects of victimization during the Rwandan genocide

The genocide commemoration week in Rwanda often triggers heightened mental health (MH) needs, necessitating targeted support. Understanding factors influencing repeat MH service utilization is essential for effective interventions. This cross-sectional study analyzed data from individuals seeking MH services during the 2024 Rwandan genocide commemoration week, distinguishing between first-time and repeat users. Descriptive and logistic regression analyses examined factors associated with repeat utilization. Of the 825 individuals who accessed MH services during Rwanda's 2024 genocide memorial week, 76% were repeat users. Bivariate analysis showed that age and insurance coverage were significantly associated with repeat service utilization, while gender and province were not. Logistic regression revealed that individuals aged 31-50 (AOR = 2.29, 95% CI: 1.13-4.64, p = 0.022) and those without insurance coverage (AOR = 3.31, 95% CI: 1.78-6.18, p < 0.001) were more likely to be repeat users compared to the reference groups (18-30 years old and those with insurance, respectively). Gender and province remained nonsignificant in the adjusted model. Improving MH access, particularly for middle-aged individuals and the uninsured, is crucial. Addressing barriers to care could enhance service delivery during the commemoration period.

This article presents the findings of a qualitative study that explored how 53 students (15-year-olds) narratively determine historical significance in written assignments after an inquiry that compared three genocides, namely the Holocaust, the Cambodian genocide, and the Rwandan genocide. This study takes up the proposal to distinguish between relevance and significance in establishing historical significance. Significance refers to the knowledge and procedures that are related to the historian´s discipline and important for understanding a historical phenomenon. Relevance refers to historical events and processes that people perceive as relevant to understand the present world. The American Inquiry Design Model, which centers on a compelling question, can combine a qualifying dimension of significance with a contemporary dimension of relevance, to qualify students’ historical thinking in combination with a student life-world perspective. The results show that the two dimensions converge and amplify each other and are important to address in history education.

This research aims to explore how to improve the United Nations' early warning, intervention, and conflict prevention capabilities in response to the outbreak of hot wars through multi-level institutional reforms. Through in-depth analysis of typical cases such as the Ukrainian crisis, the Rwandan genocide and the South Sudanese civil war, the research reveals the serious deficiencies of the traditional UN peacekeeping model in terms of intelligence sharing, decision-making mechanisms and resource allocation, and analyzes the legal and institutional challenges brought about by new hybrid wars and non-traditional conflicts. Based on theoretical and empirical research, this research proposes reform suggestions such as building an international legal framework that adapts to new conflicts, optimizing the Security Council's decision-making mechanism (including restricting the veto power and granting the Secretary-General emergency intervention authority), and building an efficient resource and intelligence sharing system. These suggestions not only focus on the supplementation and revision of legal provisions but also emphasize multilateral coordination at the political and technical levels, in order to provide practical and feasible institutional support for the United Nations to achieve "early warning, rapid intervention and strong execution" in global security governance. The research finally points out that future research should further focus on the application of new technologies in intelligence integration and risk prediction, as well as the actual effects of relevant international law revisions and political practices, so as to provide more systematic and in-depth theoretical support and practical guidance for the continuous improvement of UN peacekeeping operations.