Crimean War Research Articles

Migrant and refugee women from former USSR countries at the Crossroads of Sociopolitical Crises, Russian War in Ukraine and Intersectional State Violence

Women from former USSR countries with migration histories who arrived in Poland in recent years have faced complex challenges resulting from the recent poly-crises in the Eastern European region. This empirical article, based on 39 in-depth narrative interviews with Belarusian, Chechen, Russian and Ukrainian migrant and refugee women, hears and retells their narratives of fleeing, migration, trauma and marginalisation. Particularly, it shows the diverse experiences of the multiple wounds related to war, intersectional state violence, disadvantage and deskilling in the labour market and the complex processes of precarization. However, whilst it uncovers the accumulation of risks and precarity, it also documents how women regain strength and agency in decisions and life strategies, especially in the context of intersectional state violence experienced transnationally. It concludes that despite multiple and complex adversities, migrant and refugee women retain their subjectivity, whilst the (transnational) sisterhood – women’s support in recovering and shaping livelihood strategies – plays a crucial role in such processes.

Psychological Impact of Conflict on Women and Girls in Middle Eastern War Zones: A Gender-Specific Analysis

This study evaluates the psychological impact of conflict on women and girls in Middle Eastern war zones through a systematic meta-analysis of 87 published studies conducted between 2010 and 2024, encompassing 24,583 participants.

Departheid in the Post‐Soviet Space? The Shifting Geopolitics and Racialisation of Migration Governance in Lithuania

AbstractThis paper analyses the intersection of geopolitics and racialisation in EUrope's migration governance by zooming in on the specific case of Lithuania. Since 2021, Lithuania has seen the arrival of migrants from Africa and the Middle East along with Belarusian citizens fleeing the Lukashenko regime and Ukrainian citizens escaping Russia's war in Ukraine. While these mobilities have occurred in parallel, they have evoked a strict categorical hierarchy in the Lithuanian government's discourse and policy response. By bringing Barak Kalir's (2019; Conflict and Society 5:19–40) concept of Departheid into conversation with a growing body of work on race, coloniality, and double hegemony in Eastern Europe, this paper proposes an understanding of Lithuania's migration governance through the intersection of race and geopolitics. As Lithuania wrestles between Western and Russian influences, its ambition of belonging to the “European space” is marked by geopolitical manoeuvres meant to distance Lithuania from the “authoritarian East” and reverberations of coloniality that delineate the expanding horizons of European power. Thus, we argue that the Lithuanian government's response to migration should be understood as a form of Departheid that is distinct to East European countries in the post‐Soviet space.

Condition of Danube flotilla between Russian-Turkish wars of the XIX century as mobilization to the next war

The article examines the problems of the Russian-Turkish wars waged by Russia in the XIX century, especially the use of such a unit as the Danube River Flotilla. Particular emphasis is placed on preparations for the next war with Turkey, namely, the maintenance and preparation of the river unit for the next military conflict. The work also emphasizes that the maintenance of the Danube Flotilla as a unit in peacetime meant preparation for war in the very near future. On the other hand, failure to disband the river flotilla after another war with Turkey meant that the main causes of the conflict had not been fully resolved and, as a consequence, preparation for the next war. At the same time, in all cases, at the stage of preparation for the next war with Turkey, Russia made statements that no preparations were being made for the next war, but when the Turkish side proposed resolving the issue peacefully, such proposals were rejected by the Russian government and the emperor. This led to another Russian-Turkish war with the use of the Danube Flotilla. Thus, the maintenance and strengthening of the Danube Flotilla throughout the XIX century meant that there would soon be another Russian-Turkish war. The only exceptions were the Russian-Turkish War of 1806–1812 and the Russian-Turkish War of 1877–1878, when the Danube Flotilla was created specifically to participate in them. The reasons for each of the Russian-Turkish wars were slightly different, but the following always remained: protectorate over the Balkan and Danube countries, and, starting with the Crimean War, also the capture of Istanbul, the installation of a cross over Hagia Sophia and control over the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles straits.

Global South and western divergence on Russia's war in Ukraine: implications for world order

Abstract Since February 2022, there has been much commentary about the divergence between responses of the global South and western perspectives in relation to the Russian invasion of Ukraine. There has been less discussion about this contrast representing a democratic divide. Yet the ‘non-aligned’ stance adopted by some of the world's largest democracies throws into question the framing of the war as a struggle between democracy and autocracy, as favoured by former United States President Joe Biden. This article highlights both differences and affinities in the international behaviour of democracies which are obscured in generalizations about a North/South dichotomy. Instead, it assesses Ikenberry's categorization of the competition to shape world order as an interaction between ‘Three Worlds’ (the global West, East and South). The article also uses Johnston's concept of international order as ‘a world of multiple orders in different domains … rather than a single, U.S.-dominated liberal order’. Finally, it draws on Moravcsik's ‘new liberalism’ regarding the primacy of interacting state preferences in international relations. The article argues that the case of the Ukraine conflict exemplifies how democracies converge and/or diverge in responding to issues in different domains of world order(s), thereby challenging the notion of a systemic North/South dichotomy in approaches to a purported liberal international order.

The Impact of Geopolitics Risk and Uncertainty on Cryptocurrency: Inference on Ukraine Russian War

ABSTRACTThis paper investigates how the geopolitical risk (GPRD), economic policy uncertainty (EPU) index, and Twitter economic uncertainty (TEU) related to the Russo‐Ukrainian conflict can affect cryptocurrency returns (Bitcoin [BTC], Ethereum [ETH], Ripple [XRP], Dogecoin [DOGE], Litecoin [LTC], Cardano [ADA], BNB, and TRON [TRX]) over the period ranging from January 1, 2020, to April 24, 2023. Using the Spectral Breitung Candelon causality and wavelet coherence methods, interesting findings are reported. This study reports noteworthy findings. First, we observe that during the armed battle, ADA, BNB, DOGE, LTC, TRX, and XRP appear as hedges against GPRD. However, we found a negative impact on BTC and ETH. Second, the results show that EPU and TEU have no effect on cryptocurrency, respectively. These findings provide a comprehensive overview of cryptocurrency fluctuations during the ongoing conflicts in Ukraine. Finally, findings show that only ADA, BNB, DOGE, LTC, TRX, and XRP could be used as hedging tools during times of uncertainty. These results have practical implications for cryptocurrency investors and elements influencing its returns, especially during uncertain times.

Research productivity during the Russian war in Ukraine

Abstract We investigate the effect of the Russian-Ukrainian war on the research productivity of scholars affiliated with around 15,000 Ukrainian research institutions. Using the 2014 Russian invasion as a quasi-natural experiment, we apply a difference-in-differences estimator on a sample of half a million journal articles collected from Scopus. Researchers affiliated with institutions located in the occupied parts of Donetsk and Luhansk and the whole of Crimea form our treatment group, and those affiliated with institutions in the unoccupied regions of Ukraine, our control group. We document a significant decline in quantity and quality of research, measured by the average number of papers/citations, produced by authors based in the Donetsk/Luhansk occupied regions with active hostilities. By contrast, we observe a rise in the quantity of papers published by authors based in annexed Crimea. Yet, this pattern, which can be explained by increased funding by Russian authorities towards institutions located in Crimea, is driven by articles published in Russian journals and by scientists with relatively low productivity. Our results are robust when using different control groups and estimation methods, including causal machine learning tools, and when controlling for publication lags.

Гръкоосманизъм срещу панславизъм: Власис Гавриилидис и неговият поглед върху руската балканска политика

In the years following the Crimean War, a segment of the Greek elite recognized the incompatibility between the so-called “Great Idea” of Greek unification and Russian imperial ambitions regarding the Straits and the Ottoman capital. On an ideological level, the rise of Pan-Slavism also posed a threat to Greek claims of cultural supremacy over the Orthodox Slavic populations in the Balkans, fueling Russophobic sentiments within Greek society. Against this backdrop, the Bulgarian-Greek church dispute erupted, reinforcing fears of a Slavic conspiracy orchestrated by Russia. It was in this context that Vlasios Gavriilidis’ text Greece and Pan-Slavism appeared in 1869. The present article critically examines the historical overview of Russian eastern policy as presented by the author.

A Land Code That Extended the Lifetime of an Empire

This study aims to question the reasons and consequences of the code on behalf of the empire. The article supports the idea that the code was one of the most important reform codes that helped the empire to postpone its decay in the 19th century. The study suggests that the code played a crucial role for the empire in controlling illegal settlements, increasing tax incomes and registering the people who were already living in the region by preserving their status. The study claims that the code contributed to preserving the wealth of the people living within the empire by enabling authorities to track the construction and land purchasing activities in the region. By that the study suggests that the empire achieved to learn more about desolate areas in the region by constructing new building sites, administration offices, and farming areas in order to develop the region economically and enhance Ottoman authority in the region. The threat to the demographic structure of the territory, especially after the defeat of the Crimean War, negatively affected the economy and social cohesion of the empire. Therefore, France and Britain, dwelling on the support they had provided to the empire against Russia after the Crimean War interfered with the internal and external policies of the empire, which were regarded to be threatening the sovereignty of the empire. Therefore, the study supports the idea that the code serves as a reaction to regain the Ottoman sovereignty both in and out of its boundaries after Paris Treaty (1856). As the study suggests, by the code the Ottoman authorities had a chance to keep the demographic structure of the region by preventing new incoming immigrants and settlers to the empire. The code in its basic form is supported to preserve the boundaries of the empire by preserving the wealth of people, tribes, and their demographic status where they were living in. By keeping track of the people and their land purchasing and settlement activities within the empire, the code also increased the revenues the empire collected contributed to Ottoman treasury. The study supports the idea that the code played a critical role in prolonging the lifespan of the empire beside guaranteeing the demographic structure of the region. The study employs qualitative research method by using document analysis technique.

ON THE ISSUE OF THE PREREQUISITES FOR THE FORMATION OF FINNISH STATEHOOD

The article examines events from Russian and Finnish history, both during the pre-revolutionary period and during the civil war of 1917–1922. It is shown how Finland was transformed into an independent state from an autonomous principality of the Russian Empire. Objective coverage of this problem at present stage is very important and relevant in connection with the controversial discussions that are taking place, including on this issue, in foreign historiography, which negatively reflect the historical past of the Russian state. The purpose of the study is an objective study of the prerequisites for the Finnish statehood formation and the assessment of Russia’s role in solving this issue. Materials and methods. The article is based on the analysis of published documents and scientific literature by domestic and foreign authors. Various methods were used in the research: problem-chronological, comparative-historical, historical-genetic, historical-legal, statistical, descriptive, logical ones. Research results. The study examined the main stages of Finnish history, starting from its annexation to the Russian Empire and ending with gaining independence of the Republic of Finland. The concrete historical material shows how, over more than a hundred years of the joint political history of Russia and Finland, the Finns were able to make their way from an autonomous principality to an independent state. The Russian Empire failed to fully integrate the Finnish territories into its structure, and the Bolsheviks failed to regain control over them during the revolutionary upheavals of 1917–1922. During the revolutionary events and the civil war in Russia, Finland was able to complete the creation of its own independent state, the prerequisites for the construction of which were intensively developing in it throughout the XIX century. Conclusions. Having carefully studied the events and state-political processes in the Grand Duchy of Finland during its stay within the Russian Empire, it is necessary to draw the conclusion about their exceptional importance and value for the future formation of the Finnish national state. The Grand Duchy of Finland had broad autonomy being part of Russia: the Finnish Seim functioned freely, which approved its own Constitution and independently resolved many issues of regional development, its own currency (the Finnish mark) was introduced, favorable conditions were created for the development of the economy, demography, culture and education, and the Finnish language. Thus, it was precisely being part of Russia that contributed to the formation of prerequisites to acquire statehood by the Finnish people, and had a beneficial effect on the formation of their state institutions.

Middle Powers Between the West and the “Rest”: Turkey During the Russian War on Ukraine

Middle Powers Between the West and the “Rest”: Turkey During the Russian War on Ukraine

Erratum to: A Manchurian Candidate? The GOP’s Discourse on the Russian War in Ukraine

Erratum to: A Manchurian Candidate? The GOP’s Discourse on the Russian War in Ukraine

Российские военно-статистические учреждения второй четверти XIX века: результаты их практической деятельности

The article is devoted to the formation and activity of military statistical institutions in the Russian Empire in the first half of the XIX century. The ruling circles faced the task of establishing a serious and permanent organization of administrative and military statistics for the best management of the Russian armed forces, which were the backbone of the autocratic regime. In addition, it was necessary to collect comprehensive military statistical data on the country’s capabilities and on the military systems of leading nations. Respective military statistical bodies had to be established to keep records and compile analytical reporting material, both for the Ministry of War and personally to the head of state, the emperor. This process was underway in the second quarter of the 19th century, during the reign of Nicholas I, until the end of the Crimean War of 1853–1856. A special role in the military statistical study of the Russian Empire was played by the future minister-reformer of the armed forces D. A. Milyutin.

Французская ракетная артиллерия в Крымской войне 1853-1856 гг.

This article is devoted to the analysis of the production and application of French rocket artillery in the Crimean War of 1853-1856. The paper examines the technical characteristics, tactics of use, and the impact of rocket weaponry on the course of military operations. The aim of the research is to study the design features of French combat rockets of the mid-19th century and their role in the Crimean War. The scientific novelty lies in the fact that an analysis of French rocket artillery in the context of military technologies of the mid-19th century was conducted for the first time, its tactical and technical characteristics are described, and a comparison is also made with similar systems of allies and opponents. The work uses little-studied archival materials, which makes it possible to rethink the effectiveness of rocket weaponry. The results of the study show that the French rockets of the 1849 system had improved stabilizers, which increased the flight range. They played a significant role in the siege of Sevastopol and the attack on Malakhov Kurgan. An analysis of historiography was carried out and it was revealed that the Crimean War became an important stage in the development of rocket technologies, which influenced the further improvement of artillery systems in France.

Policing the Scourge of Child Sexual Abuse in Hatcliffe Community, Harare, Zimbabwe: A Pragmatic Approach

The main aim of this study was to investigate the effectiveness of crime awareness campaigns in curbing child sexual abuse. Hatcliffe Community in Harare, Zimbabwe, was the focus of the study. The research's objectives were, inter alia: to determine various forms of child sexual abuse, to determine factors leading to child sexual abuse, to establish the challenges faced by ZRP Borrowdale in curbing child sexual abuse and to proffer strategies that could be adopted to curb child sexual abuse cases in Hatcliffe Community. The study utilised a pragmatic approach to research, applying both qualitative and quantitative methodologies. Questionnaires and interview guides were used to collect quantitative and qualitative data which was then presented in the form of graphs, tables and charts created with the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS). Data were gathered from police officers at ZRP Borrowdale. The study findings show that crime awareness campaigns can effectively reduce child sexual abuse cases. It is recommended that the Zimbabwe Republic Police should formulate a comprehensive partnership with other stakeholders like religious organisations, children’s rights protection advocacy groups, schools and the mass media to raise an equally comprehensive public awareness campaign programmes against child sexual abuse.

Innovative e-learning tool for amputees in Ukraine and Germany : Digital assistance for self-help in interdisciplinary rehabilitative care

Following the Russian war of aggression the number of people in Ukraine with amputated arms and legs rose sharply, overwhelming afledgling rehabilitation system. This article describes the development and implementation of an e‑learning tool aimed at medical professionals, amputees and their relatives, which contains awide range of information on rehabilitation after limb amputation and is easily accessible. It is designed to provide practical support for the rehabilitation process of affected individuals and is available free of charge in the Ukrainian and German languages. An interdisciplinary team of doctors, therapists, orthopedic technicians and ascientist developed the structure and outline of the learning module in aconsensus process. The content was developed in small teams and, after an internal content review by two team members, linguistically synchronized and implemented on the open-source learning platform Integrated Learning, Information and Work Cooperation System (Integriertes Lern‑, Informations- und Arbeitskooperations-System, ILIAS). The e‑learning tool was fully developed and implemented within 10months. It is available free of charge in two languages at https://digitale-lehre-mhh.de . It distinguishes between rehabilitation after arm or leg amputation, after which three consecutive rehabilitation phases (postacute, intermediate and maintenance phases) can be selected. The next level gives access to the specific content, which consists of apathway, explanatory texts, images, video sequences and audio files on treatment, self-exercises and practical tips.

Moving beyond a ‘hollow concept’: realising women, peace and security at NATO under a Trump presidency

ABSTRACT NATO’s Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda has failed to reach its full potential and remains a “hollow concept.” While WPS has provided added-value across NATO’s tasks, it falls short of being an integral part of how NATO conducts its work and is in many respects siloed. The WPS agenda is associated with the values of NATO, but in the case of the Russian war on Ukraine, that agenda has been sidelined in favour of realpolitik. For WPS to endure, it must be seen as fundamental to NATO’s effectiveness, not as an exceptional measure: an imperative that is likely to be challenged under the second mandate of Donald Trump as US president.

КОНЦЕПТ «УКРАЇНСЬКА КОРУПЦІЯ» ЯК МАСМЕДІЙНИЙ МІФ ТА СКЛАДОВА ІНФОРМАЦІЙНОЇ ВІЙНИ

<p><strong><em>The purpose</em></strong><em> of the study is to identify the main narratives that influence the formation and spread of the concept of «Ukrainian corruption» in the world’s media reality.</em></p><p><strong><em>Research methodology.</em></strong><em> Using the method of systematization of open data sources, the leading narratives that accompany the mass media concept of «Ukrainian corruption» are outlined. The observation method allowed us to formulate a hypothesis about invasive influences on mass consciousness in the formation of beliefs about the corruption of Ukrainian society and power elites. The induction method provided an opportunity to check the correlation of this hypothesis with already conducted research and to substantiate it. The interpretation method is also important in the work.<strong></strong></em></p><p><strong><em>Results.</em></strong><em> The topic of corruption in Ukraine is included in the list of the most common in both domestic and Western media. The coverage of informational pretexts behind it is fueled by several objective reasons. The central place among them is determined by materials that address the processes of Ukraine’s formation as a democratic state. At the same time, researchers record the artificial replication of unreliable reports about Ukrainian corruption, the purpose of which is to demoralize Ukrainian society and reduce the level of trust in it among Western partners. In addition to the influence of Russian propaganda, the conceptualization of the idea of Ukrainian corruption is influenced by the optics of the «civilizational superiority» of the Western world, which builds an imaginary hierarchy of progressiveness of states. </em></p><p><strong><em>Novelty.</em></strong><em> The article is the first attempt to unite the wide field of narrative influences that form the concept of «Ukrainian corruption» in the information space.</em></p><p><strong><em>Practical significance. </em></strong><em>The results of the study are of interest to students studying disciplines related to media criticism, the history of information warfare, and compliance with journalistic standards in work. Some conclusions expand the subject field of analysis on postcolonial issues and media hygiene and can contribute to the development of specific advice for practicing journalists.</em></p><p><strong><em>Key words: </em></strong><em>Ukrainian corruption, Russia's war against Ukraine, propaganda, information war, manipulation, information security, national interests, information space.</em></p>

„Besser Gas aus dem Westen als aus dem Osten. Kanada ist ein sympathischer Lieferant“ – Zur Verknüpfung des Topos der geteilten Werte mit aktuellen Narrativen des Energiedispositivs. Eine kleine empirische Studie

Abstract This article seeks to clarify the discourse-analytical use of the terms topos and narrative using a corpus of German language press articles written about a visit of the German federal government to Canada in August 2022. Starting from the dominant topos of ‘shared values’, the question of how this topos was combined with other narratives is discussed, thus illustrating how the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine formed the basis for Germany's vision of an overall energy policy at that time. In addition to the empirical findings, fundamental considerations about the interplay of topoi and narratives are derived from the present study.

A Taste of Empire: Sacred Bread, Refugees, and the Making of Ottoman Imperial Subjects

ABSTRACT This article examines the importance of “sacred bread” (nan-ı aziz) in the context of migration and settlement in the mid nineteenth-century Ottoman Empire. It considers the aftermath of the Crimean War of 1853–1856 during which Crimean Tatars, Noghays, and refugees from other territories sought sanctuary within Ottoman lands. In this context, state welfare, refugee identity, and new conceptions of political authority began to evolve around the exchange of sacred bread. The symbolic and material significance of sacred bread transformed groups of incoming Muslims into a special class of Ottoman refugees throughout the 1850s and 1860s. This study argues that the symbolic and material currency of food or, more specifically, sacred bread constituted a way to acculturate the Crimean and Caucasian refugee community (muhacirin) in the Ottoman Empire. Ottoman food traditions such as sacred bread not only generated a Muslim refugee cultural identity, but also collectively united Muslim refugee communities on the basis of class and social identity. More importantly, bread played a significant role in transforming and acculturating refugee communities within Ottoman culture and served as a vector of cultural cohesion by forging a unified community. By examining refugee petitions and imperial correspondence, this article explores the centrality of sacred bread in Ottoman food systems and expands our conception of the postwar experiences of refugees by introducing bread as a novel way to analyze identity, subjecthood, and loyalty.