Rural Discontent Research Articles

Representing rural Australia: political representation and rural discontent

ABSTRACT There is a distinct rural flavour to contemporary political discontent. Studies in the United States have found that rural populations feel politically neglected and resentful of city dwellers, resulting in significant partisan cleavages. Rural discontent and difference are enduring features of Australian federal politics, with rural populations often frustrated by their treatment from policy-makers in Canberra. To understand better contemporary rural discontent this article considers the views of those elected to represent rural people, rural MPs. It presents findings of an empirical study into how Australian federal rural MPs understand their role, their constituents, and the issues they face. Interviews reveal that the role of a rural MP is shaped by distance, by diverse people and localities, and by a sense that their constituents are misunderstood by urban Australians and policy-makers. The article considers how these interpretations of rural MPs intersect with sentiments of rural discontent.

Intergovernmental discontent in rural areas: A perspective from local councils in Spain during the Great Recession

Left-behind places have gained attention during the last years and among those, particular attention has been paid to rural areas, where discontent finds anchor in an articulated narrative of distinctiveness that separates rural and urban, and on which populist parties would have tapped. Thus, rural discontent can be considered a specific expression of disaffection of left-behind places, shaped and characterised by the processes and narratives that are particular to rural areas. Understanding the social justice structure of the discontent is essential to identify the critical elements contributing to a revival of rural-urban cleavages and rethink the development paths in rural areas that feel left behind.To advance on the qualitative understanding of the configuration of the left-behind places, this contribution explores discontent among rural mayors in a Spanish region -Valencia- during the Great Recession. Building on qualitative evidence and using a social justice approach, the presentation will explore the institutional factors driving rural discontent. The results describe the emergence of rural discontent rooted in perceptions of intergovernmental inequality upon redistribution, recognition and representation issues that are shaped by demographic, political and environmental features of rurality.

Urbanising the Rural

The transition from traditional rural residences to urban-like multi-storey buildings and from traditional villages to rural residential communities (shequ) is one of rural China’s most profound developments of the early twenty-first century. Official discourse highlights the potential benefits for villagers, portraying the new residential communities as gateways to modernity and significant steps toward reducing inequality and disparity between the rural and the urban. Based on extensive research in two counties in Shandong and Anhui provinces, this article concludes that while imposing urban-like models of residence may coincide with prosperous communities’ circumstances, it may easily become a statist venture of predation and a source of tension and rural discontent in less prosperous communities.

"Have all of our women the vagrant heart?": Anne of Green Gables and Rural Womanhood in Flux

"Have all of our women the vagrant heart?":Anne of Green Gables and Rural Womanhood in Flux Emily Cardinali Cormier (bio) On a cold winter night in 1900, L. M. Montgomery laments that she is "conscious of a great soul loneliness" (SJ 255). Although she loved the beauty of rural Cavendish, she writes, "The monotony is dreadful" (SJ 224). Montgomery longed for "bright, cheerful companionship, laughter, sparkling conversation," and notes that "The friends who have been a real help and inspiration to me are seldom near me" (SJ 255). Montgomery knew what it meant to be a rural young woman and see her peers leave their family farms behind. She too had "a vagrant heart" and an intimate understanding of this national dilemma. Dora Sigerson Shorter's poem of that name describes a woman who, like Montgomery, longs for a life outside the narrow confines of home. Rural discontent, particularly among young people, was not unique to Montgomery but part of a larger national phenomenon in turn-of-the-century Canada. Recognizing that Anne of Green Gables was composed and published during this time of rural transition in Canada can add a layer of meaning to the story of Anne Shirley. In this article, I argue that Montgomery creates Anne as a national heroine whose choice to stay on the farm, despite the opportunity to follow "a vagrant heart," has significant and empowering implications for rural Canadian women at a time when the traditional gender roles of an older agrarian economy were becoming outmoded. Examining how gender operates in Avonlea is the topic of Julia McQuillan and Julie Pfeiffer's "Why Anne Makes Us Dizzy: Reading Anne of Green Gables from a Gender Perspective" (2001), an article that has been influential in terms of framing the discussion of gender in Anne of Green Gables for the past decade. Anne's identity formation, McQuillan and Pfeiffer assert, is largely concerned with Anne becoming a good "girl," rather than a good "person" (28). McQuillan and Pfeiffer's article concludes that Anne's struggle [End Page 200] to "do femininity" exposes the "rules of being a boy or girl" and engages the reader in Anne's struggle to fit into a world that is ordered by gender "difference" (31). Feminists can find pleasure in the novel, the article argues, from the "visibility" of gender as a structure (30-31). I use McQuillan and Pfeiffer's article as a starting point, arguing that "do[ing] femininity" in rural turn-of-the-century Canada has specific national and agricultural significance. By looking at L. M. Montgomery's context as a rural author, I argue that her use of the pastoral engages women with the nationally significant and intellectually challenging role of retaining rural populations when depletion was perceived as a threat to Canadian identity. Additionally, this article maps the ways in which Anne and Marilla's different kinds of rural feminine identity subvert heteronormative patterns, emphasizing that advancements in dairying on Prince Edward Island allowed agrarian women new opportunity to manage farmsteads without male control. I call into question McQuillan and Pfeiffer's assertion that Anne "never offers to work the farm" (25), arguing instead that Anne's labor contributions to Green Gables, though understated, are important in the context of the changing agricultural economy of Prince Edward Island. The Agrarian Woman and the Pastoral To read Anne of Green Gables as a narrative that plays up the pastoral and bucolic nature of life on a farm is not simply a generic romantic outdoorsy reading. Rather, it is grounded in a particular moment in Canadian history when the rural exodus threatened rural life. In using the pleasures of a rural landscape to foster a desire to stay on the farm, Montgomery is in good company with religious leaders like John MacDougall and governmental leaders like James W. Robertson, who worked with the Commission of Conservation in Canada (Brown xiv). The pastoral ideal that is popular as Montgomery publishes her first novel appears not to be simply a matter of appreciating natural beauty, but a matter of national importance and perhaps the only concept that could save rural Canada. While Montgomery scholars are certainly aware that...

''A Great Machine'' or a ''Beast of Prey'': A Boston Corporation and Its Rural Debtors in an Age of Capitalist Transformation

In the 1820s and 30s, the Massachusetts Hospital Life Insurance Company (MHLIC), established by the Boston elite to administer family trusts, invested in mortgage loans to farmers from western Massachusetts. Those aspects of Company mortgages that marked them as modern debtor-creditor arrangements\-\-formal procedures, written contracts, and above all, the necessity of punctual payments, enforced by the threat of lawsuits\-\- frightened and alienated many borrowers and fueled broader-based political protests against corporations. Rural discontent over the Company's business practices occurred as farmers underwent the difficult transition from a household to a market economy, but the Company's insistence on those practices represent the Boston elite's own adjustment to a new era of corporate capitalism. Conducting business with novel sorts of economic actors, no longer fellow merchants but distant strangers and social inferiors, elite Bostonians positioned the Company as an impersonal mechanism, irrevocably fixed in its method of operation, against what it perceived as an unreliable and assertive yeomanry. Rule-bound regularity soon emerged as not only standard business procedure but a full-blown ideological vision of a clockwork universe of business. Implying both the impartial application of rules and predictability in the business world, this vision held political and cultural appeal in an age of novel social tensions and unprecedented economic instability. Exploring the vexed relations between Massachusetts farmers and the MHLIC thus illuminates the process whereby the practices and values associated with corporate capitalism took hold among yeomen farmers and elite Bostonians alike.

Confrontation and Conciliation Under the Socialist State: Peasant Resistance to Agricultural Collectivization in China in the 1950s

Confrontation and Conciliation Under the Socialist State:Peasant Resistance to Agricultural Collectivization in China in the 1950s Huaiyin Li (bio) Peasant protest and unrest, ubiquitous and chronic in imperial and Republican China, continued into the 1950s during the transition to socialism and, after three decades of overall silence under the agricultural collectives that effectively controlled the rural population and resources, resurfaced in the 1980s in the wake of decollectivization. Past studies have well documented the riots and rebellions against the state and local authorities in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.1 Recent literature on reform-era China has further brought to light peasant disgruntlement against abuses in taxation and village administration.2 What remains largely obscure is popular resistance to agricultural collectivization (nongye jitihua) in the 1950s, when villagers were grouped into different organizations of agricultural production. Conventional wisdom has it that the collectivization drive, beginning with the creation of mutual-aid teams (huzhu zu) and culminating in the creation of advanced-stage cooperatives (gaoji hezuoshe), encountered little resistance from poor and lower-middle peasants owing to the government's eco-nomic and financial measures that benefited the majority of rural residents and the effective working of the Communist Party's grassroots organizations.3 The resistance, if any, came primarily from "class enemies" in the countryside, namely former [End Page 73] landlords and rich peasants. Elizabeth Perry, for example, demonstrated how the landlords and rich peasants, who controlled various kinds of local sects, prevented their followers from joining the collectives or instigated them to rebel against local governments.4 Needless to say, government newspapers and other official sources, which informed much of the earlier generation of rural China studies, necessarily spoke for the policies and ideology of the socialist state, which assumed the class struggle between peasants and landlords to be the major contradiction in the countryside. To accentuate the role of the "class enemies" in rural discontent was in perfect accordance with that ideology. Sabotage and uprisings of the former landlords and rich peasants, to be sure, did occur and in certain areas were serious as those sources revealed. But those examples were far from representing the overall picture of rural resistance in the 1950s. As we will find in this study, the vast majority and the most active of the participants in the resistance to collectivization, in both the country as a whole and the localities under examination, were ordinary peasants rather than their instigational class enemies. Drawing on government archives from Dongtai () and Songjiang () counties in Jiangsu Province as well as recently released official documents that reflect the nationwide situation, this article examines continuity and change in peasant resistance to collectivization in the two counties.5 Rural disgruntlement before the communist revolution usually took the form of either "collective violence," such as riots and rebellions that openly challenged the state or local power holders, or "everyday resistance," in which the individuals vented their anger against, or sought protection from, the powerful with "weapons of the weak," including rumors, curses, and sabotage, or, alternatively, bribes, illicit sex, fictive kinship, and so forth.6 Both types of resistance, however, were rooted in the values and shared assumptions innate to the villagers, as manifested in their sense of right and wrong, collective memories, popular cults, folklore, or social practices, and therefore was believed to be moral and just in their opinions. Together, these forms of actions constitute what we may call "righteous resistance." The deprived and dislocated villagers in Qing China, for example, joined rebels of various "heretic" organizations because "the officials compel the people to rebel (guan bi min fan );" rebellion was the only option for them to escape the government's unscrupulous [End Page 74] exaction and outrageous cruelty.7 Likewise, the hungry villagers in southern Jiangsu felt it righteous to "eat the great households (chi dahu)" in the early 1930s when the prices of rice had reached such a level that looting rice shops was no longer simply the action of bandits, and indeed the rioters made every effort to distinguish themselves from true bandits.8 In both cases, the peasants invariably resorted to the right to survival to justify their claims and actions. The villagers...

From the Tax-for-Fee Reform to the Abolition of Agricultural Taxes: The Impact on Township Governments in North-west China

Over the last decade, there have been numerous reports of rural discontent and unrest over excessive local taxes and fees known as villagers' burdens. In response, the central government enacted the tax-for-fee reform (TFR) in 2002 that abolished local fees levied on individuals and rural households in favour of a single agricultural tax. In addition the central government has announced plans to eliminate the agricultural tax as well after 2006. The aim of the TFR is to streamline local revenue collection and establish a more transparent and efficient provision of services. The immediate result, however, is a dramatic reduction in the autonomy of township governments as well as the provision of local services. Poorer townships have become more dependent on county government for revenues, and these townships function more like county administrative units than local self-governments. Moreover, many services have also been cut due to a lack of local revenues. In north-west China, there has been a sharp decline in the provision of educational and medical services. The solution is an increase in county remittances, but these are slow and uneven, and the combination of reduced autonomy and services has produced a number of “administrative shells” at the township level. If the inefficacy continues, then there may be even greater rural discontent and unrest over the loss of basic services than there was over increasing villagers' burdens.

Los orígenes del zapatismo

Los orígenes del zapatismo

Protest politics and violence in the French countryside in the 1990s: an expression of Euroscepticism?

Protest politics in the French countryside centred on broad criticism of the authority and policies of the EU. The activities of Coordination rurale on the right of French politics in 1992, and Confédération paysanne on the left since the 1980s, reflected rising rural discontent. Syndicats agricoles drew on the anger of farmers who saw agricultural politics focus on decisions by the EU and the French government to allow market priorities to transform the countryside. The often violent reaction to EU-negotiated changes imposed on French agriculture challenged legitimate authority: a sign of rising Euroscepticism in rural areas in the 1990s. The unions did not persuade politicians to accept alternative forms of agriculture but their actions challenged the future of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), further integration and enlargement of the EU.

The Power of the City in Defining the National and Regional in Education. Reactions against the Urban: Universities in Regional Australia

Australian higher educational history illustrates the tensions that exist between the city and the country over the provision of university education. While for many non-Australians the nation appears as the land of the outback the reality is that Australia is dominated by the city where the majority of the population live and where governments and their policy advisers are located. This article compares the attempts of two of Australia's historic rural cities to establish universities. These cities are Armidale, New South Wales and Bendigo, Victoria. Their attempts illustrate a persistent theme in Australia's educational history - namely conflict over equitable educational provision for Australia's rural residents. The proposal to establish a university at Armidale represented a major departure from the traditional Australian policy of universities in capital cities only as it was the first time that an Australian rural city was chosen as the site of a university. However, the establishment of Australia's first rural university was later used to thwart the establishment of additional country universities. In 1938 when it succeeded in establishing its university Armidale was a small inland city of 10,000 inhabitants economically reliant on agriculture. Armidale depended on the efforts of a former farmer and now influential member of state parliament, Drummond, who faced opposition from capital city based state governments, to establish a university. The Armidale campaign for a local university was driven by powerful rural discontent, which stressed the economic and social importance of Australia's primary industries and their associated country towns while simultaneously arguing that metropolitan cities dominated Australian life and politics. Armidale's university campaign was based on the typical Australian philosophy of a "fair go" for country people. Drummond relied on the support of the citizens of Armidale and their defensive loyalty to the country. Many of their beliefs irrationally extolled the virtues of the country, the wickedness of the city, and the conspiracy of governments against the country. Drummond fully realized that the majority of Australia's population lived in the capital cities and the commercial, financial and cultural affairs of the state originated there. However, he realized that this also led to an attitude that assumed that nothing good could come out of the country. Bendigo with a population of 46,000 made its attempts to secure a university in 1970. Located in country Victoria the city originally derived its wealth from gold mining but now depended on its role as an administrative and service center for an agricultural community. Bendigo leaders were influenced by state government policies of the time, which aimed to create towns and cities throughout the state where living conditions would be similar to those in the capital city. Just as at Armidale previously, Bendigo leaders realized that to secure decentralization of services in the state attractive educational facilities, including a university, were essential. Bendigo leaders used arguments reminiscent of those previously used in Armidale in their efforts to establish a local university. They spoke of the quality of life in smaller communities, the social advantages of decentralization, the necessity of equitable educational provision for all Australians, the lack of university facilities outside the Melbourne metropolitan area and the loss of country population to the city because of a lack of educational facilities in the country. However, their campaign also met with strong and almost hysterical resistance from the state's university leaders who noted that the concept of a country university was educationally undesirable. Very importantly the citizens of Bendigo confronted a much different educational system to that of their earlier Armidale counterparts. Of most importance the who now had full responsibility for funding of university education would not support the establishment of a university in Bendigo. Reasons for this reluctance included the lack of potential students in the Bendigo area and fear that the establishment of country universities would lead to a reduction in funding for city based universities because small campuses were seen as more expensive to establish and operate than large city ones. There were also fears that establishing a university in Bendigo would lead to the destruction of the Australian binary system of higher education. In any case it was argued that it was simply unfeasible to provide the same degree of access to university facilities for country students as was available to their city counterparts as it was not economically and educationally possible. It is likely that governments used the university at Armidale to argue against the establishment of a country-based university at Bendigo. They reasoned that the University of New England illustrated that country universities were small, second rate, had difficulties in attracting staff (who were diffident about going to country locations) and were especially expensive.

Social Welfare Reform: Trends and Tensions

The acceleration of economic reform in the early and late 1990s has highlighted repeatedly the importance of social welfare for maintaining economic growth, social stability and political authority. Indeed each of these decade-long goals of China's government can be seen to rest on either establishing or maintaining an accessible social welfare package. Economic growth requires further enterprise reform which in turn requires alternative forms and funding of worker social welfare. Sporadic reports of urban unrest resulting from lay-offs and loss of welfare benefits and of rural discontent resulting from the continued absence of welfare benefits suggests that social stability and political authority are dependent on the government's ability to reform social welfare provisioning. Simultaneously the process of economic reform itself has altered urban and rural socio-economic and political environments and had far-reaching consequences for welfare demand, service supply and notions of security.

Histoire et polémique, le massacre de Machecoul

Jean-Clément Martin, History and Polemics : the Machecoul Massacres. The Machecoul Massacres, that is, in March and April 1793, the execution or lynching of at least one hundred and fifty people considered as "blues" by the peasants, who had taken over this small town of the Loire Atlantique department, forms, in the Republicans' memory, the counterpart of the Lues Massacre engraved in the counterrevolutionary memory. This careful study describes the economic, social, political and cultural conditions of this small region during the first years of the Revolution. It confirms the classic studies on the causes of "the Vendée", except that the situation was probably even worse in Machecoul and the surrounding parishes because of the close geographical intermixing of "patriots" and "non-patriots". They were literally neighbours. If the sociology of the victims holds few surprises (civil officiers, members of the local petite and moyenne bourgeoisie, Constitutional priests), that of the persecutors isn't very different. The activists were also merchants and local worthies; they had been opposing the new order of things since 1789 and in an atmosphere of religious division, they had galvanized rural discontent at the time of the drawing of lots. Henceforth the Republican legend pointed to the Machecoul butchers as the very epitome of savage peasantry.

Rural Political Protest: The 1953 Disturbances in Mweru-Luapula

scholarship.1 Most scholars have approached this study from the vantage point of a politically conscious elite [rather] than from the viewpoint of an ordinary villager.2 In doing so, as Thomas Rasmussen and Terance Johnston have observed, these scholars have tended to obscure colonial protest in the rural areas.3 Rasmussen studied rural discontent and political protest in Zambia and has argued that growth of nationalism in Zambia was deeply rooted in anticolonial grievances and the success of rural protest contributed much to the ultimate success of the independence movement.4 In his classic study of the rise of Nigerian nationalism, James Coleman noted the importance of local grievances in the rise of nationalism. He stressed that local grievances were often capitalized upon by politicians who linked them to national issues.5 Rasmussen has made the same point for Zambia.6 These local grievances were in most cases sparked off by various regulations and restrictions introduced by the Northern Rhodesia administration and enforced by Native Authorities.7 These regulations prohibited some agricultural practices used by the Africans such as slash and burn (locally known as chitemene), the hunting of game in some areas, and fishing at certain times of the year. In areas where the people depended heavily for their livelihood on these activities, these regulations and restrictions became a constant source of to the local people.8 The amount of irritation varied from one area to another depending on the prevailing economic conditions and the political consciousness of the people. Depending on how the community was affected, they might protest verbally through village headmen and chiefs, Native

Routes of Rural Discontent

Routes of Rural Discontent

Ethnic Patterns of Urbanization in Peninsular Malaysia, 1947-1970

AbstractNotwithstanding the popular nostalgia for the good life in small towns and rural villages, there is a sound rational base for the secular drift from country to town during the last century throughout the world, in countries large and small, rich and poor. In almost every situation, it is clear that those in urban areas have greater access to educational institutions, are exposed to more diverse employment opportunities, and receive higher incomes than rural residents. These differences in economic opportunities and rewards are generally apparent to all. And so inherent in the process of urbanization and the consequent widening of rural-urban disparities is the potential for increased tension with the prevailing distribution system. Rural people, traditionally distrustful of cities, often interpret the growing socioeconomic gap as exploitative in character and pressure political and economic institutions for redress. Yet, most urbanites do not feel advantaged as they compare their plight to more successful urban residents, not to the disadvantaged rural population. In spite of these tensions rural-urban divisions only rarely become the dominant political groupings in a society. Rural to urban migration provides an individual alternative to collective political organization, and governments are often successful in using symbolic politics to allay rural discontent. Yet when rural-urban inequities reinforce other societal divisions such as ethnic groups, the potential for public protest and governmental initiatives is heightened. Such is the case in the plural society of Peninsular Malaysia where the largely rural Malay community is disadvantaged relative to the more urbanized Chinese and Indian minorities. And since the political base of the government is heavily dependent upon rural Malay support, recent public policies are intended to minimize socioeconomic disparities across ethnic communities. One strategy is to increase the proportional representation of Malays in towns and cities. In this paper we review the empirical trends in ethnic patterns of urbanization from 1947 to 1970, prior to advent of explicit public policies to eliminate ethnic inequalities in residence and in socioeconomic rewards.' These trends are interpreted in light of the intent of current government policies.

Land Reform in Ethiopia 1974-1977

In March 1975, the Ethiopian ruling military council, or Derg, proclaimed a sweeping land reform, which aimed at bringing about a complete transformation in the country's complex land tenure system and in its social and political structures. More than a land reform, the measure should be called a land revolution, for there was nothing reformist in the Derg's approach. It simply opened the floodgates of rural discontent, allowing the peasants to take over the land and encouraging them to organize into “peasant associations.” The government did not seriously attempt to control the process, partly for ideological reasons, and partly because it simply could not do it. Rather, the peasant associations were allowed to decide whether to redistribute land among their members, or to enter into collective forms of land cultivation. The ambitious scope of the reform, and the suddenness with which it was announced and implemented, led most observers, including many radical Ethiopians and most diplomats from socialist countries, to forecast economic disaster and social breakdown. Such dark predictions did not come true. The economic consequences of the land reform were some increase in production, due mostly to good weather conditions (Dalton, 1975), and a tangible improvement in the peasants' living conditions. The urban population, though, suffered because of the sharp price increases that resulted from the disruption of the marketing system and an increase in on-farm consumption (Holmberg, 1976). Social turmoil undoubtedly was part of the land reform process, and thousands of people lost their lives in it.

The Town Labourer and the Industrial Revolution. by Malcolm I. Thomis (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1974. 247 pp.) and Rural Discontent in Nineteenth Century Britain. J.P.D. Dunbabin (New York: Homes and Meier, 1974. 320 pp.)

Journal Article The Town Labourer and the Industrial Revolution. by Malcolm I. Thomis (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1974. 247 pp.) and Rural Discontent in Nineteenth Century Britain. J.P.D. Dunbabin (New York: Homes and Meier, 1974. 320 pp.) Get access William H. Sewell, Jr. William H. Sewell, Jr. Institute for Advanced Study Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of Social History, Volume 11, Issue 1, Fall 1977, Pages 112–114, https://doi.org/10.1353/jsh/11.1.112 Published: 01 October 1977

The Egyptian revolution of 1919: new directions in the Egyptian economy

As most political histories of Egypt indicate, the revolution of 1919 constituted an important turning point, if not a watershed, in Egyptian political development. The urban violence, rural discontent, and campaigns of assassination stymied British efforts to make Egypt into a full-fledged and indeed central Middle Eastern colonial state whence Britain would exercise political suzerainty and moral suasion over other Middle Eastern and Islamic states. Instead, in the treaty and constitutional formulations of the early 1920s, British imperialists were forced to settle for a much lesser degree of political control over the Egyptian polity-a control which guaranteed Britain dominance over certain key areas of Egypt's internal and external relations but which allowed Egypt some autonomy. The 1919 revolution also marked a peak period in the growth of Egyptian nationalism and saw the emergence of Egypt's most important political party. The Wafd was to remain at the centre of political life until the military coup d'etat of 1952. Less well appreciated were the new economic organisations and ideas accompanying and indeed growing out of the revolution of 1919. In 1920, landed magnates did what some Egyptians had been anticipating for four decades. They created a national bank-Bank Misr-the goal of which was to enable Egyptians to have more influence in their own economy and to diversify economic activities. The Bank sought to attract capital which would have lain idle or would have gone into banks run by foreigners. It hoped to use this capital to create new industries. Largely pioneered by a newly confident and resurgent foreign community residing in Egypt, an Egyptian Federation of Industries was established as a pressure group working to promote economic, social, and political conditions conducive to Egyptian industrial development. In the cotton crisis of 1921-22, Egyptian landed magnates established another important pressure organ, the Egyptian General Agricultural Sydicate, the purpose of which was to wrest from foreign merchants some measure of control over the financing and marketing of Egypt's most important export crop, cotton. Although these new institutions were just coming into existence during the conflicttorn years of the Egyptian revolution, and did not become powerful until the 1930s, they eventually constituted three of the most influential organs in pre-Nasser Egypt. Their founding reveals a great deal about an emerging Egyptian middle class, its economic attitudes and goals, and its relationship with Egypt's traditional source of wealth, the land. A study of the new economic philosophies and organisations crystallised during the political turmoil of 1919 to 1922 tells us much about the content and social structure of the revolution, and delineates new directions which

J. P. D. Dunbabin. <italic>Rural Discontent in Nineteenth-Century Britain</italic>. New York: Holmes and Meier Publishers. 1975. Pp. 320. $19.50

J. P. D. Dunbabin. Rural Discontent in Nineteenth-Century Britain. New York: Holmes and Meier Publishers. 1975. Pp. 320. $19.50 Dunbabin J. P. D.. Rural Discontent in Nineteenth-Century Britain. New York: Holmes and Meier Publishers. 1975. Pp. 320. $19.50. Daniel Baugh Daniel Baugh Cornell University Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The American Historical Review, Volume 81, Issue 3, June 1976, Pages 588–589, https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/81.3.588-a Published: 01 June 1976

Book Review: Rural Discontent in Nineteenth Century Britain, Stability and Change in an English County Town: a Social Study of York 1801-51, Family Structure in Nineteenth Century Lancashire

Book Review: Rural Discontent in Nineteenth Century Britain, Stability and Change in an English County Town: a Social Study of York 1801-51, Family Structure in Nineteenth Century Lancashire