Ronald Inglehart Research Articles

Subjective well-being determinants in Russia: a regional perspective

This article reveals that, despite Russian regions being very different from each other when it comes to a great many socio-economic and socio-cultural properties (population income level and living standards, various features of the socio-cultural environment, social optimism, degree of religiosity and so on), those who live in regions far removed from the capital cities, given their lower level of personal income, tend to be more satisfied with their lives and demonstrate a higher level of social wellbeing, according to data from various sociological surveys. Based on empirical data, the authors argue that material aspects are not the only factors which affect subjective wellbeing in any given region. The goal of the study is to analyze the differentiation in the level of subjective wellbeing of the population of various Russian regions, which implies identifying and comparatively analyzing those factors which help interpret these differences. The primary research method is regression analysis of data from sociological surveys conducted in 2012 using the World Values Survey method in nine regions and towns of federal significance: Moscow, Saint- Petersburg, Leningrad Province, Tambov, Tatarstan Republic, Chuvashia Republic, the Altai Krai, Kabardino-Balkaria Republic, Bashkortostan Republic. The analysis showed that there is indeed a connection between one’s personal income level and their subjective wellbeing, while there is no such connection between one’s subjective wellbeing and how wealthy their region is. This could be explained by the fact that people are more concerned with their personal income level than their region’s income. Aside from income level, there are other factors which determine subjective wellbeing in any given region. Moscow is considered to be the wealthiest region, however, it also has the highest level of income inequality. Both individual income and income level in comparison to the reference group considerably affect respondents’ subjective wellbeing, regardless of their region of residence. However, individual income has a stronger influence. That said it is in Moscow where subjective evaluation of one’s income level and satisfaction with one’s material status affect subjective wellbeing to the greatest extent, which is due to the fact that in Moscow both living standards and one’s sense of subjective inequality are somewhat higher. The influence of other socio-demographic factors also varies from region to region. For the most part this study confirms Ronald Inglehart’s concept of material factors playing a significant role in subjective wellbeing.

DEBT AMONG OLDER ADULTS: DATA FROM AN EXPLORING STUDY IN SOUTH BRAZIL

In recent years, Brazil has experienced significant increase in indebtedness rates amongst older adults. This is partly due to prominent forms of credit such as credit cards and payroll deductible credit, a type of credit that accounts for up to 35% of pensions. In addition, indebtedness is aggravated by high interest rates which are charged in Brazil. Exploratory study on the propensity for indebtedness amongst older people in Rio Grande do Sul, Southern Brazil (n = 406; age 46-97 years old; average 68,7 years old) aims to analyze reasons and factors which interfere in the financial-related issue. In general, indebtedness is a complex process that is often triggered by critical life events such as illness, death, separation, accident and unemployment. And, it is mediated by a number of behavioral and sociodemographic factors. The present work aims to analyze the relation between financial problems, income, schooling, age, materialism, consuming habits as well as altruism in two different social groups: a middle class (SESC) and a lower middle-class (FASC). Concerning theoretical reference, data discussion is based on Ronald Inglehart’s theory on Materialism and Postmaterialism. Data analysis has shown differences in factors and relations among the two social groups. Consuming habits and altruism have a significant correlation with financial problems in both groups. However, income, education and materialism has shown a significant correlation only in the lower middle-class group. In the middle-class group, no relation between income, education, materialism and financial problems has been found.

Cultural Backlash: Trump. Brexit, and Authoritarian Populism, written by Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart

Cultural Backlash: Trump. Brexit, and Authoritarian Populism, written by Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart

Cultural backlash: Trump, Brexit, and authoritarian populism

Cultural backlash is a leader in a crowded field of research on the origins and implications of populist politics in western societies. Among many contributions, the book especially adds value for scholars of international affairs in three main areas. First, by conceptually differentiating between authoritarian populism and the populist radical right, Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart imbue both concepts with more analytical purchase. Second, their exhaustive, multimethod analysis of the drivers of such politics will advance debates on their causes. Third, their finding that the origins of authoritarian populist politics reside primarily within authoritarian values, which are more strongly associated with age cohort than other variables, suggests ways in which societies may engage constructively with such politics. Norris and Inglehart use a minimal definition of populism as a ‘style of rhetoric reflecting first-order principles about who should rule’, which hold that legitimate power rests with ‘the people not the elites’ (p. 4). From that definition they move on to focus on authoritarian populism, which they argue is the predominant trend in the current populist wave. The general theory at the heart of the book is that this trend results from an ‘authoritarian reflex’ (p. 450) triggered by a ‘silent revolution in cultural values’ (p. 14). These new values differ significantly from socially conservative values that were pre-eminent in western societies into the middle of the twentieth century. While Norris and Inglehart devote significant attention to the proximate roles of economic grievances and pressure from immigration, as well as the effect of different political regimes on the relative success of populist parties, their key insight is that authoritarian populism is a cultural phenomenon, better predicted by age cohort than by political or economic conditions.

Valuable Orientation of the Germans in Comparison with Other Folks as a Prerequisite of Germany's Foreign Policy

In addition to geopolitical and economic factors, the factor of values also influences the choice of priorities in foreign policy of the state. The study of values is of particular importance for understanding the principles of foreign policy of Germany because these values were often the basis of various actions of the German state on the world stage, and along with the change of system of values in Germany, the formation of the foundations of European unity was formed. Monitoring the system of values in Germany does not lose its relevance in future. The purpose of this study is to analyze the actual values f the Germans and their potential impact on Germany's foreign policy. Accordingly, the main tasks will be: 1) to work out the theoretical and methodological base of the study of values; 2) to analyze current surveys on the values of the Germans; 3) to determine the potential effects of values on Germany's foreign policy. After analyzing the results of the surveys, we can draw out the conclusions about the influence of socio-cultural values on Germany's foreign policy. In the system of values of modern Germans there are both the influences of the historical path of Germany, as well as new trends, driven by the development of Germany and the development of modern world. The transition of Germany to post-materialist values brings new emphases in socio-political processes and, at the same time, new vectors of German foreign policy. Values are one of the prerequisites of Germany's foreign policy and, at the same time, one of its consequences.
 Keywords: system of values, Germans’ system of values, Gert Hofstede, Ronald Inglehart, German foreign policy.

Do environmental preferences in wealthy nations persist in times of crisis? The European environmental attitudes (2008-2017)

AbstractHow do economic recessions affect European citizens’ attitudes towards environmental policies? In this article we investigate the attitudes of European citizens towards environmental protection considering its importance both at individual and country levels and adopting a longitudinal view. In light of the existing research on the link between pro-environmental attitudes and economic affluence of societies, including Ronald Inglehart’s theory of post-materialism, we hypothesise that levels of economic well-being as well as trust in political institutions are important drivers of Europeans’ attitudes towards environmental protection. Taking into consideration some macroeconomic indicators and the environmental attitude of public opinion, our main results show that even in time of crises, citizens’ pro-environmental attitudes persist in terms of importance, both at country and individual levels.

ХАБЕРМАС: ЭТИЧЕСКИЙ ДИСКУРС КАК СПОСОБ РЕАБИЛИТАЦИИ ПУБЛИЧНОЙ СФЕРЫ

According to Jurgen Habermas, since the end of the 19th century the government had been increasingly interfering in the public sphere, depriving it of the opportunity to form an independent opinion and eroding its borders. With the erosion of public sphere contours, the involvement of people in solving social problems was weakened, and moral principles were replaced by the principles of economic feasibility or scientific provability. Withal, the break with tradition, the diminishing role of religion, the crisis of values, individualism and multiculturalism, which all are typical of modern society, have led us to the need to create the shared vision of the new society development. Thus, there are more reasons for the re-opening of the public sphere. The article considers the concept of Jurgen Habermas, in which discourse ethic is offered as a way to rehabilitate the public sphere. In discourse ethic, people are not burdened with government or other influence, and discuss socially important issues from equal positions and impartial perspectives, following the principles of moral reasoning. A number of critical remarks on Habermas’ concept is formulated. Critics are interested in questions about motivating people to take part in discourse ethic and behave morally, in question about the discourse ethic location, about the making decisions procedure and the strength of these decisions. A critical analysis of Habermas’ concept leads to the conclusion that the one is idealistic. The article presents two other concepts as alternatives to the discourse ethic concept. Apostolis Papakostas, the author of the first one, allows the government to participate in the public sphere formation. Ronald Inglehart and Christian Welzel, the authors of the other one, consider social and economic development to be the driving force in the public sphere modernization. However, on closer examination, both concepts are also not able to give an exhaustive answer to the question of how to ensure the public sphere rehabilitation.

Two Worlds of Environmentalism?

This article examines cross-cultural differences in the value cluster of environmentalism and postmaterialism. Based on an extension of Ronald Inglehart’s “objective problems–subjective values” hypothesis, we posit different sources of postmaterialism and environmental concern in wealthy versus poor countries. We test hypotheses on the relationship between national wealth, postmaterialist values, and environmental concern using empirical data from the World Values Survey waves 5 and 6 and the International Social Survey Program 2010. Using multilevel regression models with cross-level interaction terms and country fixed effects, we show that the effect of postmaterialism on environmental concern is indeed moderated by national wealth: whereas there is a weak or even no effect in poorer countries, the relationship is substantial in wealthy countries. Therefore, we argue that individual postmaterialist values and environmental concern do in fact form a coherent structure in wealthy countries, but should be considered as isolated constructs in poorer countries.

Human Development and Social Support for State Authority in Brazil

Several studies have observed a syndrome of shifting values within different cultures over the past five decades. This work investigates whether these cultural changes have been followed by changes in individual attitudes regarding state authority in Brazil. Using data from the World Values Survey, we tested the hypotheses proposed by Ronald Inglehart that the increasing prevalence of self-expression and secular-rational values has been followed by an increasing societal emphasis on civic autonomy over state authority. The results do not provide evidence to support this hypothesis for Brazil. Instead, the study shows a stable pattern of support for state authority in the past three decades despite the increasing level of self-expression values. The study suggests that these attitudes are related to long-lasting characteristics of the political culture and public expectations regarding the role of the state in reducing social inequality in Brazil.

Ronald Inglehart (2018). Cultural Evolution, People's Motivations are Changing, and Reshaping the World. Cambridge University Press

Ronald Inglehart (2018). Cultural Evolution, People's Motivations are Changing, and Reshaping the World. Cambridge University Press

The nexus between the health model and health inequalities from the perspective of the change in social values

The health inequality is not only very important issue in the societies of modernity, but it also depends on the wide spectrum of social factors. Evidently, there is a direct relationship between the dominant health model in society and health inequality. The paper combines different theoretical approaches and explains this impact of health model on health-conscious behavior. The issue of the impact of the change in the health model on health inequalities in literature is analyzed from the point of view of different sciences in general and from different perspectives of sociology in particular. Largely, the subjects of research are the worse health outcomes associated with lower positions in the hierarchies of income, education and occupational status. Publications on this topic have increased considerably, beginning with the 1980s and up to the mid-1990s. Our paper discusses how the influence of value orientations to the prevailing health model of the society could be explained by different sociological perspectives and in turn how the health models influence the health-conscious behavior of different social groups. In the paper, we present the theoretical perspectives on the conception of archihealth (Nick J. Fox), theory of human development (Ronald Inglehart) and consumer society (Zygmunt Bauman) and apply them to the analysis of the impact of the changes of value orientations on the model of health-conscious behavior and health inequalities. The interaction between dominant values and health is analyzed from the perspective of “human development theory” introduced by Inglehart and his colleagues. The theory states that modern society could be divided in two value types – materialist and postmaterialist. This conception could be used to compare not only different societies, but also different social groups (age, gender and etc.) in the same society. [...]

Examination of the structure of the traditional/secular-rational and survival/self-expression value dimensions in the model of Ronald Inglehart: The case of Serbia

The paper examines applicability of Inglehart?s model of dimensions of traditional/secular-rational values and survival/self expresion values, based on European Values Study data, conducted in Serbia in 2008. Dimensions of values are extracted by applying nonlinear principal component analysis, with asigning ordinal level of analysis. We present three-dimensional solution which separates dimension of survival/self expresion values into two dimensions. The deviations from the two-dimensional model were interpreted in accordance with the theory of revised modernization and thesis about value change in dependance of sociocultural paths of developement of society.

Electoral Support for the Czech Green Party in Relation to Post-Materialism, 2006–2013

The article analyses the relationship between electoral support of the Green Party in the Czech Republic and the level of post-materialism on municipal level. Indicators of post-materialism (lower age, university education, middle and upper class/income, lower unemployment rate in the municipality, and larger municipality size) are based on the concept of post-materialism developed by Ronald Inglehart as well as other studies. The study analyses data aggregated at the municipal level, first for the whole nation and then in more depth for two selected regions. Quantitative methods and techniques, mainly correlation and regression, are used to determine the relationship between the variables.

Of Cultural Backlash and Economic Insecurity in the 2016 American Presidential Election

Em face do forte apoio dos eleitores cristãos evangélicos à campanha presidencial de Donald Trump em 2016, muitos se questionaram sobre o modo como, exatamente, a campanha pró-religiosa de Trump conseguiu prevalecer em uma sociedade crescentemente secular. Este trabalho contempla dois modelos conceituais, oferecidos por Ronald Inglehart e Pippa Norris, para dar algum enquadramento ao fenômeno Trump: a perspectiva da insegurança econômica e a tese da reação cultural. Cada um será considerado por meio de três conjuntos de questões relacionadas e interligadas: a direção secular geral da população estadunidense, a clivagem rural-urbano e a empatia pelos homens e pelas mulheres ignorados.

The Environmental Revolution and the Supreme Court of Canada: Empirical Analysis of Postmaterialist Value Change Across Four Decades*

ObjectiveThis study examines Ronald Inglehart's theory of value change in the Supreme Court of Canada. The theory has received little attention in the public law literature, yet its central tenet suggests that intergenerational value change might influence the way that Supreme Court justices decide cases over time.MethodUsing a socio‐attitudinal model of judicial behavior, the study analyzes all environmental decisions between 1973 and 2010. Case outcomes are coded as either pro‐environmental (1) or anti‐environmental (0). Logistic regression analysis examines whether Court tenures, case facts, and judge‐level variables have a significant impact on predicting a postmaterialist outcome.ResultsWe find evidence of postmaterialist, pro‐environmental value change, with more contemporary justices exhibiting pro‐environmental positions, even in the face of rival variables.ConclusionOur results suggest that intergenerational value change has influenced decision making in Canadian environmental cases over the last 40 years, and indicate the theory may have relevance for explaining other high court change over time in a postmaterialist direction.

Islamic Women's Groups and the Quest for Political Representation in Turkey and Iran

This article presents Islamic women's framing processes in their campaigns to address women's political underrepresentation in Iran and Turkey. It argues that while Turkish women justify their claims through international human rights discourses, Iranian women frame their demands in religious terms to find resonance with political elites. Women's strategic framing processes demonstrate the extent to which women's demands for equal representation are shaped by the political and discursive opportunity structures that arise out of their secular or theocratic contexts.In many Muslim-majority countries, Islamic movements and parties tend to negatively view women's access to political leadership positions.1 The dominant gender discourse of these movements, which is often based on patriarchal interpretations of religious texts, views women's proper place to be within the domestic sphere as mothers and wives, and largely denies women an active presence in the public sphere, including in political decision-making. Scholarly analysis of women's activities and involvement in political parties that arise out of Islamic political movements has persuasively argued that despite the high level of women's political participation on behalf of such parties, women tend to have low levels of political representation.2 For instance, a number of scholars have pointed to the fact that many Islamic political parties have mobilized and politicized women to serve merely as campaigners and grassroots organizers to help bring the party to power, or have used women's bodies and dress as public markers of their identity claims. But once in power, the male elites of such parties have often denied women any real power or influence in formal politics.3 Although this kind of discrimination is not exclusive to religious movements and parties, it is often assumed that religiously motivated parties are more detrimental to women's political representation than are their secular counterparts. The works of scholars such as Ronald Inglehart and Pippa Norris and Steven Fish fall within this line of argumentation by emphasizing religious and cultural barriers, namely Islam and patriarchal attitudes, as the primary reasons for women's limited access to positions of political authority.4A surprising recent trend that challenges the current literature's overwhelming emphasis on the religious/cultural obstacles that keep women out of political decisionmaking is the modest increases in the percentage of women in political leadership on behalf of some religious political parties in various Muslim-majority countries. For instance, Clark and Schwedler have observed that in Yemen and Jordan the percentage of women assuming political office has modestly increased in the wake of and forces' rise to power.5 This trend is also present in Turkey and Iran, the two case studies of this research. Regardless of Turkey's secular or Iran's theocratic political frameworks, women's access to political leadership positions increased under the watch of and religious forces, and (unexpectedly) not under liberalreformist or secular parties. In Turkey, the recent notable increases in the percentage of female parliamentarians (currently at its highest ever at 17.5%) coincides with the 2002 rise to power of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, henceforth AKP, but often called the AK Party by supporters). The AKP was founded in 2001 by members of defunct Turkish parties (Refah, the Welfare Party; and Fazilet, the Virtue Party). Since its landslide victory in 2002, the AKP, which identifies itself as a conservative democratic rather than Islamist party, has steadily increased its percentage of popular votes in general elections, although it significantly underperformed in the June 2015 general elections and lost its parliamentary majority.6 Due to the AKP's official support of a secular system in which public displays of religion have a place, I identify this party as pro-religious. …

Hofstede, Inglehart and Beyond. New Directions in Empirical Global Value Research

Hofstede, Inglehart and Beyond. New Directions in Empirical Global Value Research

Przemiany moralności w polskim społeczeństwie między mitem a rzeczywistością. W kręgu socjologii Janusza Mariańskiego

Janusz Marianski formulates four scenarios for changes in morality in the Polish society – secularization, individualization, reconstruction and revitalization of morality. The results of sociological research show that at present the most intensively realized scenario is secularization, understood as autonomization of religiousness and morality. It may be assumed that in the future processes of transformation of morality will be intensified also as far as the other scenarios are concerned. It is pointed to by Ronald Inglehart’s scarcity and socialization hypotheses. The present generation of young people grows up in completely different conditions of material security than representatives of older birth cohorts whose young years fell on the period of the Polish People’s Republic. A blunted sense of physical or material security is connected with a stronger moral rigorism, as indisputability of moral rules makes the world more predictable, and hence safer, despite the threats for physical and material lives. Growing up in conditions of physical and material safety produces the opposite effect – relativization of values is easier. According to Ingelehart’s conception a more intensive stage of transformations of morality caused by generation exchange awaits the Polish society. A comparison of the results of Marianski’s research on the moral condition of young people with the results of research on the whole society does not entitle one to draw the conclusion that the changes will have a violent character. It is true that young people to a greater degree than adults are in favor of relativization of morality. However, in the area of autonomization of morality, in the issues connected with morals and social trust as the bond of moral order the differences between young people and adults do not have the character of the generation gap.

Kultura a problem zacofania

The aim of this paper is to present and examine the link between culture and economic backwardness. One of the main questions of economic thought is: why some are so rich and some so poor? Traditionalexplanations like imperialism, dependency and racism are no longer adequate, and increasingly observers are concluding that the principal reason why some countries and ethnic groups are better off than others lies in cultural values, which powerfully shape political, economic and social performance. According to many authors (Lawrence E. Harrison, Samuel P. Huntington, Peter Berger, David Landes, Mariano Grondona, Francis Fukuyama, Robert Putnam, Ronald Inglehart, Michael Porter) adequate values, axiological determinants and other cultural factors (like customs, beliefs attitudes, trust in the individual, the moral imperative, the value of work) have a very positive impact on the economic development of each society. The paper is an attempt to show why the category of backwardness is more appropriate and helpful for the understanding of the role of culture than the category of development.

Ignorance Is Power

SUMMARY: Yaroslav Hrytsak begins by confirming that within Russian academia, Ukrainian Studies is not an entirely legitimate scholarly field. The explanation is a widespread belief that Ukraine as a “failed/nationalized state” has no future and no modern subjectivity. He summarizes the views of historians and politicians in the following sequence: (1) Ukrainian events in general and Euromaidan in particular are based on Ukrainian nationalism; (2) Ukrainian nationalism aims to assert its dominance over a symbolic space delineated by language and historical memory; and (3) The Ukrainian project is “a minority faith” in Ukraine, so it would not have prevailed had it not been for the support of some third party − the West, or to be exact, the United States. Hrytsak then analyzes the experience of Euromaidan, the elections of June 25, 2014, which revealed the actual low popularity of the nationalist parties, and the changing and narrowing internal dividing lines within Ukrainian society in the light of these false stereotypes. His own understanding of the situation is based on the results of two waves of the World Values Survey (under the academic supervision of Ronald Inglehart), which show that Russia was stuck in “survival values” during the aughts, while in Ukraine there was a noticeable shift toward “values of self-expression.” Therein lies, in Hrytsak’s opinion, the major drama of the contemporary Russian–Ukrainian relationship: the Ukrainians of Euromaidan are preoccupied with modernization and values, whereas Putin’s Russia worries about security and identities. It is this difference that affects the dominant academic discourse in Russia regarding Ukraine – a discourse that strives to prove that Ukraine, incapable of modernizing itself, is bound to become mired in historical legacies such as the national question, internal partitions, and so on. Грыцак открывает свое эссе обзором российской украинистики, которая сегодня является не вполне легитимной дисциплиной. При-чину он видит в широко распространенном взгляде на Украину как на “несостоявшееся/национализированное государство” без будуще-го и модерной субъектности. Автор обобщает взгляды российских историков и политиков в следующей трехступенчатой формуле: 1) украинские события в целом и Евромайдан в частности основаны на украинском национализме; 2) украинский национализм стремится установить контроль над символическим пространством, разделенным по линиям исторической памяти и языка; 3) украинский проект – “вера меньшинства”, поэтому он не мог бы добиться успеха без поддержки третьей стороны – Запада, а точнее США. Автор анализирует опыт Евромайдана, июньских выборов 2014 г. (выявивших низкую популяр-ность националистических партий), изменяющиеся и сокращающиеся внутренние разделения в украинском обществе в свете лживых стерео-типов. Его собственное понимание ситуации основано на результатах двух волн Всемирного исследования ценностей под руководством Роналда Инглхарта, которое показало, что Россия застряла в так назы-ваемых “ценностях сохранения”, в то время как Украина демонстрирует заметный сдвиг в сторону “ценностей самовыражения”. В этом, по мнению Грыцака, состоит драма современных российско-украинских отношений: украинцы Евромайдана думают о модернизации и ценно-стях; путинская Россия беспокоится о безопасности и идентичности. В России эта разница влияет на доминирующий академический дис-курс относительно Украины, которая предстает в нем как неспособная модернизироваться и обреченная на зависимость от исторического наследия, национального вопроса, внутренних разделений и т.д.