Political Role Research Articles

Towards a Methodological Basis the Study of the «Fourth Power» as an Institution of the Political System within Modern Society

Introduction. This article considers the mass media as the «Fourth Power» in the political system of modern society with the aim of illuminating the place of mass media in the latter. The authors had attempted to achieve this goal in terms of structural-functional, institutional and other explanatory concepts. From a theoretical point of view, the media attract the attention of both political scientists and sociologists, philosophers, historians, journalists and public relations specialists. Research in this direction requires a multiparadigmal methodological approach, since all theoretical and empirical resources for such analysis are available in modern science. Methodology and sources. In the framework of these methodological positions (multiparadigmal methodological approach) “The Fourth Power” appears in various aspects, which also allows to study the latter as an institution of the political system of society, in which the media are not only an indicator of the development of civil society, but also indicate the degree of openness of the political elite and the ruling political class. As methodological sources, this article uses the works of such founders of the concept of “Fourth Power” as J. S. Mill, J. Bentam, J. Habermas, F. Siebert, T. Peterson, W. Schram, etc. Results and discussion. The article studies the possibilities of applying the basic provisions of general scientific and specialized approaches to the study of the concept of «Fourth Branch of Power» as an explanatory methodological approach in modern political and sociological researches. The authors made an attempt to theoretical interpretation of the basic categories and to highlight their conceptual analogues in modern science.Conclusion. The results of the work show that the mass media (“The Fourth Power”) definitely play an ever-increasing role in terms of control over public power and are one of the institutions of civil-political society. Although it is known that the use of the term “The Fourth Power” to denote this political role of the media may cause objections and be a reason for discussion.

Symbolic Politics: The Main Problems in Armenia

Armenia has entered the information age, and whether we embrace it or not, Armenian society has evolved into an information-based society. This shift has brought significant changes to Armenia's political landscape. Currently, there is a robust movement of political symbols and meanings in Armenia’s digital information sphere. This movement significantly amplifies the role and significance of symbolic politics in the country’s political arena. It's important to note that symbolic politics plays a pivotal role in shaping public perceptions of social reality. Moreover, in the information era, the relationship between authorities and society in Armenia is increasingly defined by symbols and images. The growing importance of symbolic politics in Armenia's information age presents novel challenges for political scientists. Although classical political science traditionally focuses on political processes and institutions, there is now a pressing need to study the symbolic dimension of politics. As a result, there is a demand for comprehensive research into the characteristics of symbolic politics in Armenia.

Bureaucratic Politicization in the Process of Changing Bureaucratic Positions After the Vacancy of the Deputy Regent of Dharmasraya Regency in 2022

Bureaucratic politicization refers to introducing bureaucratic reform in the management of regional government. The regional head and deputy regional head posts are political roles that oversee administrative positions within a region, so political influence is inherently intertwined with the bureaucracy. Dharmasraya Regency exhibits signs of bureaucratic politics, as seen by a vacancy in the position of deputy regent. This vacancy has resulted in numerous examples of non-job ASN inside the government of Dharmasraya Regency. This thesis seeks to analyze the political dynamics involved in the transition of bureaucratic positions in Dharmasraya Regency, particularly after the vacancy of the deputy regent position. This study employs a qualitative research methodology utilizing a case study approach. This thesis uses the theory of bureaucratic politicization pioneered by Barbara Geddes. The findings of this study suggest that there are indicators of the techniques employed by the regent in his role as PPK to determine bureaucratic positions. The regent also has a vested interest in the bureaucracy, as he desires a loyal and efficient bureaucratic system to ensure continued control until the end of his term. The regent's politicization of the bureaucracy is seen in the ambiguous enforcement of heavy sanctions against ASN.

WOMEN's REPRESENTATION IN LOCAL POLITICS OF CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE: WOMEN MAYORS IN MODERN ROMANIA

The article attempts to analyze examples of women's representation in local Romanian politics and its role in the modern politics of the country. The author draws attention to the socio-demographic characteristics of female mayors of large Romanian cities in the last decade, and to the role of gender quotas in achieving gender equality in the political sphere of the country. The author uses printed publications, data from the websites of city halls, and official reports to analyze the social portraits of female mayors. The author comes to the conclusion that for more than a hundred years of the presence of Romanian women in local politics, their number in modern Romania is small compared to the European background. Female representation is gradually expanding, but it is difficult to conclude that there is a strong trend. The author reveals the image of a female mayor as a professional politician with a long political career, and a successful career and a high level of education preceding the entry into politics, a socially approved family model, and having support in the form of a party behind her. However, at the same time we note that the cases of female city mayors are an exception against the backdrop of extensive male representation.

Unpacking water governance dynamics and its implications for household water security in post-disaster resettlement communities in the Philippines

Water security is important globally for sustaining households, communities, and the environment. However, most studies have focused on water availability and accessibility, whereas research examining the role of power and politics in shaping water insecurity remains marginal. This study contributes to this research gap by unpacking the overlapping drivers and politics in water governance dynamics that co-produce the water insecurity of Typhoon Haiyan disaster-displaced households in resettlement villages in the Philippines. Using political ecology and water governance perspectives, we ask, What does household water insecurity look like in post-disaster resettlement villages in the Philippines? What are its drivers and how do politics and governance dynamics impact the provision of water services to these villages? Our findings suggest five overlapping drivers: the haphazard relocation of internally displaced persons to areas without access to basic facilities like water; the institutional disharmony and late involvement of water institutions in the resettlement processes; the influence of governance regime in the rapid but substandard housing development, including water distribution systems; the micropolitics in water district management affecting water projects; and the impact of maladaptive resettlement outcomes on households’ capacity to afford water. Ultimately, this study demonstrates how various drivers, including power relations and contestations in water governance, lead to household water insecurity outcomes. It ends by providing brief policy recommendations to improve institutional arrangements for the better governance of water services to resettlement communities.

The Role of Politics in Public Views About Immigrants

The Role of Politics in Public Views About Immigrants

The Existence of Islamic Politics Against Heterodox of Islamic Movements in Indonesia: Post-Independence Rifa'iyah Sect

This research explains the relationship between politics and Islamic movements which influence each other with their respective roles in society. Political discussions include power, ideology, legitimacy, government, state, nation and others. The political consequences have had a huge impact on the orthodoxy and heterodoxy of the Islamic movement in Indonesia. This study focuses on the Rifa'iyah case in the 20th century AD. The Rifa'iyah group is heterodox because it is considered to deviate from Islamic teachings in general. This causes heterodox groups to experience discrimination and prohibitions from the Central Java Prosecutor's Decree. The uniqueness of Rifa'iyah's living pattern is in groups and in rural areas. This minority group received political asylum and blended into society until their struggle succeeded in revoking the prohibition decree. Especially the emergence of reform which has become the political aspirations of the Islamic community. This research is a qualitative type using a social-historical approach. The data collection method is library research, while the data analysis method is descriptive analysis. The research results show that politics has a role as accommodative, hegemonic and power. Rifa'iyah's strategy is to adjust its political role to regain its legality by collaborating with political parties, studying academically by holding seminars, and taking advantage of the reform period. The existence of politics can dissolve or maintain heterodox.

The Politics of Injury: Debilitation and the Right to Maim at the EU Border

ABSTRACT Borders are sites of mass injury. This article questions the necro-consensus that has emerged within migration studies, and explores the political role that less-than-deadly violence plays at contemporary borders. By withholding from outright killing, and thus avoiding the optics of public scrutiny, EU states are deploying a carefully calibrated politics of injury designed to control racialised groups through debilitation. The injuries produced through this border regime—typified by illegal ‘pushbacks’ and deplorable camp conditions—exist beneath a threshold of liberal acceptability. In short, EU states routinely deny the right to asylum by imposing the ‘right to maim’ (Puar 2017). This article draws upon long-term research along the ‘Balkan Route’ in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia, including interviews with medics, activists, EU officials, and people on the move, as well as analysis of a large border violence database. We argue that mass injury has become a politically tolerated form of violence that perversely provides the EU with the illusory conceit of humanitarian “care”. In dialogue with postcolonial scholarship that has questioned the centrality of death within biopolitics, we assert the importance of interrogating not only the necropolitical logics of migration policy (i.e death), but also the politics of non-lethal violence: the strategic and attenuated delivery of injury, maiming, and incapacitation that shapes contemporary borders. Contributing to geographies of violence and critical border studies, we suggest that greater attention is needed towards less-than-deadly harms that underpin contemporary political geographies.

Shaping Digital Sovereignty in Russia: Actors and Debates

ABSTRACT The paper examines the construction of digital sovereignty ideas in authoritarian regimes, with a focus on Russia. Text mining and content analysis reveal that authoritarian regimes, in the face of new technologies, cannot simply impose a concept in a top-down manner. Instead, a diverse range of actors, including non-state entities, contribute to its formation, with their significance and participation fluctuating over time. In the context of Russia, digital sovereignty is not just a concept, but a tool used in international politics, economic development, and more, often sidelining the actual issues of technology development and their role in Russian politics.

From active duty to activism: how moral injury and combat trauma drive political activism and societal reintegration among Israeli veterans.

This article deals with combat experiences and their consequences and could be potentially disturbing. Moral injury (MI) is a severe form of combat trauma that shatters soldiers' moral bearings as the result of killing in war. Among the myriad ways that moral injury affects veterans' reintegration into civilian life, its impact on political and societal reintegration remains largely unstudied but crucial for personal, community, and national health. 13 in-depth interviews examine combat soldiers' exposure to potentially morally injurious events (PMIEs) that include killing enemy combatants, harming civilians, and betrayal by commanders, the military system, and society. Interviewees also described their political activities (e.g., voting, fundraising, advocacy, protest) and social activism (e.g., volunteering, teaching, charitable work). Interviewees also completed the Moral Injury Symptom Scale. Two distinct narratives process PMIEs. In a humanitarian narrative, soldiers hold themselves or their in-group morally responsible for perpetrating, witnessing, or failing to prevent a morally transgressive act such as killing or injuring civilians or placing others at unnecessary risk. In contrast, a national security perspective blames an out-group for leaving soldiers with no choice but to act in ways that trigger moral distress. Associated with shame and guilt, the humanitarian perspective triggered amends-making and social activism after discharge. In contrast, a national security perspective associated with anger and frustration fostered protest and intense political activism. Despite its harmful health effects, moral trauma and injury can drive intense political and social activism, depending upon the narrative veterans adopt to interpret PMIEs. Aside from moral injury's personal, familial, and social effects, moral injury drives veterans' return to the political arena of civil society. As such, veterans play a central role in politics and dramatically affect post-war policy in democratic nations following conflict.

Reframing “Literature as Equipment for Living:” Kenneth Burke's Theory and the Social Function of Literature

This article delves into Kenneth Burke's seminal essay, "Literature as Equipment for Living," presenting a fresh perspective on literary criticism that underscores the pragmatic, societal, and political roles of literature. Burke posits that literature functions as an active agent, offering viable courses of action in response to worldly matters. Departing from traditional analyses of form and structure, Burke advocates for classifying works based on shared strategies for addressing situations. He contends that literature acts as a navigational tool, aiding in comprehension and interpretation of the world while urging readers to engage with texts for insights and inspiration in confronting life's challenges. Burke's viewpoint underscores the subjective nature of language, reflecting our individual experiences and perspectives on the world. His critical methodology advocates for a comprehensive and nuanced approach to literary critique, expanding the horizons of scholarly considerations.

Digitalization of Romania’s Education Sector: A PESTLE Analysis

Abstract Digitalization significantly transforms the teaching profession paradigm and enhances the impact of digital learning environments. These online environments reduce physical distances and generate innovative educational activities, thereby contributing positively to higher student participation and intrinsic motivation. Furthermore, the current state of scientific literature underscores both the benefits and challenges brought about by the digital transformation of the education sector. However, despite the interest in the topic of digitalization, only a handful of studies have analyzed this process from an educational perspective. This article provides a comprehensive review of the existing literature, focusing on the role of political, economic, social, technological, legal, and environmental factors in shaping digitalization. The research methodology adopted is a thorough PESTLE analysis, which aids in understanding the interplay of these factors. The research questions are centered around how these factors influence the digitalization trajectory, with a particular emphasis on their impact on the employment and training of ICT professionals. The main findings reveal that the digitalization process in Romania's education sector is dynamic, influenced by various elements ranging from technological advances to policy changes. The implementation of digital solutions has revolutionized teaching methodologies, learning experiences, and administrative processes. The paper contributes to the field by offering valuable insights into the multifaceted process of digitalization in Romania's education sector. It also underscores the need for a holistic approach, considering all PESTLE factors, to successfully navigate the digital transformation journey in the education sector.

Latin American Neoliberalism, a Transnational Class Project?

Abstract: This article contributes to recent research efforts in understanding Latin America’s neoliberal experience. While the phenomenon’s origins have often been associated with North Atlantic experiences, this study aims to explore its emergence in the region’s historical, ideological, and political contexts. By focusing on the Inter-American Council for Trade and Production (Consejo Interamericano de Comercio y Producción), a trans-national private organization active during the second half of the 20th century, the text delves into the formation of a distinctly Latin American neoliberal ideology. The groundwork for this ideology was laid amid transcontinental discussions, negotiations, and consensus-building efforts. Contrary to diffusionist narratives, which emphasize the North’s influence on the South, this study underscores the autochthonous roots of Latin American neoliberalism. By tracing the evolution of neoliberalism within the continent’s own history, this article challenges predominant interpretations and underscores the role of endogenous political, economic, and intellectual dynamics in shaping the region’s ideological landscape.

Colombia's economic relations with China: The role of economics and politics in trade, investment, and economic agreements

AbstractOver the past two decades, many Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) countries have deepened their economic relationship with China by accepting large amounts of Chinese investments and signing up for China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). However, Colombia has not followed such a path. Using cross‐border data on trade, investment, and economic agreements, this article demonstrates that Colombia's under‐engagement with China is driven by Colombia's lower competitiveness in the commodities sectors, where Chinese demand for LAC products is highest. Colombia's limited competitiveness has led to lower exports to China and lower amounts of Chinese investment. The low level of bilateral economic activities has resulted in a lack of incentives for Colombia to sign economic agreements with China, as well as general public skepticism toward China and more favorable attitudes toward the United States even though this trend has been on the decline since 2016. Colombia can benefit from strengthening ties with China, without distancing itself from the United States, on issues pertaining to energy transition and the development of rural infrastructure, which will help reduce inequality and broaden export diversification in the medium to long term.

Navigating the Landscape of Qualitative Research Methods in Pakistan: Opportunities, Challenges, and Future Directions

This discussion paper describes the increasing popularity of qualitative research methods and their application in Pakistan. It defines qualitative research methods and discusses why they are becoming an integral part of the Pakistani research domain. This paper discusses the possibilities and limitations of qualitative methods. This paper begins with a look at the central role of paradigms, pragmatics, and politics in determining why qualitative methods are chosen. The paper also gives a detailed account of using qualitative research methods at all stages of the studies in Pakistan. It introduces the design phase in which researchers make decisions related to sampling, methods of data collection, and ethical considerations. The paper then discusses the implementation of fieldwork, highlighting strategies for building rapport, interviewing, and observing participants that underpin data generation processes as guiding work dynamics in a complex Pakistani research environment. It also focuses on the analysis stage by discussing coding methods, data interpretation, and synthesis of quality descriptions, as well as situating findings within a larger social, cultural, and political setting in Pakistan. Lastly, the paper highlights some common issues in conducting qualitative research studies, particularly in Pakistani settings. It looks at quality concerns to assure the trustworthiness and credibility of qualitative research, discusses pedagogy that fosters skills needed to engage in rigorous analytical practices, and addresses ways research reports can be written. Hence, they appeal not only to Pakistan-based academics but will resonate cross-culturally wherever they are read.

Morality in the Refugee Regime? Arguing for More (Political) Realism in Admitting Refugees

Refugees drown, are beaten, and are pushed back at the borders of the states of the Global North. Moral outrage is understandable in the face of such treatment. But does it constitute a good political theory? Can morality supply us with good normative arguments for a political world? In this article, I argue that they cannot. Drawing on political realism, I show why moral arguments for admitting refugees fail. What we require is not the extrapolation of moral arguments onto a political world, but a new form of political normativity that is derived from how politics works. I show that refugeehood possesses a specific political function in international politics. States do not admit refugees based on humanitarian reasons. This is what moral arguments get wrong. Rather, they fulfill the political function of condemning and embarrassing other states, of building oppositional and military forces to undermine rival political systems both ideologically and materially. In other words, they play an important political role—a role that allows us to build normative arguments from within a political and not a moral understanding of the world.

Saxon Diplomacy in the First Months of the Second Silesian War (August/October 1744)

In the mid-eighteenth century, the Electorate of Saxony, one of the largest German states joined in a personal union with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, played a significant role in European politics. Relations with Saxony were critical in the diplomatic calculations of Europe’s major powers, including Great Britain, France, and Austria. This holds true during the time of the Silesian Wars (1740–1742; 1744–1745) as Prussia’s strengthening political influence gave rise to two major power centres in Germany. Austria and Prussia were both keen on winning Saxony’s favour as a potential ally. Its significant army and advantageous strategic location were the key factors. The importance of Saxony in the military and political conflict between Vienna and Berlin rose during the Second Silesian War. However, not much is known about Saxony’s involvement in this conflict as both Russian and foreign historians have not extensively researched it. The article aims to address this gap as comprehensively as possible, in other words, to ascertain the extent of Saxon diplomacy’s impact on the initial stage of the Second Silesian War and to establish the objectives and outcomes of Saxon policy during the relevant period. The research is based on a wide range of sources, including the documents from the Main State Archives (Hauptstaatsarchiv) in Dresden, the Austrian State Archives (Österreichisches Staatsarchiv) in Vienna, and the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire in Moscow. Most of the documents had never been used before or were being introduced for the first time for the current subject. The author concludes that during the period in question, Saxon diplomacy managed to gain advantageous positions in negotiations with Great Britain, Austria, and the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands in Warsaw and Vienna in the autumn of 1744 and spring of 1745, securing assurances of forthcoming subsidies and acquisition of some Prussia’s territories.

Assyrian conquest and ruralization: unveiling territorial dynamics in the provinces of Magiddû and Samerina

Between 732 and 720 BCE, the Assyrian conquest of the Kingdom of Israel marked a pivotal moment in the political history of the southern Levant, culminating in the establishment of the provinces of Magiddû and Samerina. The imprint of Assyrian dominance on these regions is evident through various archaeological remnants, reflecting the profound impact of the empire on local communities. This paper intends to delve into the transformation of settlement patterns within these provinces, elucidating their political and economic role within the empire and the extent of imperial territorial exploitation within the dynamic political landscape of the southern Levant. Central to this investigation is the assertion that the Assyrian administration favoured a process of ruralization within the newly formed provinces, characterized by the emergence of distinct ‘islands of control’. These are clusters of sites formed by a few administrative centres surrounded by a constellation of farm sites, interconnected by a network of roads. This recurring phenomenon emerges as a consistent motif throughout the Assyrian Empire, underscoring a strategy of territorial organization geared towards efficiently managing agricultural resources.

Local rivalries, foreign entanglements: the role of domestic politics in Cambodia's Chinese embrace

Local rivalries, foreign entanglements: the role of domestic politics in Cambodia's Chinese embrace

The Representations of Generalist TV: The Role of Talk Shows in Polarisation. Dynamics of the Mediatisation of Political Communication During the COVID-19 Emergency in Gender Issues. The Italian Case

The present proposal aims to analyse the dynamics of mediatisation of the political discourse that was inflamed around the COVID-19 emergency within the main talk shows transmitted by Italian generalist TV networks in the period from 24 February 2020 to 24 March 2020 which corresponds to the COVID-19 pandemic’s first wave, offering a first quantitative and, subsequently, a qualitative overview of the Italian case concerning the narration of the pandemic in the phases just before and after the first total lockdown, following a mixed methods approach. The final aim of the proposal is to bring out the dynamics of mediatisation of the political discourse around the pandemic alongside the role played by the media in proposing/imposing possible aspects of polarisation of the discourse, e.g. the role of experts and the role of politics, or gender issues, starting from the assumption that, in addition to their function of reporting facts, the media perform another one, that of “polltakers”, i.e. they provide indirect representations of the public’s response to the issues they themselves tend to provide.