Rodney Stark Research Articles

Let's Listen to the Natives

Following a third of a century of increasing interest and involvement in social scientific study of time seems ripe to renew an old plea that has fallen out of fashion during these years: that students of should communicate more with practitioners of religion. One example of benefit that could come from such dialogue arises out of a recent issue of this journal. It concerns inherent logic of religion, at least as viewed by many on this side of Atlantic. Rodney Stark and James McCann in Market Forces and Catholic Commitment: Exploring New Paradigm (JSSR 32: 111-123) apparently follow Stephen Warner in describing putative strength [sic] of monopolies as the about European experience. Whatever may be received wisdom in academe, reverse is among professionals. Certainly it has been so in Church of England, for at least forty years. If only we were persecuted . . . , seminary students have said. Stark and McCann's second paragraph states, In Society A Roman Catholic Church is virtually only denomination available, and more than 90% of population would state that as their preference if asked. But no one who was familiar with such societies would ask members for their religious preference, unless they were determined to use alien categories of a foreign worldview. Researchers could legitimately seek respondents' identity, and they might even do so by asking a direct question However, to be appropriate, both meaning and method would need to be different from those suggested. Similarly, assumption in such societies has long been that the average person's day-to-day experience of sacred would be less, and certainly not (pace third paragraph) far more intense in Society A, where universal culture would permeate all institutions. For it is among minorities, not among majorities, that rates of participation would be high, as would levels of belief. The succeeding paragraph attributes this traditional paradigm in sociology of religion to Durkheim, particularly to his work on Suicide (1897). Certainly, in this case Durkheim was concerned with individuals' intensity, as well as with cultural assumptions. But it has long been axiomatic among spiritual guides that, when is open to question, dispute and doubt (pace Durkheim 1951:159) then more, not the less it dominates lives. The faith that is deepest and most pervasive is of conscious, rather than self-conscious, kind. Confidently relaxed, it may not be very active, in terms of churchgoing and other such specifics. Pluralism can therefore be expected to coexist with sect-like intensity. Yet this does not invalidate view that pluralism can also coexist with, and give rise to, both

Churches or Books?: Sethian Social Organization

Scholars have disagreed about the level of group structure in Sethianism. Drawing on Rodney Stark and William Bainbridge's distinction between "cult movements" and "audience cults," the paper argues that Sethianism for the most part must have had a relatively weak group structure, similar to that characteristic of ancient astrology and other occult lore. Evidence for this thesis includes the surprising lack of firsthand information about Sethianism's social character, the extent of its internal variation, and its parasitic character.

Fundamental Evangelicals and Anti-Semitism (review)

120 SHOFAR Spring 1994 Vol. 12, No.3 sterile dichotomy of Jewish fanaticism or Roman oppression in order to explain the emergence of revolutionary ideology in first-century C.E. Judaea. Second, his analysis of· the devaluation of the material and institutional symbols of Jewish political nationalism ·provides a firm firstcentury C.E. Jewish context for the, at first glance, surprising lack of interest in either the land ofJudaea or the temple that is evident in early Christian literature. In addition, each chapter contains illuminating observations on the impact of contemporary events on the development of Hellenistic Jewish literature and thought. Simply put, The Rise and Fall ofJewish Nationalism is an important work that will have to be taken account of in any future scholarly discussion concerning Hellenistic Judaism and its relations with its neighbors. Stanley M. Burstein . Department of History California State University Los Angeles Fundamental Evangelicals and Anti-Semitism, by David A. Rausch. Valley Forge: Trinity Press International, 1993. 253 pp. n.p.l. This is a difficult work to evaluate. For those of us who understand Christian attitudes as described by Glock and Stark,1 that a very large number of Christians believe that Jews were primarily responsible for deicide and that whatever sufferings they have experienced are deserved, have a surprise awaiting them in Rausch's well written and extensively documented work. First, I must note that this is not a text for beginners in the JewishChristian dialogue. Unless readers are familiar with such Christian eschatological terms as pre- and post-millennialism, chiliasm, rapture, dispensationalism, etc., they will not penetrate Rausch's historical description and interpretations. I would suggest that all readers begin by reading the last, summary, chapter first. It should provide a useful framework. I For those who have a background, this book is essential for a fuller context of Jewish-Christian relations. What about 'the author's title, 'Charles Y. Glock and Rodney Stark, Christian Beliefs and Anti-Semitism (New York: Harper Brothers, 1966). Book Reviews 121 fundamentalist evangelicalism? The second term is easier to grasp for it refers simply to the logical necessity of Christians to missionize and evangelize the entire world. Fundamentalism, however, may be more controversial. While used often as a term of derision by liberal Christians, committed anti-Christians, and Jews, which may also be resented by fundamentalists who sense the negative connotations, the word, Rausch argues, is valid. It appears first in the nineteenth century as an attempt to discover those beliefs basic or fundamental to Christianity. The term comes into popular use in a series of tracts written in the second decade of this century. The conflict between Judaism and evangelical fundamentalism, however, can be found in the mid-nineteenth century, the author contends, as fundamentalists began to distance themselves from "liberal" Protestants who were obviously being dangerously influenced by modern scholarship, Enlightenment views, and· political liberalism. The Bible, both Testaments, was held to be literally true; inerrant, and infallible (a term now used to describe the Pope speaking ex cathedra). The meaning of the Bible, fundamentalists have always asserted, is plain and simple and must be read "on the flat," a term denoting acceptance of self-evident language. The author mentions but does not dwell on the fact that fundamentalist evangelicals were usually at odds among themselves about the meaning of a given statement, chapter, or verse. He does, however, establish an interesting and probably unfamiliar relationship between orthodox Jews and fundamentalist evangelicals. The reform Jewish movement and its leader in this country, Rabbi Isaac Meyer Wise, were anathema to. fundamentalists, who regarded them simply as apostates, not much better than liberal Protestants or Catholics. The heart of the author's argument is that, perceived Jewish threat to the contrary, fundamentalist evangelicals displayed positive attitudes toward orthodox Jews whom they regarded as fulfillment of biblical prophecies, especially those accepted by pre-millennialists. Further, with some notable exceptions in this country, e.g., Reverend Gerald Winrod, the blatant anti-Semite and covert Nazi syrt:\pathizer, fundamentalist evangelical leaders despised antisemitism because it generated Jewish resentment and was a clear violation of God's will in that it sanctioned hatred toward "the apple of His eye." Jews were...

The Churching of America, 1776-1990: Winners and Losers in Our Religious Economy.

In The Churching of America, 1776-2005 Roger Finke and Rodney Stark once again revolutionize the way we think about religion in America. Extending the argument that the nation's religious environment acts as a free market economy, this extensively revised and expanded edition offers new research, statistics, and stories that document increased participation in religious groups in the twenty-first century. Adding to the thorough coverage of mainline religious groups, new chapters chart the remarkable development and growth of African American churches from the early nineteenth century forward. Finke and Stark show how, like other upstart sects, these churches openly competed for adherents and demonstrate how American norms of religious freedom allowed African American churches to construct organizational havens with little outside intervention. This edition also includes new sections on the ethnic religious communities of recent immigrants - stories that echo those told of ethnic religious enclaves in the nineteenth century. Bringing together timely new information and evidence, this provocative book insists, more than ever, on a major reevaluation of established ideas about American religious institutions. Written with lively prose, it will stir debate within church and academic communities, as well as among laypersons interested in the history of religion in America.

The Churching of America, 1776-1990: Winners and Losers in Our Religious Economy.Roger Finke , Rodney Stark

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewsThe Churching of America, 1776-1990: Winners and Losers in Our Religious Economy. Roger Finke , Rodney Stark Kent ReddingKent Redding Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by American Journal of Sociology Volume 99, Number 4Jan., 1994 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/230397 Views: 3Total views on this site Citations: 1Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1994 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Michael P. Carroll Upstart theories and early American religiosity: A reassessment, Religion 34, no.22 (Apr 2004): 129–143.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.religion.2003.07.001

The Churching of America 1776-1990: Winners and Losers in Our Religious Economy. By Roger Finke and Rodney Stark. Rutgers University Press, 1992. 328 pp. $22.95

The Churching of America 1776-1990: Winners and Losers in Our Religious Economy. By Roger Finke and Rodney Stark. Rutgers University Press, 1992. 328 pp. $22.95

The Churching of America, 1776–1990: Winners and Losers in Our Religious Economy; By Roger Finke and Rodney Stark New Brunswick, Rutgers University Press, 1992. 339 pp. $22.95

The Churching of America, 1776–1990: Winners and Losers in Our Religious Economy; <i>By Roger Finke and Rodney Stark</i> New Brunswick, Rutgers University Press, 1992. 339 pp. $22.95

The Churching of America, 1776-1990: Winners and Losers in Our Religious Economy. Roger Finke , Rodney Stark

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewsThe Churching of America, 1776-1990: Winners and Losers in Our Religious Economy. Roger Finke , Rodney Stark Edwin S. GaustadEdwin S. Gaustad Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Religion Volume 73, Number 4Oct., 1993 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/489264 Views: 2Total views on this site Copyright 1993 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

The Churching of America, 1776–1990: Winners and Losers in our Religious Economy. By Roger Finke and Rodney Stark. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1991. xiv + 328 pp. $22.95.

The Churching of America, 1776–1990: Winners and Losers in our Religious Economy. By Roger Finke and Rodney Stark. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1991. xiv + 328 pp. $22.95.

Reviews

Book reviewed in this article: Cultural Psychology: Essays on Comparative Human Development. Edited by James W. Stigler, Richard A. Shweder, and Gilbert Herdt. Technology and Religion. (Vol. 10 of Research in Philosophy and Technology. Edited by Frederick Ferre. Human Universals. By Donald E. Brown. A Theory of Religion. By Rodney Stark and William Sims Bainbridge. Creation and the History of Science. By Christopher Kaiser. Portraits of Creation: Biblical and Scientijiic Perspectiues on the World's Formtion. By Howard J. Van Till, Robert E. Snow, John H. Stek, and Davis A. Young.

The Churching of America, 1776-1990: Winners and Losers in Our Religious Economy

In this provocative book, Roger Finke and Rodney Stark challenge popular perceptions about American religion. They view the religious environment as a free market economy, where churches compete for souls. The story they tell is one of gains for upstart sects and losses for mainline denominations. Although many Americans assume that religious participation has declined in America, Finke and Stark present a different picture. In 1776, fewer than 1 in 5 Americans were active in church affairs. Today, church membership includes about 6 out of 10 people. But, as Finke and Stark show, not all denominations benefited from this growth. They explain how and why the leading eighteenth-century churches began their descent, while two newcomer sects, the Baptists and the Methodists, gained ground. They also analyze why the Methodists then began a long, downward slide, why the Baptists continued to succeed, how the Catholic Church met the competition of ardent Protestant missionaries, and why the Catholic commitment has declined since Vatican II. The authors also explain why ecumenical movements always fail. In short, Americans are not abandoning religion; they have been moving away from established denominations. A sect-church process is always under way, Finke and Stark argue, as successful churches lose their organizational vigor and are replaced by less worldly groups. Some observers assert that the rise in church membership rates indicates increased participation, not increased belief. Finke and Stark challenge this as well. They find that those groups that have gained the greatest numbers have demanded that their followers accept traditional doctrines and otherworldliness. They argue thatreligious organizations can thrive only when they comfort souls and demand sacrifice. When theology becomes too logical, or too secular, it loses people.

The Churching of America, 1776-1990: Winners and Losers in Our Religious Economy. By Roger Finke and Rodney Stark. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1992. xvi + 328 pp. n.p.

Journal Article The Churching of America, 1776–1990: Winners and Losers in Our Religious Economy. By Roger Finke and Rodney Stark. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1992. xvi + 328 pp. n.p. Get access John F. Wilson John F. Wilson Princetown UniversityPrinceton, New Jersey Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of Church and State, Volume 35, Issue 3, Summer 1993, Pages 619–620, https://doi.org/10.1093/jcs/35.3.619 Published: 01 July 1993

Christians and Jews in the Roman Empire: A Conversation with Rodney Stark

Rodney Stark's article on the relation of early Christianity to cities produces impressive statistical results showing that population had some relation to where Christianity spread, but that distance from Jerusalem and Romanization were strong negative factors, and that there was a high correlation between presence of a synagogue in a city and the establishment of Christianity there. The statistical base of that study needs to be corrected, and other factors need to be considered. Making these changes leads to the conclusions that both population and the presence of Judaism were irrelevant for the spread of early Christianity, and that Hellenization needs to be investigated.

Social Movement Theory and the Sociology of Religion: Toward a New Synthesis

Despite a similar genesis in the classic nineteenth century theories of social change, scholarly analyses of religious and social movements have frequently addressed different problems and formulated separate paradigms. This divergence is discussed with reference to historical, ideological, and conceptual factors. Current religions and social movements, it is proposed, increasingly have much in common both structurally and ideologically. Three processes - contestation, globalization, and empowerment - are identified as characteristic of contemporary movements. The article concludes by advocating a fresh perspective on religion and contemporary social movements where the central thrust would be on the construction of new grievances, identities, and modes of association by collective actors. Since the founding of sociology in the nineteenth century, religious and social movements have occupied the same analytic corners of the discipline. Yet, more often than not, sociologists of religion and specialists in the study of social movements have failed to recognize the common grounds in which the two types of movements are rooted, opting instead to address different problems and formulate separate paradigms. While some individual researchers - notably John Lofland, Rodney Stark, and John Wilson - have been contributors to both sociological specialities, for the most part each has tended to be an isolated subcultural universe sealed off from the ideas and approaches of the other (Robbins, 1988a: 17).

Rodney Stark and the Sociology of American Religious History

In the late 1970s, Rodney Stark returned to the sociology of religion, a field he had earlier abandoned largely because he had been unable, in his words, to discover any consistent ... effects (Stark 1984:273). This return resulted from his realization that he had been treating religion as a psychological trait rather than as a group property. As he stated in his 1983 presidential address to the Association for the Sociology of Religion, So long as religion is conceived of as an individual trait, as a set of personal beliefs and practices, we can never know when and where religion will influence conformity, for research will continue to produce contradictory findings. But if we move from a psychological to a sociological conception of religion, clarity leaps from the chaos (Stark 1984:274). He then announced that he was prepared to argue theoretically and to demonstrate empirically that religion gains its power to shape the individual only as an aspect of groups (274). The resulting theory by which Stark linked group processes and individual behavior was formalized in an exchange theory (with Bainbridge 1987). It was a desire to test this general theory that led Stark to explore American history. Beginning around 1985 and continuing to the present day, Stark has embarked on an empirical testing of one portion of his general theory, the concept of religious economies, with historical data on participation that he and Roger Finke created from relatively neglected surveys and census lists (Finke and Stark 1986, 1988, 1989; Stark and Finke 1988). These new data represent what surely will be seen in the years ahead as an enduring contribution to the field of American history. In this pathbreaking work, Stark and Finke succeeded in creating remarkably accurate measurements of participation for all the major American bodies from 1776 through the present day. This information now makes it possible to study the relative membership and regional strengths of the major Protestant denominations and the Catholic Church during more than 200 years of American history. In the context of Stark's general theory, moreover, these new historical data have provided an opportunity to test the explanatory value of his concept of religious economies. In these brief remarks I want to discuss first the central importance of the Stark and Finke data to our efforts at understanding American history, and then turn to their interpretation of these new data.

Sociology and New Testament Studies: A Critical Evaluation of Rodney Stark's Contribution

When Rodney Stark amended his backsliding ways and returned with self-confessed penitence to the sociology of religion after nearly a decade of pursuing false idols in other sociological specializations (Stark 1984:273), the event was heralded by such a flurry of articles appearing in such rapid succession that no one could doubt Rodney was truly back. Initially, many of these essays were focused on new religious movements, but other themes soon cropped up as well, themes with a conceptual, methodological, or even an historical focus. Few of us could have predicted, however, that Rod's far flung research ventures would eventually give rise to a burgeoning interest in New Testament studies. Yet, with New Testament specialists recently incorporating sociological analyses into their research endeavors with such lively abandon, it only seemed fair that we should reciprocate by unleashing a Stark-raving sociologist on their turf. As my contribution to this symposium, I wish to undertake: first, a critical assessment of Rod Stark's contribution to New Testament studies thus far; and second, a series of reflections on the problems endemic to conducting interdisciplinary research, with the focus squarely on, but the implications not limited to, the interface between sociology and New Testament studies.

Sociology and New Testament Studies: A Critical Evaluation of Rodney Stark's Contribution]: Response

Sociology and New Testament Studies: A Critical Evaluation of Rodney Stark's Contribution]: Response

A Preliminary Time Series Analysis of Church Activity in Colonial Woodbury, Connecticut

In this research, we examined a small part of the substantial detailed data on church activity for colonial Woodbury, Connecticut. Time series regression analysis suggested that religious activity in Woodbury, as reflected in church members and baptisms, was influenced by wars and economic activity but not influenced by particular ministers. Regional population trends influenced church activity as long as the church was established. Deviations from trend occurred because of periodic revivals. The Great Awakening, however, was a continuation of an underlying trend. THEORETICAL CONTEXT W hen analyzing religious trends in colonial America, historians have followed several lines of inquiry. The first, represented by Perry Miller (1953) and Edwin Gaustad (1962), is rooted in the New Light critique of the colonial church and emphasizes the role of charismatic leaders in guiding and shaping the colonial religious experience. Thus, it is said that George Whitefield, the renowned evangelist of the Great Awakening, saved colonial religion from utter extinction. It is the presence and preaching of such individuals that determines the success or failure of a given church or denomination. The second approach focuses on revivals as dramatic events, the result of a crisis in society or in the religious community. Since the advent of the new social history in the 1960s, historians have tended to view revivals as manifestations of social crisis. Thus, William McLoughlin (1978) linked the Great Awakening to a shift from Gemeinschaft to Gesellschaft, resulting in blocked psycho-social mazeways which the great revival cleared. Richard Bushman (1967) portrayed the Awakening as an event ushering in a social order. A third line of inquiry compiles and provides some analysis of actual church activity over time. This approach views revivals as events that are not extraordinary and external to the community but rather are part and parcel of the regular life and growth of the parish. Writers like Donald Mathews (1978) have argued that revivals cannot take place without some meaningful ideational and institutional context. These writers analyze *The authors gratefully acknowledge comments by Rodney Stark, Bryn Roberts, and anonymous referees, as well as the research assistance ofJudith Schantz, and will remain responsible for errors and omissions. Reprint requests should be sent to Brooks B. Hull, Department ofSocial Sciences, UM-Dearborn, Dearborn, MI48128-1491. tGerald F. Moran is Professor ofHistory andBrooks B. HuU is AssistantProfessorofEconomicsat the University of Michigan-Dearborn, Dearborn, Michigan.

A Theory of Religion, by Rodney Stark and William Sims Bainbridge. Toronto Studies in Religion. New York: Peter Lang, 1987. 386 pp. $52.50

A Theory of Religion, by Rodney Stark and William Sims Bainbridge. Toronto Studies in Religion. New York: Peter Lang, 1987. 386 pp. $52.50

Counting America's Jews: Clarifying the Procedures: A Research Note

We have read with much interest Rodney Stark's recent essay in this journal (1987), in which he suggests procedures for correcting the data in the 1971 and 1980 Glenmary Research Center studies of church membership in the United States. Stark is concerned, in part, with the version of the 1971 Glenmary study that we created through the addition of data on American Jews taken from the American Jewish Yearbook. However, there appears to be a misunderstanding on Stark's part concerning the characteristics of these 1971 data. Our purpose here is to clarify these matters. After stipulating that the American Jewish Yearbook offers "relatively good data" (p. 69), Stark observes that many persons claiming Jewish identity "are not members of a congregation" (p. 69). Accordingly, based on estimates provided by Gallup (1978), Stark proposes to adjust the American Jewish Yearbook data for 1971 to correct for these uncounted, unaffiliated Jews. As we have noted from the earliest (Newman, Halvorson, & Brown 1977) to the more recent (Newman & Halvorson 1982, 1984, 1987) of our works with the 1952, 1971, and 1980 studies, the American Jewish Yearbook provides a "culture count" that estimates the Jewish population in communities with 100 or more such persons in residence. These data are not reports or estimates of congregational or synagogue memberships. Thus, while Stark is correct that these data entail some undercounting, he is wrong about the nature of these deficits, and perhaps about their magnitudes as well. Consequently, it is not appropriate to adjust estimates of the size of the Jewish population in 1971 according to estimates of the relative proportions of members and non-members from survey data or any other data. This is because both of these categories are already included in the "culture count" type of statistic provided in the American Jewish Yearbook. It is precisely this feature of the Yearbook data that makes them comparable to the "adherents" (as opposed to the "members") statistic found in the Glenmary studies. The Glenmary "adherents" statistic, though calculated somewhat differently by various Christian denominations, is an inclusive statistic and accounts for so-called backdoor or nominal Christians who