Rhetorical Tone Research Articles

汉韩反诘语气副词“难道”与“설마”的对比研究

The rhetorical mood adverbs '难道' and '설마' are typical rhetorical mood adverbs in Chinese and Korean. The rhetorical mood as the 'intermediate bridge' between affirmation and negation has attracted widespread attention from Chinese and Korean scholars. From the perspective of comparing the Chinese and Korean languages, this paper makes a comparative analysis of the syntax, semantics, and pragmatics of the Chinese-Korean rhetorical adverbs '难道' and '설마'. The preliminary conclusions can be drawn as follows: In terms of syntax, Chinese '难道' is used in interrogative sentences. Compared with Korean '설마', there are fewer syntactic types, and interrogative words can be hidden. Korean '설마' can be used in both interrogative and declarative sentences. '설마' has many syntactic types, and in interrogative sentences, there must be a final word ending that expresses a question. In terms of semantics, in addition to the multi-functional semantics such as 'doubt' and 'guess' in Chinese, '설마' may or may not have any effect on the proposition of the sentence. It only plays the role of strengthening the rhetorical tone. It is mainly realized in the form of '难道'+(interrogative particle)+interrogative sentence', '难道' has a large semantic load, and the Korean '설마' basically does not affect the sentence proposition. In the sentence, it is realized in the form of '설마+final ending expressions of question+interrogative sentence', and its semantic load is relatively weakened. In terms of pragmatics, in terms of expression function, '难道' can play both focus and non-focus functions, while '설마' mainly plays the non-focus function; in terms of conviction/suspicion functions, both belong to 3/4 conviction and 1/4 suspicion type, and '설마' has a relatively strong tendency to convey suspicion. Regarding expectation function, both have counter-expectation functions and are closely related to the conviction/suspicion functions.

Bunction and Formation Mechanism of Discourse Marker ‘Kebushi’

This paper discussed ‘kebushi’ from three aspects : syntactic distribution, discourse function and formation mechanism. Firstly, fromthe aspect of syntactic distribution, through the statistics of the corpus, it is found that the occurrence of ‘kebushi’ is slightly higher than that of ‘kebu’, and the use of ‘kebushi’ and ‘kebu’ is higher than that of ‘kebushi ma’ and ‘lebushi me’, because ‘kebushi’ and ‘kebu’ themselves have a rhetorical tone. ‘Kebushi’ can be combined with ‘na’ to form the form of ‘na kebushi’, but it can not be combined with ‘zhe’. ‘Kebushi’ can appear in the dialogue, sentence groups or clauses. When it appears in the conversation, it can occupy the position of the beginning of the turn, but it can not be located in the position of the first turn. Secondly, from the perspective of pragmatic functions, this paper discusses the functions of ‘kebushi’ such as turn taking markers, response markers, attitude markers and topic markers. Finally, this paper investigates the formation mechanism of ‘kebushi’. ‘Kebuei’ first appeared in the Ming Dynasty as a response, and with the loss of later grammatical components, ‘kebushi’ began to be used independently in the Qing Dynasty to express the speaker

The Politics of the President’s Immigration Rhetoric

Although research on immigration politics is extensive, few scholars have systematically connected immigration politics to the president’s rhetoric over time. This is surprising since all modern presidents have referenced immigration in their public statements and presidents play a central role in setting the policy agenda. The primary purpose of this paper is to explain the president’s immigration rhetoric since 1953. Thus, we collect all presidential speeches on immigration through the Obama Administration, calculating the president’s monthly attention to immigration, and the relative negativity of the president’s remarks. We theorize that presidents’ motivation to speak about immigration policy is driven by the attention others devote to immigration policy, and key interventions in the immigration policy debate. Rhetorical tone, we think, is a function of the changing policy definition of immigration generated by Prop 187 and the Post-911 era. Our results show that the content of presidential rhetoric on immigration is indeed a product of these factors, providing us with clear evidence as to when the president devotes public attention to one of the central issues of American politics.

Judges as Superheroes: The Danger of Confusing Constitutional Decisions with Cosmic Battles

In 2019, a federal court of appeals, sitting en banc, decided Manning v. Caldwell, 903 F.3d 264 (4th Cir. 2019). The question in Manning was the constitutionality of a Virginia statute providing for a civil process of adjudicating an individual a “habitual drunkard.” A person so designated was subject to unique criminal penalties for obtaining or even possessing alcoholic beverages. A group of homeless Virginians challenged it, alleging that they were literally unable to comply with the criminal prohibitions or avoid apprehension because of their addiction and homelessness: their arguments were that the statute was void for vagueness, and (as to them and others similarly situated) a violation of the Eighth Amendment under Robinson v. California, 370 U.S. 660 (1962). A sharply divided Fourth Circuit held that both arguments were sound, and the law unconstitutional. One of the judges in the minority, Judge J. Harvie Wilkinson, III, filed two dissents, one laying out the reasons for his dissent that all but one of the dissenters joined, and a second (joined by no one else) justifying the tone of his principal dissent in response to a concurring opinion that objected to his language. This essay argues that Manning’s significance goes beyond its undeniable importance to individual Virginians and state officials. Judge Wilkinson’s two opinions portray the majority’s conclusions as indefensible, an egregious act of judicial arrogance that “usurps the American Constitution” in order to implement the majority’s own policy preferences. The justification for his extraordinarily harsh language about his colleagues, whom he says he admires, is that the decision is not simply an error but a tremendous blow to the Constitution and to American democracy. As my essay attempts to show, this is a bizarrely hyperbolical description of Manning: there are reasonable legal arguments for and against the two constitutional claims, and the majority’s reasoning is therefore hardly indefensible even if, on balance, one is unpersuaded. This raises the question why Judge Wilkinson, a seasoned and well-respected appellate judge, came to view the decision as he did, and to use language inconsistent with even minimal politeness to his colleagues. The answer Judges as Superheroes develops is that the analytical oddity and rhetorical tone of Judge Wilkinson’s opinions is not a momentary lapse by an individual judge, but an indication that a long-standing problem with constitutional disagreement on the Supreme Court is spreading to the federal courts of appeals. For decades it has been common for the justices, particularly in writing dissents, to portray the positions they reject as not just mistaken but as fundamentally illegitimate, incapable of swaying any judge respectful of the limits on the judicial function. Cases involving deep disagreement are, therefore, not so much divisions of opinion among lawyers all committed to the common enterprise of resolving legal disputes, but victories or defeats in a cosmic struggle between constitutional Good and Evil. This apocalyptic view, I maintain, is erroneous and destructive. Manning suggests that circuit judges too, are succumbing to the temptation to see themselves as superheroes battling for the Right against colleagues who are, inevitably, champions of Wrong. The decision’s broader significance is as a warning, for judges and for all of us, that our system of judicial review rests on a less-inflated understanding of the role of judges in constitutional cases.

Rhetorical confinement, contrasting metaphors, and cultural polarities

Abstract In this study we contrast metaphors and metaphorical stories in President Trump’s 2017 inaugural address with those of former President Barack Obama’s first inaugural address. We draw on the concept of ‘rhetorical confinement’ (Patterson, 2011) to show how the contrasting life trajectories of the two leaders are reflected in the contrasting themes and tone established by their metaphorical language. We argue that Obama’s rhetorical tone, including his use of metaphors, was at least in part a response to the compound constraints of race and class. In contrast, Trump’s rhetorical tone and use of metaphors reflects and reinforces his image as a political outsider, as a challenge to the constraints of ordinary political discourse. The contrast between the rhetorically confined politeness of Obama’s discourse (lampooned as ‘political correctness’ by many of his opponents) and the unconstrained crudeness of Trump’s discourse (lauded as ‘telling it like it is’) apparently legitimates the open expression of previously suppressed resentments and encourages an extreme rhetoric that is symptomatic of, and may contribute to, the growing polarization in American political discourse.

Disagreeable Rhetoric and the Prospect of Public Opposition: Opinion Moderation on the U.S. Supreme Court

Elite rhetoric is an important aspect of democracy, and understanding why elites alter their rhetorical tone is vital to understanding the nature of public–elite interaction. In this paper, we identify the conditions under which insulated elites respond to public opinion by changing the amount of disagreeable rhetoric they emphasize. We examine Supreme Court opinions and theorize that the majority limits the use of disagreeable rhetoric—language with harsh, unpleasant, or negative connotations—in salient cases with the intention of dulling public opposition to rulings. We test our expectations on two levels, the first using a broad measure of public mood on a large sample of cases and the second using a small sample with issue-specific public opinion measures. We find that as public opinion diverges from the Court, the majority tones down its disagreeable rhetoric, but only in salient cases.

Nationalist Sentiments and MNE Responses

Multinationals often pay close attention to host country legitimacy. A growing source of mobilizing social forces is social media, especially during the time when host country nationalist sentiment has been triggered. Integrating literatures from communication and political sociology, this paper explores what rhetorical strategies multinationals enterprises (MNEs) can effectively adopt when nationalist sentiments are high after a national conflict occurs. Applying advanced textual analysis, this paper analyzes social media textual data (557,372 Weibo blogs) and develops two types of nationalist sentiments, namely expressive and instrumental nationalist sentiments. Using Chinese nationalist sentiments during national conflicts between 2011 and 2014 as research context, we analyze 17,000 social media posts by Fortune Global 500 companies from America and Japan. This paper demonstrates that when host country expressive nationalist sentiment is high, MNEs will have rhetorical focus on pro-social conducts and use more positive rhetorical tone. However, when host country instrumental nationalist sentiment is high, MNEs will be less likely to have rhetorical focus on pro-social conducts and use less positive rhetorical tone. This paper aims to contribute to the literature on MNE's host country legitimacy by deepening our understanding of host country nationalist sentiments and MNE's rhetoric strategies.

Is the Optimism in CEO’s Letters to Shareholders Sincere? Impression Management Versus Communicative Action During the Economic Crisis

In this study, we explore the sincerity of the rhetorical tone of 664 annual letters to shareholders (CEO letters). Prior studies adopt Impression Management theory to predict that firms obfuscate failures and emphasize successes to unfairly enhance their image and maintain organizational legitimacy. Yuthas et al. (J Bus Ethics 41:141–157, 2002) challenged such a view, showing that firms reporting earnings surprises engage in ethical discourse with shareholders. We adopt the methodology of Yuthas et al. (J Bus Ethics 41:141–157, 2002) to explore the association between firm performance and the rhetorical features of CEO letters in a large sample of Fortune 500 firms in the wake of the global economic crisis. In contrast to most prior research, we find that optimistic tone is congruent with both past and future performance. We conclude that under tough macroeconomic conditions, incentives to distort public information strategically are low. Rather, firms tend to engage in communicative action aimed at dialoguing with shareholders through sincere disclosure. However, in our conclusions, we warn about the impact of accounting and rhetorical manipulation on the congruence between optimistic tone and financial performance.

A History of the Term “Moral Hazard”

AbstractThe term “moral hazard” when interpreted literally has a strong rhetorical tone, which has been used by stakeholders to influence public attitudes to insurance. In contrast, economists have treated moral hazard as an idiom that has little, if anything, to do with morality. This article traces the genesis of moral hazard, by identifying salient changes in economic thought, which are identified within the medieval theological and probability literatures. The focus then shifts to compare and contrast the predominantly, normative conception of moral hazard found within the insurance‐industry literature with the largely positive interpretations found within the economic literature.

Developing Collective Intentionality and Writing the Rules of the Game for Environmental Reporting: A Content Analysis of SOP 96-1 Comment Letters

ABSTRACTFinancial reporting operates in a changing social landscape. One focus of change in the contemporary social landscape is growing recognition of the impact of human activity on the natural environment, a significant part of which derives from economic activity. Evidence exists that financial statement users want environmental accounting information, yet it remains underdeveloped. This underdevelopment becomes notable because it is increasingly clear that long-term economic viability is wholly dependent on ecological sustainability. This study furthers our understanding of financial reporting, accounting standards, and the standard-setting process as institutional practices in the U.S. by exploring whether voices raising these emerging concerns find receptivity in accounting standards setting. Searle's (1995, 1998) work on constructing institutional reality provides the theoretical frame. Results add a layer of empirical analysis to prior accounting research using this frame to critique the openness of discourse in developing financial reporting.The American Institute of Certified Public Accountants (AICPA) received 77 comment letters in consideration of SOP 96-1, “Environmental Remediation Liabilities.” These letters are evaluated for rhetorical tone using quantitative content analysis. Sixteen letters take issue with the narrow scope of the proposed treatment of environmental reporting. These 16 are further analyzed using qualitative content analysis. Comparing rhetorical tone and meaning content of the comment letters reveals active discussion of important environmental reporting issues that go beyond the narrow technical standard adopted.Data Availability: Data used in this study are available by contacting the author.

Try to Remember: Psychiatry’s Clash Over Meaning, Memory, and Mind

Try to Remember: Psychiatry’s Clash Over Meaning, Memory, and Mind

La Grande guerra: la parola alla Difesa

- Examines the official celebrations of the 90th anniversary of the end of the first world war, organized in Italy primarily by the Ministry of Defence of the Berlusconi government. Inevitably national patriotism became the dominant rhetorical tone, and a total absence of a calm reflection of the causes, character and consequences of the conflict that marked the celebrations and monuments in other countries. Key words: First world war, Italy, Celebrations, History. Parole chiave: Prima guerra mondiale, Italia, Celebrazioni, Storia.

One cause, two paths: Militant vs. adjustive strategies in the British and American women's suffrage movements

Although the suffrage movement in Britain and the United States shared a common goal and collaborated in an international effort to enfranchise women, they differed in rhetorical tone and protest tactics. This essay examines the ideological and material conditions that led to the strategic use of militancy by the British suffrage movement and non‐violence by its American counterpart. It further explores the role of class in shaping early women's movement rhetoric.

The Triumph of Meanness: America’s War Against Its Better Self

NICOLAUS MILLS: The Triumph of Meanness: America's War Against Its Better Self. Houghton Mifflin, Boston, 1997, 260 pp., $25.00, ISBN 0-395-82296-3. The strength and weakness of The Triumph of Meanness is that it is a good read, easily finished in one quiet evening. It suffers from a certain repetitiveness of examples that the editor or the publisher should have pointed out. Mills has a special fondness for telling us repeatedly about fighting and the Bobbitt sensational case, including feminist responses to it. There is a certain journalistic superficiality that makes the book seem like an overdistended magazine article, with a collection of anecdotes and reported incidents offered as the data that are to substantiate the author's thesis. Mills also adopts a rhetorical tone, at times almost hysterical, rather than any careful assessment of arguments for and against his point of view. But that point of view is very important indeed, and, regardless of the lack of depth and the methodological deficiencies in the book, it does set one thinking and wondering. This is the ultimate strength of the book. One also cannot help but admire the decency and humanitarian concerns of the author, who is listed as a professor of American studies (whatever that is) at Sarah Lawrence College and as the coeditor of Dissent magazine, one of the few periodicals worth reading that has not been dumbed down as has even the New York Times, which previously was written at an adult level but now features foolish color illustrations and a weekly graphic magazine now rarely containing an article that would interest anyone over adolescence. All of us who work with emotionally disturbed individuals today need to be aware of this widespread social problem in our country as it is outlined by Mills. Although he leaves out road rage, he offers many everyday examples of the rise of violence, sadism, meanness, cynicism, and loss of compassion for the poor and the elderly. One certainly also ought to add the loss of compassion for the sick, as so-called managed care converts the practice of medicine into a business where the bottom line is to save money not health or lives and, as in the other corporate examples given by Mills, the money saved is given to the CEO's instead. Mills outlines the rapidly rising gap between the rich and the CEO's (the ones who in Mills book I think correctly are portrayed as a pack of devils) on one side, and the middle class and the poor on the other; furthermore the middle class is shrinking and the poor class is growing. Mills does not mention this was exactly what was predicted by Marx in his study of capitalism. Because of the rising anxiety of the middle class about the need for increasing taxation to help the elderly and the poor on the one hand, and less and less job security on the other, the general level of rage in the country is increasing, says Mills. As a result, meanness and cruelty and lack of compassion are being taken more and more for granted and have become more and more acceptable in, for example, the popular arts such as the lyrics that accompany the abominable music blared by most radio stations, the greater acceptance of violence in so called sports, the negative political ads that make the notion of democracy as based on the voting of an informed electorate a joke, the attitude of so-called reporters who attack politicians personally, continually denigrate them, and interpret everything they say and do in a cynical manner, and, of course, the deplorable congress that, swayed by wealthy lobbyists, passes legislation that worsens the plight of the poor and refuses to pass legislation, such as gun control, that might lessen the pervasive violence. …

<i>The South as an American Problem</i> (review)

the mid-twentieth century, describing a region of failing farms and declining employment inwhich the mosdy female workforce was employed in low-wage, nonunion plants, working for few benefits and with little hope ofadvancement. Even in the 1990s, she finds that local schools remain poor, and that less than halfofall adults have a high school education. The conclusion she draws is inescapable: that by refusing to invest in a future they could not imagine, the people of the Upper Cumberland paid the price ofcondemning their children to poverty. Sadly, it is a price that all too many country people in the New South continue to pay. The South as an American Problem Edited by LarryJ. Griffin and Don H. Doyle University of Georgia Press, 1995 310 pp. Cloth, $30.00 Reviewed by Peter A. Coclanis, George and Alice Welsh Professor of History at the University ofNorth Carolina at Chapel Hill and author of The Shadow ofa Dream: EconomicUfe andDeath in the South Carolina Uw Country, 1670—1920. In writing this review, I promised myselfI would not start by alluding to a collection ofessays on the South written almost seventy years ago by a dozen intellectuals associated with Vanderbilt University. Just because the new collection, The South as an American Problem, is the work of a dozen writers associated (more or less) with Vanderbilt University was no reason to take such a stand—or so I thought. But, alas, there is no getting around it: Although The South as anAmerican Problem is not organized as tighdy as the famous Fugitive/Agrarian manifesto of 1930, it covers enough ofthe same ground to invite comparison, as LarryJ. Griffin and Don H. Doyle, the editors ofthe newer collection, readily acknowledge. To say that the Griffin-Doyle collection shares some ofthe same ground with its illustrious predecessor, G?? Take My Stand, is not to suggest that it espouses the same "agrarian" values, advances the same "anti-industrial" and "anti-modern" arguments, or assumes the same rhetorical tone. Rather, The South as anAmerican Problem, which grew out ofan interdisciplinary faculty seminar at Vanderbilt during the 1992—1993 academic year, shares a concern with southern identity, broadly conceived, and an interest in the problematic relationship between the South Reviews 8 1 and the polity of which it is part, the United States. Although the various contributors to the Griffin-Doyle collection—six historians, two literature professors , one sociologist, an economist, a legal scholar, and a journalist—fail to agree on either the nature of southern identity or the particular problem posed by the South to the United States, they do converse with and play off of one another in extremely interesting ways. No manifesto, then, but manifest and manifold virtues nonetheless! Perhaps the single most impressive virtue of this collection is its intellectual subdety, particularly in "problematizing" topics ranging from climate to culture, and from slavery and secession to the rise of the sunbelt. After a brief introduction , coeditor Larry Griffin, for example, opens with an essay that probes the veryidea ofa southern "problem," demonstrating that the definition ofthe problem has shifted markedly over time. Griffin suggests in his provocative conclusion that America has always needed a problematic South in order to grasp and occasionally to confront and overcome broader American ills. None ofthe other contributors operates on the same lofty (and abstract) plane as Griffin, a distinguished sociologist, but each at once enriches as he/she revises our understanding of individual "problems" in, about, or relating to the South. On our descent from Griffin's opening essay, we first encounter David L. Carlton 's brilliant piece on the ways in which the economic culture ofthe South came to diverge from that of the nation as a whole in the nineteenth century. Joyce E. Chaplin's insightful and often surprising essay on the "problem" of southern climate details whence this problem arose and how it changed over time. Chaplin's essay is followed by four strong pieces on race relations in the South (including slavery) at various points in time, by James Oakes, Don H. Doyle, James W Ely Jr., and Hugh Davis Graham. The last of these essays—on the successes and ironies of the so...

John Milton and the Transformation of Ancient Epic (review)

Reviews417 John Milton and tL· Transformation of Ancient Epic, by Charles Martindale; xi & 239 pp. Totowa, New Jersey: Barnes & Noble, 1986, $28.50. "It is a trudi that cannot be too often stated that style shaU not be considered in vacuo; style is not an absolute, it is relative to the job to be done" (p. 214). The author here is praising Lucan and MUton; equaUy could he praise himself. With a seldom-disguised directness he reads his texts in order to deal with a highly complex assignment: die reception of Homer, Virgil, Ovid, and Lucan into Paradise Lost and at times die text of one into another's. His comments deserve respect because he so obviously knows the languages he reads. His audience will discover few better examples of the invigorating, postmodernly ignored values of "common sense and judgement" (p. 20). Martindale makes diree major points in his book: MUton in Paradise Lost privileged Homer over Virgil; he confronted Ovid from the Renaissance perspective , that is, as a text that could be moral, aUegorical, rhetorical, or "amoral"; and he looked upon Lucan as a necessary forerunner to his own "epic ofideas." Martindale divides his book into five chapters: an introduction and four devoted severaUy to die major classical authors. Each of the later ones opens with an all-important discussion of the Renaissance reading of the ancient poet at hand before any specific examinations of how Milton incorporated his imitations or, better, "metaphrases" (pp. 41-47) into his epic. En passant the author provides some startlingly attractive, comparative readings: Horace's Pyrrha Ode and its translations by Fenshawe and Milton (pp. 42-47); Vulcan's Fall in Iliad 1.589— 94 and Paradise Lost 1.738-51 (pp. 72-74); Chapman's translation of Alcinous' garden in Odyssey 7.1 12ff and the bower of Eden in Paradise Lost 9.829—35 (pp. 83-85); Marlowe's Dido Queen ofCarthage (II1.1 . 1 12-26) and the Earl ofSurrey's translation oí Aeneid 2.1030-1068 (pp. 111-13); and Dryden's translation of Ovid's theoxenia at die hands ofPhUemon and Baucis in Metamorphoses VIII.61 Iff and at die hands of Eve in Paradise Lost 5.337-44 (pp. 184-88). Yet, Martindale's simple style can also deal widi major theoretical issues. Not only does he take some well-deserved swipes at New Criticism in the name of MUton, the "personal poet" (pp. 65-70), and against Lewis Martz's possibly anachronistic reading of die last two books of the MetamorpL·ses (pp. 156—57), he especiaUy and more to die point addresses die difficult issues of aUusion, imitation, and translation. He devotes his introduction to these topics; no student of MUton should ignore his words. Martindale realizes diat "aUusion" depends on a complex relationship among die designing writer, the competent reader, the historical context, and rhetorical tone (pp. 1-9). He reminds us diat Milton is, after aU, "recreating in English a manner of writing" (p. 10) and that we, as critics, are too often apt to confuse 418Philosophy and Literature "allusion and a commonplace" and assume "that an aUusion necessarily brings in its train die whole context of die original" (p. 13). (In the Renaissance it seldom did.) Although he tends to agree widi die intertextualists diat "imitation naturally encouraged the critic to set a passage of poetry against its source for careful comparison" (p. 18), in the end "diere is no magic key to MUton's practice" (p. 20). The author will, nonetheless, offer Dryden's term, "metaphrase ," to describe Milton's particular act of translation in which he "seeks to reproduce as much as possible of the word order and syntactic movement of die original" (p. 45). Here MUton senses "the radical differences between Latin and English verse . . . and . . . the value of not seeking to accommodate diem in bland syntiiesis" (p. 47). Once againjudgment and common sense confront die metaphors of theory and emerge the victor. Martindale's format excludes two relevant hexameter texts: Hesiod's T^gony and Apollonius ofRhodes'Argonautica. Hesiod is important in MUton's reception of the Greeks; Apollonius, in Virgil's and Lucan's. But this is a very...

Deconstruction as Symbolic Play

At the end of his writing, “La Différance,” Jacques Derrida deconstructs his text by taking on an authoritative rhetorical tone. Reflecting back on his discussion of metaphysics, Derrida announces that “(t)here will be no unique name, even if it were the name of Being”. And then he takes a surprising phenomeno-logical turn and advocates a privileged attitude or disposition towards his reflection:And we must think this without nostalgia, that is, outside the myth of a purely maternal or paternal language, a lost native country of thought. On the contrary, we must affirm this, in the sense in which Nietzsche puts affirmation into play, in a certain laughter and a certain step of the dance.

The Aeneid and the Translator

To every man his own Aeneid. Having spent the last six summers translating it as a Penguin Classic, I was delighted when the editors of Greece & Rome and Vergilius asked me to write a piece for them about this experience. The translator takes millions of decisions on points of detail. It must be useful, for him at least, to look back and ask what he has learned about the poem during this special relationship. I think of four points, the first of which I shall not discuss in this article:(i) the political purpose of the Aeneid;(ii) Virgil's gift for characterization, particularly of minor characters and particularly by means of their utterances;(iii) the intensely rhetorical tone of the poem;(iv) its passion.