Revolutionary Decade Research Articles

‘I am safer in Hong Kong’: Transimperial entanglements in Filipino nationalist explorations

Abstract Between 1907 and 1914, Filipino lawyer, journalist, and nationalist Vicente Sotto found in Hong Kong a sanctuary from the clutches of the Americans. The city also provided him with a space in which to explore alternative ideas for both his own development and the future of the Philippine Islands beyond the confines of pan-Asianism and anti-imperialism. Using Sotto’s experience in Hong Kong as a point of access, this article demonstrates modern Asia’s anti-imperial era as a product of transimperial ‘connectivities’ and ‘ruptures’ wherein new political affinities were forged between like-minded Asians, while interstitial imperial spaces between colony and metropole carved space for radical, yet nuanced and inconsistent, visions of national independence to materialize—at the expense of abutting empires. It serves to decentralize the role of empire, conflating instead the activities of local, colonial, and imperial actors as a singular experience that shaped modern Asia’s revolutionary decades.

Introduction: New Histories of the Irish Revolution

The centenary of the Irish Revolution has just concluded, with 2023 marking the hundredth anniversary of the ‘dump arms’ order which ended, albeit ambiguously, the civil war of 1922–3. European history has been accustomed to marking centenaries during the past ten years, from the First World War which overturned a global order, to the Russian Revolution which created a new one, to the post-war national reverberations which created revolutions of their own. The enthusiasm with which these have been marked across Europe has varied considerably, with the sombre ne plus jamais tones of the centenary of the First World War giving way rapidly to the muted if not entirely absent commemorations of the October Revolution in Russia. The island of Ireland has perhaps been more wedded than elsewhere in Europe to the relentless treadmill of centenaries, with the Irish state formally dating its existence to the vanguardist rebellion, popular mandates and political institutions that occurred between 1916 and 1922, and Northern Ireland being dated to 1920. The ‘Decade of Centenaries’, as it is known in Ireland, has been unfolding according to a carefully arranged schedule since 2012; the end, marking the ambiguous conclusion of the Irish Civil War, is finally upon us. The implications of the ‘Decade’ for public history, for the position of professional historians within and outside the academy, and for the broader understanding of the revolutionary decade are significant and have generated their own critical literature.

Tom Stammers. The Purchase of the Past: Collecting Culture in Post-Revolutionary Paris, c.1790–1890.

The Purchase of the Past: Collecting Culture in Post-Revolutionary Paris is a welcome contribution to the expanding body of literature about the many unexpected cultural consequences of the French Revolution. Its topic is the widespread private collection of historical artifacts and art that occurred in the century that followed the outbreak of Revolution (c.1790–1890). The author, Thomas Stammers, attempts to correct a longstanding misconception that the French Revolution was largely successful when it attempted to replace the many privately held art collections throughout Old Regime France with large national institutions, most notably the Louvre. Instead, he argues that a whole new type of private collector emerged from the ruins of the Revolution, one who alternately challenged and complemented the state’s mission to imagine and preserve the cultural patrimony of France. While only the first two chapters of this book address the French Revolution directly, it is clear from the outset that the Revolutionary decade plays a central role in the nineteenth-century phenomenon of collecting. In his introduction, Stammers describes the Revolution’s impact as “both persistent and polyvalent” throughout the nineteenth century (10). The Revolution was certainly a foundational event for nineteenth-century collecting as it threw an unprecedented number of artworks and artifacts, which previously belonged to the church and aristocracy, into the public marketplace. However, the Revolution also initiated a new way of thinking about the material past as having great social and political power when reimagined as national heritage. Stammers cleverly demonstrates how many private collectors in the nineteenth century adopted a similarly didactic mission for their private collections. One of his most compelling case studies is of Jean-Louis Soulavie, who accumulated thousands of texts and images from the French Revolution in its immediate aftermath, convinced that by systematically arranging and studying his collection, he would uncover the underlying “logic” of the seemingly chaotic Revolution (100). By contrast, many major collectors later in the century were committed to recovering and promulgating a royalist narrative that challenged the nascent republic. In this way, Stammers demonstrates how such “private patrimony” pushes scholars of modern France to “reframe the old debate over whether the French Revolution ‘invented’ the concept of a uniform national heritage … and instead explore how plural and sometimes oppositional sites of memory were preserved within the post-revolutionary state” (299).

Cool Nature

In this essay, an interdisciplinary group of researchers sets out to address the period 1780–1840 in Sweden in a new way, by placing nature at its centre. With the help of ecocritical and transcultural theory, combined with renewed attention to the Swedish fine arts, learned discourses, and practices, we suggest a new approach to these revolutionary decades. The perceived dissonance, the interplay between climatic conditions and cultural template in early modern and modern Sweden, has not been fully addressed in current research, despite the fact that the relationship between humankind and the environment is a central issue in contemporary society and scholarship. Representations of nature situate the nation, they negotiate the relationship between a sensed reality and an ideal, between human and more-than-human beings. We suggest a focus on the unpredictable space created by negotiations of nature in Swedish representations during this crucial period, and, furthermore, on the ways in which this creative space is charged with utopian possibilities in the early Anthropocene. This is the background and the driving force of the planned research project ‘Cool Nature: Utopian Landscapes in Sweden 1780–1840’.

New England in the Royalist Imagination, 1637–89

Abstract This essay examines representations of New England puritanism in royalist print and manuscript polemic during the English Revolution of 1642–1660 and beyond. Royalist attitudes toward the North American godly colonies have been largely overlooked by modern scholars, who continue to privilege New England’s significance in intra-parliamentarian religious debates over its impact on the events of the civil war itself. As a result, they have neglected a substantial canon of hostile anti-puritan royalist literature that identified colonial puritanism, along with other malevolent international godly influences, as a horrifying example of the future awaiting old England if Charles I’s parliamentarian enemies were to triumph. As a pre-eminent puritan sanctuary from which some godly rebels had been recruited to perpetuate the civil war in Britain and to which domestic parliamentarians later allegedly intended to flee once their uprising had succeeded, New England thus occupied an important place in the royalist political imagination. Although royalist attitudes toward the American puritan colonies waxed and waned in significance during the revolutionary decades, and while New Englanders themselves may not have paid considerable attention to hostile royalist commentary, interested English readers and domestic parliamentarian polemicists alike paid a great deal of attention to the anti-colonial thrust of mid-century cavalier print. Moreover, certain aspects of royalist anti-New England rhetoric lived on to provide later anti-puritan commentators with a convenient explanation for the ongoing hostility of colonial puritans toward Stuart rule for decades following the Restoration.

Human rights and security in the conditions of modern challenges and threats

In the article, human rights, respect for them, observance and protection are considered as a universal ideal, the basis of progressive development, a prerequisite for stability and stability of society. The need to protect life and health, ensure the inviolability of the person, freedom, and property, turns the task of cognitive and practical solution of this problem into an integral part of the life cycle of a person and society, the functioning and development of political and legal systems. It is noted that human rights are called the core of meaningful democracy. In the last few revolutionary decades, humanity learned a hard lesson: without the protection of human rights, there can be neither democracy nor any justification for democracy. It is emphasized that we live in a time when we have to overcome new threats that have appeared on the historical horizon: pollution and degradation of the global environment, overpopulation, depletion of natural resources, international terrorism, armed aggression, etc. Attention is focused on Russia’s military attack on Ukraine, which took place on February 24, 2022 and is a continuation of the Russian-Ukrainian war launched by Russia in 2014. From the first day of the invasion, Russia has been violating the rules of war and committing crimes against humanity and war crimes on a massive scale, in particular, mass murders, torture and rape of the civilian population, kidnapping and torture of Ukrainian and international journalists, politicians and public figures, deportation of Ukrainian citizens, etc. All these crimes do not have a statute of limitations and require conscientious recording in order to further punish criminals at all levels, compensate for damages, and deputize Russian society. As a conclusion, attention is focused on the fact that the main duty of our state is to ensure human security, which can be achieved only by eliminating the causes of threats to a person, his rights and freedoms. Guaranteeing the safety of individuals, society and the state against external and internal threats requires the creation of appropriate conditions for the implementation of state policy aimed at protecting national values and realizing the national interests of Ukraine. Key words: human rights, security, human security, crimes, crimes against humanity, war crimes.

The Beatles and the 1960s: Reception, Revolution and Social Change

The Beatles and the 1960s: Reception, Revolution and Social Change

Слежка и цензура. Сети слежки и цензуры прессы в революционной Мексике, 1911-1923

Controlling information and keeping an eye on enemies were two fun-damental activities for the different revolutionary factions in the revolu-tionary decade (1910-1920) and in the early years of the post-revolutionary stage. The armed struggle has aspects that have been little explored and that reflected the concern to watch over and censure its en-emies. Francisco I. Madero failed in his attempts to neutralize the op-position forces; Venustiano Carranza, on his part, managed to monopo-lize information and build the foundations of intelligence networks that would make it possible for the Carrancistas to stop possible uprisings. The assassination of Carranza in May 1920, far from ending these prac-tices, led the new group in power ― headed by Generals Álvaro Obregón and Plutarco Elías Calles, as well as Adolfo de la Huerta ― to improve their confidential intelligence services and closely monitor the opposition press.

Thomas Paine’s reflections on the revolution in France: inventing a reactionary Paine in 1825

Abstract This article looks into an unpublished manuscript in French found in Jacques-Pierre Brissot’s papers in the Archives Nationales. The manuscript’s author and/or translator presents it as a diary written by Thomas Paine during his time as a deputy in the National Convention. Yet both the manuscript’s form and its content suggest that it may well be a forgery. The context in which it was written is crucial. In the 1820s, memoirs and histories looked back upon the French Revolution as the political contest among ultras, liberals and republicans and revived some of the issues raised during the French revolutionary decade. The author of this manuscript was openly pro-Bourbon and seemed to turn Paine into a moderate partisan of monarchy. Many clues show that the views expressed on the events of the Revolution do not match Paine’s writings or are contradicted by records in French archives.

Julian Barnes’ın Biricik Hikâye’sinde Yeniden Kurulmuş Aşk Angısı

Julian Barnes’s novel The Only Story (2018) can be read as a monograph on the complications of love. By focalising the narrative situations and events through the consistently transforming perspective of a failed lover, Barnes shows how digging into the past events through the awakening lens of memory can lead to previously censored self-realizations. Set in three interconnected parts, The Only Story increasingly changes into a disintegrating process of an unconventional love affair between a late adolescent and a middle-aged married woman. Considering this, the present article has two goals. By relying on Jacques Lacan’s theory of love, the paper shows how in The Only Story Barnes presents an ever-changing, or illusory definition/experience of love. Besides that, and by drawing on Julia Kristeva’s definition of the concept shared singularity, the paper argues how by setting the main part of narrative in the revolutionary decade of 1960s, Barnes presents the difficulty of any cohabitation, combination, dialogue, or sharing between the two opposing egos and discourses. The primary aim of this paper, therefore, is to show how the narrator and his partner fail in maintaining their love affair through building a shared singularity between themselves.

Specific Targeting of Plasma Kallikrein for Treatment of Hereditary Angioedema: A Revolutionary Decade

Hereditary angioedema (HAE) is a rare, chronic, genetic disease that presents with nonpruritic angioedema of the face, extremities, airway (can be life-threatening), genitourinary system, and abdomen. These symptoms can significantly impair daily activities. Hereditary angioedema is classified into HAE owing to a deficiency of functional C1INH (HAE-C1INH) or HAE with normal C1INH (HAE-nl-C1INH). Both type I and II HAE-C1INH result from inherited or spontaneous mutations in the SERPING1 gene, which encodes for C1INH. These mutations result in C1INH dysfunction, leading to uncontrolled plasma kallikrein activity with excessive bradykinin production. Bradykinin receptor activation leads to vasodilation, increased vascular permeability, and smooth muscle contractions, resulting in submucosal angioedema through fluid extravasation. Hereditary angioedema nl-C1INH is caused by either a known or unknown genetic mutation. The underlying mechanism of HAE-nl-C1INH is less well understood but is thought to be related to bradykinin signaling. Plasma kallikrein inhibitors have been developed to inhibit the kallikrein-kinin pathway to prevent (prophylactic) and treat on-demand (acute) HAE attacks. Several of these medications are delivered through subcutaneous or intravenous injection, although new and emerging therapies include oral formulations. This article provides a historical review and describes the evolving landscape of available kallikrein inhibitors to treat HAE-C1INH.

Machine learning: principles and applications for thoracic surgery.

Machine learning (ML) has experienced a revolutionary decade with advances across many disciplines. We seek to understand how recent advances in ML are going to specifically influence the practice of surgery in the future with a particular focus on thoracic surgery. Review of relevant literature in both technical and clinical domains. ML is a revolutionary technology that promises to change the way that surgery is practiced in the near future. Spurred by an advance in computing power and the volume of data produced in healthcare, ML has shown remarkable ability to master tasks that had once been reserved for physicians. Supervised learning, unsupervised learning and reinforcement learning are all important techniques that can be leveraged to improve care. Five key applications of ML to cardiac surgery include diagnostics, surgical skill assessment, postoperative prognostication, augmenting intraoperative performance and accelerating translational research. Some key limitations of ML include lack of interpretability, low quality and volumes of relevant clinical data, ethical limitations and difficulties with clinical implementation. In the future, the practice of cardiac surgery will be greatly augmented by ML technologies, ultimately leading to improved surgical performance and better patient outcomes.

Rubén Darío en el debate sobre la literatura nacional nicaragüense

The debate on literature in Nicaragua, at various moments in the country’s history, is elaborated on the figure, aesthetics, and work of Rubén Darío. Not only the birth and death of the poet on vernacular soil are central aspects in the appropriation made, but above all, the international cultural capital built through his wandering life and cosmopolitanism in his work. The appropriation of his aesthetics, as well as the distancing and debates about his contribution, persist in various moments of Nicaraguan literary history. We will explore some interventions by Nicaraguan intellectuals who are members of the Avant-garde Group, above all, their subsequent critical review and the contribution that Ventana magazine made in the 1960s. Finally, it will be observed that during the revolutionary decade, 1979-1989, the figure of Darío concentrates, at least, two simultaneous appropriations, the “anti-imperialist” and the “half-blood”. Both perspectives coincide in the conviction that, in Nicaragua, there would be no literature without the magisterium of Darío.

Apostle of Progress: Modesto C. Rolland, Global Progressivism, and the Engineering of Revolutionary Mexico

Apostle of Progress is a biography of Modesto C. Rolland, a propagandist of the Mexican Revolution and a noted civil engineer who played a prominent role in the modernization of Mexico in the first half of the twentieth century. Born in 1881 in La Paz, in what was then the remote territory of Baja California, he was the son of a French immigrant and a Mexican mother. Rolland pursued his university studies and early career under the dictatorship of General Porfirio Díaz before supporting the revolutionary leader Francisco I. Madero, whose coalition overthrew Díaz in 1911. At that time, Rolland had already gained recognition as a leader in construction with reinforced concrete. After Madero's overthrow and assassination in February 1913, Rolland served as a communications officer for the Constitutionalists, an alliance arrayed against General Victoriano Huerta's new dictatorship. In particular, he became a propagandist for the Constitutionalists in the United States and, after 1915, an important cog in the eventual government of President Venustiano Carranza. From the 1920s to the 1950s, Rolland assisted the government in numerous projects: agrarian reforms, infrastructure projects, and, most importantly, the development of ports, particularly in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. Among many other buildings, he designed Mexico City's Plaza de Toros, the world's largest bullfighting arena (built for 40,000 spectators), as well as the stadium in Xalapa, Veracruz. As Justin Castro argues, “Adapting ideas and technologies from around the world, especially the West, Rolland strove to create a more secure Mexican sovereignty and to increase Mexican unity through infrastructure, shared space, the adoption of foreign ideas, and the creation of nationalist sentiment” (p. 236).Castro's work seeks to rescue Rolland from historiographical oblivion by casting him as a representative of the Mexican manifestation of Progressivism. Thus, Rolland's life and career emerges in this book as an example of a transnational political movement that transformed first the United States and then Mexico, where Progressivism still flourished in the 1920s and 1930s after it had already ended in the United States. Progressivism focused primarily on material rather than political innovation: as Castro states, “Rolland often referred to himself as apolitical, and he does appear in some way to have disliked politics, but he was politically astute” (p. xviii). To Rolland—as to the Porfirian científicos—politics featured problems to be solved more than a discursive space. In Castro's mind, Progressivism distinguished the Mexican Revolution from the almost contemporaneous (and Marxist) Russian Revolution. Although it is fair to say that some Mexican engineers saw things differently: for example, the self-styled socialist Marte R. Gómez, a friend of Diego Rivera's and governor of Tamaulipas under President Lázaro Cárdenas.In Castro's words, “Recounting the story of the revolution without engineers and other mid-level planners makes for a very incomplete understanding of the revolution and the construction of modern Mexico” (p. xxii). It is difficult not to agree: there were, of course, other, more political ingenieros who played prominent roles in the revolutionary decades and who still await in-depth study. The most famous of these engineers was probably Alberto J. Pani, a fellow civil engineer who headed several federal ministries over the course of a decade, including the Ministry of Industry, Commerce, and Labor, the Ministry of Foreign Relations, and the Treasury. Another example was Luis L. León, a close friend and ally of presidents Álvaro Obregón and Plutarco Elías Calles and one of the founders of the Partido Nacional Revolucionario, the precursor of today's Partido Revolucionario Institucional. Finally, the Carrancista presidential candidate Ignacio L. Bonillas was also an engineer—the one of his craft who came closest to the seat of power. But Rolland threw his support behind General Salvador Alvarado, one of three victorious generals who opposed Bonillas's candidacy and someone who shared Rolland's admiration of US Progressivism (p. 117).Castro's book is certainly an invitation to future studies of engineers and other highly educated (and mostly creole) professionals who played a significant role in the rebuilding of the Mexican state after the cataclysmic violence, hunger, and disease of the 1910s. Written in accessible prose and without jargon, it joins our growing corpus of biographical works on the Mexican Revolution, and its focus on an overlooked but important civil engineer adds a new dimension to our knowledge of the process of reconstruction.

Some Versions of Equality in Godwin

Some Versions of Equality in Godwin Samuel Rowe (bio) In an essay published in 1797 as part of The Enquirer, William Godwin offers a clarion call for egalitarianism: "Thus much is certain, that a state of cultivated equality, is that state which, in speculation and theory, appears most consonant with the nature of man, and most conducive to the extensive diffusion of felicity." 1 This sentence, with its double, conjoined objects, hesitates between two statements about why people should be equal. A state of equality may be desirable because equality is natural for humankind, or it may be desirable because equality diffuses happiness more widely than other states. This stylistic hesitation, in presenting two distinct cases for equality, is also a hesitation between two intellectual and political paradigms, a hesitation that Godwin makes repeatedly in his celebrated writings from the first half of the revolutionary decade: An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice (1793) and Things as They Are, or the Adventures of Caleb Williams (1794). Godwin merits revisiting at a moment of intense interest in economic and social inequality in the social sciences, when ambitious new macroeconomic theories and global histories reaching back to the Stone Age are reshaping the debate. On one hand, economic historians—prominently, if from different ideological perspectives, Thomas Piketty and Walter Scheidel—have argued that modern economies tend in the long run toward high equilibrium inequality.2 On the other hand, trends in archeology—as summarized in James Scott's recent work—are converging on an account of species history in which relatively egalitarian hunter-gatherer and pastoral societies are the historical norm and the steep inequalities introduced by the appearance of states five thousand years ago the exception.3 The picture that emerges, viewed in its broad outlines, is an ambiguous one: obdurate inequality in the long run for human societies, egalitarianism in the very long run for the human species. Though these discussions are taking shape in the context of faltering welfare states and rising Gini coefficients, they also constitute a return to central Enlightenment questions: do human groups tend toward equality or inequality, [End Page 473] and should we have a normative preference for either condition? The new answers to these questions echo the old. On one hand, the neo-Platonic "great chain of being" so beloved by eighteenth-century thinkers was a powerful intellectual tool that placed hierarchy in the very fabric of being.4 On the other, state of nature theory, one of the Enlightenment's great conceptual innovations, assumed naturally occurring equality among persons and viewed latter-day deviation from this state as a puzzle that required explanation. As the intellectual historian Siep Stuurman has argued, the European Enlightenment, or at least its radical wing, championed an account of "natural equality," or an equality existing "among all human beings on the sole grounds of their humanity."5 According to Stuurman, though the Enlightenment gave birth to new ways of excusing inequality among individuals and groups—political economy, biological-determinist accounts of gender and race, stadial theories of history—these discourses were subject to the new demand that they be reconcilable with universalist and egalitarian assumptions. This essay tries to broach the question of what eighteenth-century studies has to offer to the new debates about equality and inequality via a case study of Godwin's early political thought and fiction. As "equality" made its debut as a central element within reformist and revolutionary political programs, the word did not carry just one meaning. Rather, multiple political and intellectual programs laid claim to the term, carrying with them profoundly different understandings of what equality was and how one might foster it. As the Godwin scholar Mark Philp has argued, the ideology of the British radical reform movement of the 1790s was "fragmented," inhabited by a variety of tendencies and interest groups.6 In the case of equality, this fragmentation extends into the usage of a single concept. At a moment when key political and intellectual debates continue to turn on precisely the content of "equality"—as distributive or relational, attached to opportunity or to outcomes, essential or irrelevant to democracy—the protean role of the term in early radical reformism seems...

Fighting Words in an Angry Democracy: The Press in Revolutionary Buenos Aires, 1810–1820

ABSTRACTThis article explores the political press in Buenos Aires during the revolutionary decade of 1810–1820. Using texts from the most important newspapers of the era, it analyzes the evolution of discursive strategies through which vital political issues reached the public. Concepts such as liberty, nation, governance, and sovereignty shifted meanings in the course of an increasingly divisive and violent political arena. The growing tensions between government authorities and journalists resonated with the ambivalence of positions taken on fundamental political rights, including freedom of the press.

Congregational Membership, Church Purity, and Presbyterian and Congregationalist Polemics During the Puritan Revolution

During the revolutionary decade of the 1640s, intra-Puritan conflict over ecclesiology, or the theological issue of church government, dominated the ecclesiastical landscape of England. Owing to the leading Puritans’ lack of support for complete separatism as an ecclesiological alternative, the conflict pitted mainly the Presbyterians against the Congregationalists. This divergence of opinion over ecclesiastical system of governance has fascinated historians. Yet what this article finds is that, somewhat surprisingly, church purity, which was an issue closely linked to church system of governance and emerged as another highly contested theme vis-à-vis ecclesiology among contemporary polemicists, has not received the attention it deserves. Both Presbyterian and Congregationalist polemicists discoursed at length about the imperative of setting up pure churches, safeguarding the purity of churches from spiritual contamination, and maintaining the religious integrity of both its members and divine ordinances; yet, in many important ways, they differed over the precise means and mechanisms to achieve such a state of purity and integrity for the life of the church. It is hoped that a detailed examination of this theme of church purity as discoursed and debated by the Presbyterians and Congregationalists will add fresh perspectives on earlier works on religious conflict amongst the Puritans as it unfolded over the course of the revolutionary decade of the 1640s as well as the subsequent decade.

Condorcet and the Viability of Democracy in Modern Republics, 1789–1794

Democracy was in the margins both as an idea and as a political force in the eighteenth century. Even in the 1790s, ‘democracy’ was hardly the defining notion of the revolutionaries’ political visions. The small states as much as the large states perceived democracy as an outmoded legacy of antiquity leading to anarchy and despotism, inapplicable not least because it was undesirable in the modern world in which commerce was a rising force. This article tells the story of how this changed, how the understanding of ‘democracy’ was transformed during the French Revolution to represent a viable transition mechanism to a state of widespread and durable liberty. To avoid a teleological approach in the process of this analysis, this article examines the works of Condorcet on modern democracy in the context of the predicaments of the eighteenth century and the French revolutionary decade: how to avert at the same time despotism, military government and popular anarchy; and how to establish a free and stable state on the basis of modern commercial society? The history of the French Revolution is hereby placed in dialogue with that of eighteenth-century political and intellectual history. The effect is that a fresh picture of the entirety of Condorcet’s political vision emerges as his idea of democracy is studied from the viewpoint of his historical sensitivity, political economy, constitutional theory and international thoughts. In the end, Condorcet was the thinker who most significantly and prominently contributed to the post-1789 emergence of the concept of ‘democracy’ – which had thitherto been considered as the political form inevitably leading to destructive anarchy and despotic Caesarism – as a viable pathway to stability and prosperity.

From status inconsistency to revisionism: Russian foreign policy after color revolutions

AbstractThis paper delves into the shifts in the foreign policy of Russia, considering what has determined Russia's grand strategy orientation after the collapse of the Soviet Union. It also attempts to offer an explanation of why Russia becomes discounted with the ‘constitutive and normative structure’, and how its foreign policy shifted toward the anti-status quo orientation, especially after the color revolutions. The main purpose of this paper is to explain the shift in Russia's foreign policy, from the search for the ‘greatpowerness’ status via different enhancement strategies in light of status quo in the ‘revolutionary decade’, to revisionism after the color revolutions in Commonwealth of Independent States region (2003–2005). To substantiate this, the study uses process-tracing and document analysis to show the changes in Russia's foreign policy. As demonstrated in this paper, power rendered is unable of directing or disinclined to direct its policies toward status quo, due to internal effects of perceived ‘status immobility’ resulting from the failure of several status enhancement strategies. Accordingly, the shift in Russia's foreign policy was a result of changing the Russian perception from status inconsistency to status immobility.

A Revolutionary Narrative of European History: Bonneville's History of Modern Europe (1789–1792)

A Revolutionary Narrative of European History: Bonneville's <i>History of Modern Europe</i> (1789–1792)