Creation Of Pakistan Research Articles

The Impact of Political Interference on the Judiciary: India Vs. Pakistan

This paper investigates the significant effects of political interference on the judiciary in India and Pakistan, two countries with a common colonial history but differing paths since gaining independence. The judiciary serves as a fundamental pillar of democratic governance, designed to function independently while protecting the rule of law and upholding constitutional rights. Nevertheless, in both nations, political influences have notably affected judicial operations, compromised judicial independence and eroding public confidence. Through a comparative examination, this study highlights important historical moments, landmark rulings, and constitutional frameworks that demonstrate the degree and nature of political interference within both judicial systems. In India, such interference has emerged through executive control over judicial appointments and crises, notably during the Emergency period from 1975 to 1977. In contrast, Pakistan's judiciary has experienced direct meddling from military governments and political authorities, frequently rationalized by the contentious Doctrine of Necessity. Additionally, the paper investigates how the judiciary has responded to these interferences, including instances of judicial activism and civil society initiatives that promote judicial independence, such as the Lawyers' Movement in Pakistan. Ultimately, this research emphasizes the urgent need for strong protections to ensure judicial independence, bolster public trust in the judiciary, and maintain democratic principles in both countries. By highlighting the comparative experiences of India and Pakistan, this study aims to enrich the broader discussion on judicial independence in South Asia.

Unveiling the affective digital counterpublic: A rhetorical ecological analysis of the #JusticeForNaqib movement in Pakistan

The paper traces the emergence of the #JusticeForNaqib digital counterpublic that arose in response to the tragic killing of a young man from an ethnically marginalized Pakistani community. Drawing upon a corpus of tweets spanning a year, I elucidate how the stickiness of the hashtag #JusticeForNaqib is shaped by the circulation of diverse emotions, affective encounters with other sticky hashtags, and contact with past histories of oppression and resistance within the Pashtun community. Through a rhetorical analysis of tweets containing the hashtag #JusticeForNaqib, I demonstrate how the affective counterpublic not only provided a collective space for grieving the loss of another young Pashtun man but also enabled activists to challenge prejudicial discourses portraying Pashtuns as terrorists and to mobilize support for offline protests by circulating calls to action and fostering a space to commemorate the social movement's achievements. The study advocates for a deeper understanding of the affective dimensions of the digital counterpublic, particularly in the context of marginalized communities.

Sense and scents: Kulsum’s smell-world and Khwabnama as an affective assemblage

ABSTRACT Published in 1996, Khwabnama is a novel which details the end of the British colonial era and the creation of Pakistan. Throughout the novel, the author Akhtaruzzaman Elias provides his readers, who are presumably of the educated class, an alternative/subaltern narrative of Bangladesh’s political past. Yet the narrative does not unfold in a linear fashion but rather militates against the boundaries between dreams and reality and between the living and the dead. As I read Khwabnama it becomes a journey that entangles my subjectivity with the nation’s history and intimately connects my memories and senses with the novel’s characters. While all the characters in Elias’s novel are integral to the creation of this narrative that entangles its readers in a myriad of ways, it is Kulsum and her smell-world that exerts the strongest hold on me as a reader, forging a continuum of an affective atmosphere between Kulsum and myself. This paper will elaborate on this embodied and smelly reading of Khwabnama, contributing to the anthropology of sense and smell and a decolonial feminist path.

Gendered subalternity in Khwabnama

ABSTRACT As an insightful literary text exploring segments of labyrinthine South Asian peoples’ history, Akhtaruzzaman Elias’ Khwabnama (1996, the title translates as “The Narrative of Dreams”) is a fictional account of peasantry around the beel (marshlands) regions of present-day northern Bangladesh. The novel is set against the Tebhaga movement of the 1940s that demanded two-thirds share of the crops for landless sharecroppers. This is to be read in the light of the emergent (East) Pakistan movement that peddled dreams of Muslim subaltern ascendancy, once Partition had displaced predominant Hindu landlords. The bulk of Elias’ characters are, however, “the colonised subaltern subject(s),” who undergo only a de-facto transference of thralldom under nouveau riche Muslim landowners. Contrary to vaunted dreams (khwab) therefore, the poor peasants were never to emerge into any centrality of power equations. From the perspective of gendered subaltern representation, Khwabnama explores Elias’ partial dismantling of the sexual division of labour that Gayatri Spivak disavows as a colonial and phallocentric construct. Notwithstanding that the majority of women characters are hemmed in by mundaneness and carnality, and lack agency to approximate the cultural or political aspirations of their male counterparts; there are still a few who are physically strong and equal sharers with men in agrarian productivity. In the light of these observations, this paper reads Khwabnama as a text of masculinity that attempts a recreation of subaltern history, while effacing the “itinerary of the subaltern” female, at a critical juncture of Bangladeshi historiography.

Exploring Pluriverse: A Decolonial Examination of the Pakistan Independence Movement through Hamza Alavi’s Works

This study offers a decolonial study of Hamza Alavi’s discernment on the Pakistan independence movement in the theoretical framework of decoloniality by Walter Mignolo. It endeavors to unearth indigenous intellection of the post-colonial Pakistan that confronts the hegemonic knowledge claims that tends to essentialize the Pakistan independence movement. This research intends to explore the ductile pluriversality of narratives and border thinking versus the inflexible concept of a single ideology based on religion as the driving force of the Pakistan independence movement. The significance of this study lies in bringing forward literary decoloniality by promoting critical thinking from post-colonial Pakistan. Mignolo’s concepts of pluriversality and border thinking provide a theoretical lens through which to interpret Alavi's notion of Pakistan's independence movement in the contemporary era. By deploying an interdisciplinary approach encompassing perspectives from politics, history, and cultural studies, this research explores deeper, covert layers of multifarious factors that accelerated the partition of the subcontinent, leading to Pakistan's independence.

Cultural Presentation of the ‘Turk’ in the history of Pakistan: From Monarchy to Modern State

History represents itself in language and historiographical performance reflects cultural patterns. Both history and historiography not only pass through cultural windows but also create certain cultural impressions of understanding that become the dominant agent in the extension of historical meanings and identity. The importance of history is developed both with the reflection of cultural codes and creation of its own system of understanding. This relationship between the history and culture is important and diverse in case of Pak-Turk relations. Politically, Pak-Turk relations started in 1947 after the creation of Pakistan. On the other hand, this relationship dates back to the dates that encompass the history and historiography of Pakistan, the advent of Arabs in Sind for example. Following the historiographical patterns of historiography of Pakistan, this paper takes the advantage of time and analyzes the cultural representation of the ‘Turk’ from the early medieval period till now to have a cultural outlook of political, social and religious formations that represented the ‘Turk’. It focuses on the historical dialogue between different shades of political relations, Social formations and religious proximities. Paper argues that although ‘Turk’ is an integral part of ‘History of Pakistan’ yet its cultural representation through history and historiography is different on the basis of time. Its presence is essential as compared to its mode of presence. It has passed through different formations of time and its current locale is modern. Continuity of Pak-Turk relations requires more modern symbols for the representation of meaning of their recent historical ties. It also stresses on the question of existential irrelevance of traditional cultural understandings of relationship and focuses on the establishment of future contingent means for strong relations

An Evaluating Perusal of Punjab’s Role in the Paradigm of Pakistan Movement

An Evaluating Perusal of Punjab’s Role in the Paradigm of Pakistan Movement

Michel Foucault's Power Relations Theory on al-Maududi's Thought

Al Maududi stated that the responsibility for istikhlaf fi al-ardi in the sense of niyabah for God's formal function on earth, must be delegated to a devout believer, it is inappropriate for the responsibility of the caliphate to be given to a munafiq, fasiq and dhalim Muslim. Thus, this research has two objectives, namely first; analyzing al Maududi's thoughts which are reflected specifically in his work Tafhim Al-Qur‘an in Surah an-Nur verses 48-56, which describes the identification of hypocritical people and the criteria for mukhlisin Muslims. Second, to analyze Michel Foucault's social theory of power relations towards the analysis of the genealogical context between al- Maududi and the social context in which the interpretation was produced, so that the idea of al-Maududi's interpretation forms a discourse of knowledge and becomes the truth ideology of the fundamentalist group. This research is classified as qualitative research using the library research approach method. The methodology used is a study of tafsir tahlily based on analysis of primary data sources, namely the interpretation of Tafhim Al-Qur‘an in Surah an Nur verses 48-56. The results of this research conclude that the interpretive analysis used by al Maududi in the letter is classified as sharp and broad argumentative analysis. Tafsir Tafhim Al-Qur‘an has genealogical roots from the Turjuman Al-Qur‘an magazine and the Jamaat-i Islami party. This interpretation is written in two phases; namely the phases before and after the formation of Pakistan. From these two phases, no strikingly different interpretation patterns were found, because in these two phases, al-Maududi remained in a defeated position. Al Maududi's inner conflict struggles can be seen from how he interprets the term munafiq, which in fact Pakistan is a Muslim- majority country but uses a secular government system.

Exploring the Reforms Journey of FATA in Pakistan Through Various Regimes (1947-2018)

FATA is a less developed region in Pakistan due to the black and draconian law in the shape of FCR (1901) enacted during British rule in India. Since the creation of Pakistan, various governments made official attempts to significantly modify the political, legal, and administrative framework of FATA. The present study examines the historical evaluation of reforms in FATA during various governments of Pakistan since independence in 1947. The study highlights how these gradual reform efforts that different central governments had taken led to the FATA merger with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Inconclusive points, some fruitful recommendations are also given to implement and change the system practically according to the final reform effort of the FATA merger into KP in 2018. This study will be of great importance. It will provide comprehensive knowledge to academicians, scholars, and policymakers. For this study, data are mainly collected from books, reports, journals, and newspaper articles. This study is basically qualitative, and a descriptive-analytical technique is adopted.

Conceptualising overlapping politics: Cross-class political relationships in urban Pakistan

Citizen-led activism to demand and secure adequate housing rights, infrastructure, and services in Islamabad forms part of a longstanding socio-political movement in Pakistan. This activism brings together different classes of urban residents. Drawing from qualitative research comprising of 129 interviews, this article reveals an emerging ‘overlapping politics’, defined as the political relationship between two (or more) distinct socio-economic classes of citizen(s) in response to any form of injustice or inequality. This (re)conceptualises everyday forms of urban political practice by countering existing assumptions that urban politics is rooted in class homogeneity. Inspired by the Islamabad case, I argue that ‘overlapping politics’ emerges largely as an alternative to, and progression from, clientelistic politics through four modes where ‘overlapping’ occurs across class lines: knowledge and information; networks and membership; support; and ownership and responsibility. The outcomes of ‘overlapping politics’ manifest spatially in the city, for example through increased interaction between urbanites, privately organised service provision, and urban protests. Although the practice of ‘overlapping politics’ has limitations, it provides an important new conceptual tool and language for understanding and analysing forms of politics that are embedded in cross-class relationships between urban citizens.

Gender, Dissent and the Afterlives of the Pakistan Movement: Fatima Jinnah in the 1965 Elections

This article focuses on Fatima Jinnah’s politics in postcolonial Pakistan. Widely hailed as the ‘Mother of the Nation’ in contemporary Pakistan, Fatima Jinnah harbours immense symbolic significance. Her patriotism, however, came furiously under question when she campaigned against the military dictator Ayub Khan in the 1965 presidential election. Using unexplored Fatima Jinnah papers, this article reconstructs the story of the election. It argues that the figure of Fatima Jinnah needs to be firmly placed outside the reductive epithets of ‘mother’ and ‘sister’ to underscore her political agency. It unpacks her campaign to show how her advocacy for democracy contested Ayub Khan’s interpretation of Pakistan’s ideology. Ultimately, her politics of dissent saw her branded a traitor and became the battleground for questions of gender, Islam and political rights. This election deepens our understanding of women leaders in postcolonial Pakistan and South Asia.

Historical developments and current situation of technical and vocational education in Pakistan

Technical and vocational education and training (TVET) is essential worldwide due to its prominent role in preparing the skilled workforce to participate in economic development. This article reports on the TVET situation in Pakistan. First, it reports the historical developments of TVET in Pakistan. TVET has been given priority in policy documents since the independence of Pakistan, but real practical work has been done in the last two decades. National and provincial governments have formulated many new policies to improve TVET and created new governing authorities to regulate it. This results in increased TVET institutions and enrollments. However, this article also identified the significant challenges to TVET in Pakistan. Governance and infrastructure problems, gender inequality, and quality of teaching and learning are three critical challenges to developing TVET. National and provincial governments should partner with local industry and international organizations to build a better framework for TVET in Pakistan.

Literary journalism in Pakistan: A History of Magazines

Prior to the establishment of Pakistan, the centers of literary journals were Bambi, Lucknow, Hyderabad, Delhi, Lahore, and Bhopal. After independence, only one literary center came to Lahore in the part of Pakistan. Although Rawalpindi, Karachi, Multan, Peshawar had the status of big cities, and various magazines were also published from these cities, it is not possible to count any of them as epoch makers. Only magazines published from Lahore were nurturing the mentality of the people of Pakistan. However, after the creation of Pakistan, after being cut off from the literary center, there was a vacuum in the literary atmosphere of Pakistan. But the process of filling this gap stated and many magazines which were published from Lahore before independence were re-published.it can be concluded from the above discussion that the role of magazines published before independence is more in the continuity of literary journalism in Pakistan. Which promotes literary journalism in Pakistan. This article covers the history of literary journalism and magazines in Pakistan.

‘We Must be Focused and We Must Organise’: Gender, Conflict and Human Rights Activism in Balochistan

Although often overlooked and underestimated in official accounts, female activists play an important role in human rights and liberation movements worldwide. While women’s roles and experiences in the struggle for rights and liberation worldwide have been discussed in numerous publications, there is a lack of academic literature on the roles of women in the Baloch movement in Pakistan. Using a collaborative autoethnographic, dialogic approach, this article, which is based on a conversation between three researchers, practitioners and activists from Balochistan, other parts of Pakistan, and Europe, explores the motivations and experiences of women defending the human rights of the Baloch people in Pakistan, as well as possibilities for various types of solidarities (based on international, feminist, Muslim and interethnic alliances) in Pakistan and beyond. It shows how gender, age, ethnicity, class and location impact female activists’ experiences of activism, and outlines challenges and opportunities when it comes to building national and international alliances in support of the movement for Baloch rights in Pakistan.

Impact of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor on Nation-Building in Pakistan: A Case Study of Balochistan

ABSTRACT Since the creation of Pakistan in 1947, the state has been struggling in nation-building efforts because of mainly ethnic differences in the country. This is most evident in Balochistan, Pakistan’s largest province, which has been suffering from insurgency since the late 1950s. Being home to the Gwadar Port, there is a growing Baloch resistance to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) since 2015. This situation necessitates a thorough examination of how the locals view and have reacted to the CPEC. This research investigates Baloch reactions to the CPEC and how the federal and provincial governments as well as Beijing have tried to address these challenges. China’s investment is seen by the Baloch as neo-colonialism—something they must fight at all costs. Therefore, the CPEC, and particularly projects like the Gwadar Port, have added to the locals’ grievances against the state, reflected through an increasing number of terrorist attacks in Balochistan.

Unveiling LGBTQ+ Rights Movements in Pakistan: A Computational Sociology Inquiry through a Cultural Studies Lens

Unveiling LGBTQ+ Rights Movements in Pakistan: A Computational Sociology Inquiry through a Cultural Studies Lens

The Role of Bengali Women in the 1971 Non-Cooperation Movement Against the Government of Pakistan

The Lahore resolution of 1940 and the bi-nationalism of Muhammad Ali Jinnah were considered as the cornerstones of the Pakistan movement. The demand for partition of India on the basis of the Lahore resolution sparked a firestorm among the Muslim community. India split seven years after the Lahore resolution was tabled. But the partition of the country in 1947 and the creation of Pakistan could not provide a state solution to the question of the Bengali nation. As a result, for twenty-three long years, the Bengalis were subjected to various forms of discrimination by the military rule of West Pakistan. Eventually they started a movement demanding the elimination of this inequality and the establishment of democracy. Pakistan’s military government was forced to hold its first national elections in 1970. The popular East Pakistan Awami League, led by Bangabandhu, won a single majority in the elections. But even though the Awami League gained a majority, the military government did not hand over power to the majority party. As the leader of the majority party, Bangabandhu called for a non-cooperation movement. Men as well as women participated in the movement and played a vital role in gaining independence in the country. So, the present article highlights the participation of Bengali women in the non-cooperation movement and their role in the movement.

Ethnic fault-lines of Pakistan: A Study of Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM)

The idea of ethnicity suggests a sense of communal identity within a particular society. The complex blend of racial, cultural, and historical traits used to distinguish individuals from other groups. Since Pakistan's independence, there have been numerous ebbs and flows in terms of ethnic nationalism in Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provinces that have a serious influence on the solidarity, integration, and unityof the state. Such conflict still exists today. Additionally, since the beginning, governmental and non-governmental entities have persevered in fostering a favorable environment. The government's participation, meanwhile, has not been as effective as it could havebeen. Additionally, from 2000 to 2022,.The flaws of the governments, societies, and elites of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan must also be evaluated severely. In addition, sensible suggestions must be made in order to kill evil in the bud and ensure Pakistan's existence.

The Impact of Sensationalism on Urdu Press: A Quantitative Analysis

Urdu language newspapers were instrumental during the independence movement. Radical and ethical journalistic approach proved very effective and played a pivotal role in the creation of Pakistan. However, Urdu journalism changed over time and underwent structural as well as ideological transformation mostly dominated by corporate ownership in Pakistan. There have been commercial agents that use journalism for their corporate purposes. Despite huge concerns and open criticism, their presence has had a significant impact on newspaper practices today in a number of ways. The way news is reported, language choices and photographic selection, has been influenced by corporate as well as cross media ownership. Urdu press enjoys maximum readership in Pakistan and has subsequent influence on public perception and opinion making. Therefore, present study focuses on the impact of sensationalism on Urdu press. A quantitative approach has been adopted by using purposive sampling method. 100 respondents were sent with a carefully constructed questionnaire. Findings of the study show that Urdu press is sensational and dramatized in nature. Keywords: Urdu Journalism, Sensational, Dramatization, Public perception

Radicalism in Ali Jinnah's Land, Religion or Group Matters?

This article examines the issue of radicalism in Pakistan, often identified as the "Land of Ali Jinnah," reflecting the values and vision of its founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Radicalism has been a deep-seated issue in Pakistan, with debates over whether religious or group factors play a more critical role in strengthening radical movements in the country. This article examines the historical development of radicalism in Pakistan, analyzes the factors that influence the spread of radical ideology, and considers the implications of this view on regional and global stability. Through a comprehensive analytical approach, it explores the role of religion as a central element in radicalism in Pakistan, highlighting the role of incorrect or extreme religious understandings in motivating individuals to engage in radical activity. It also examines how group factors such as economic inequality, political discontent and ethnic tensions are essential in strengthening radical movements in Pakistan. The result is that some extremist thinking is based on some of the conservative madrassa education curricula, and some people who lack access to education are, therefore, easily duped and pitted by vested interests. The importance of understanding the balance between religion and group factors in the context of radicalism in Pakistan is that prevention and countermeasures can be more effective. This investigation provides greater insight into the complexity of the issue. It provides a basis for formulating better strategies to address radicalism in the country, which will positively impact regional and global peace and stability.