Resident Aliens Research Articles

Trends of Oral Health Status of Older Adults by Immigration Status in the United States: 1999–2018

ABSTRACTIntroductionThis study examined oral health trends of older immigrants in the US from 1999 to 2018 and disparities between immigrants and non‐immigrants across different races/ethnicities.MethodsData were from the 1999–2018 National Health and Nutrition Survey (NHANES). Outcome variables were self‐reported poor oral health and significant tooth loss (i.e., < 20 permanent teeth). Participants were categorized into three groups as US natives, naturalized citizens, or noncitizen residents. The analytical sample comprised 13,424 older adults (ages 60+), including 10,087 US natives, 2280 naturalized citizens, and 1057 noncitizen residents. We assessed the trends in poor oral health and significant tooth loss across the three groups and conducted analyses stratified by race/ethnicity to examine within‐group disparities.ResultsFrom 1999 to 2018, noncitizen residents consistently showed higher rates of poor oral health and significant tooth loss compared to US natives and naturalized citizens. Multiple logistic regression model results showed that naturalized citizens were less likely (AOR = 0.79, p = 0.03) to report poor oral health. Stratified analyses by racial/ethnic groups showed that among Blacks, naturalized citizens were less likely to report poor oral health (AOR = 0.59, p = 0.02) than Blacks who were born in the US.ConclusionWhile overall oral health improved among older immigrants from 1999 to 2018, oral health disparities persisted, especially between noncitizen residents and US natives. There were significant differences in oral health between Black immigrants and their US‐born counterparts. Future research is needed to corroborate these findings and monitor the trend of oral health disparities.

Is citizenship like feudalism? An egalitarian defense of bounded citizenship

ABSTRACT This article examines the provocative analogy between feudalism and modern citizenship in Joseph Carens’s case for open borders. The analogy raises a distributive objection against bounded citizenship: modern citizenship is an inherited status assigned by birth and is attached to great advantages or disadvantages, and states reinforce these objectionable inequalities by restricting people’s mobility across borders. I argue the analogy is misleading. The case for bounded citizenship does not stand or fall with feudalism. One can be committed to the value of equality and defend bounded citizenship while rejecting feudalism. A key aspiration of the modern liberal ideal of citizenship is to recognize and promote the equality of citizens. One way to promote the equal standing of citizens is to respect their right of collective self-determination, including the right to make decisions about matters of immigration and membership in their political community. A commitment to equality is compatible with bounded citizenship if we adopt certain qualifications on the right of collective self-determination, including the duty to remedy historical injustice, the duty to extend membership to resident noncitizens, the duty to take in refugees and other necessitous migrants, and the duty to alleviate global poverty through development assistance.

Psychosocial Evaluation of Prospective Living Kidney Donors in Qatar: A Profile of Prospective Donors, Process, and Outcomes.

In Qatar, the Committee for Oversight of Living Donation (COLD) was established at Hamad Medical Corporation in 2014 to provide standardized, multidisciplinary psychosocial evaluation (PE) for prospective living kidney donors (PLKDs) and ensure appropriate care throughout evaluation, donation, and postdonation follow-up, consistent with legal and ethical standards. We describe the COLD protocol and report PE outcomes of PLKDs in Qatar. A retrospective observational cross-sectional study was conducted using case file data of PLKDs assessed at Hamad Medical Corporation between August 2014 and December 2022. Descriptive statistics analyzed demographics and outcomes of COLD evaluation. Eight hundred ninety-eight PLKDs (54% men) were enlisted for 545 transplant candidates. Four hundred forty-seven PLKDs (49.8%) were Qatari; the remainder were noncitizen residents representing 43 nationalities. Most 680 PLKDs (76%) claimed a genetic relationship with recipients; 20% were emotionally related and 4.34% were unrelated. Of those who proceeded with evaluation, 88% (n = 788) were accepted, 7.5% were declined, and 4.8% dropped out. Of those who were declined (n = 67), 81% were noncitizen residents; 42% claimed an emotional relationship with the intended recipient, whereas 34% were unrelated and 24% were genetically related. The main reasons for declining a PLKD were insufficient socioeconomic support, psychological unfitness, and coercion by employers or family. Standardized structured PE has been effective in identifying and addressing risk factors across various PLKD demographics in Qatar. This study highlights the importance of comprehensive evaluation for all PLKDs, regardless of nationality or relationships with recipients. The COLD protocol could serve as a valuable tool for PE of PLKDs in other countries.

Savickis v. Latvia : The role of immutability and choice in the discrimination analysis of the ECtHR

On June 9, 2022, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) ruled on Savickis and Others v. Latvia, addressing Latvia’s pension system, which offers preferential benefits to citizens over “permanently resident non-citizens” who chose not to naturalize. This decision marks a departure from the 2009 Andrejeva v. Latvia judgment, which deemed such treatment discriminatory. The Savickis ruling accepted the differential treatment by emphasizing personal choice in naturalization, a stance criticized as victim-blaming and raising fundamental questions about the Court’s criteria for distinguishing between mutable and immutable traits in discrimination cases. This analysis explores the implications of the Savickis judgment on the Court’s approach to justifying discrimination. It argues that the Court’s reasoning may allow states to frame discrimination on mutable grounds, thereby weakening protections under Article 14 ECHR. By extrapolating the Court’s logic to other areas such as religion, gender, disability, and language, the study highlights the potential for absurd outcomes where victims might be expected to alter intrinsic aspects of their identity to avoid discrimination. This challenges the foundational principle of non-discrimination as protected by the Convention and questions the responsibilities placed on individuals to mitigate discrimination.

Diaspora and the Non-Resident Citizenship Issue

Diaspora and the Non-Resident Citizenship Issue

Contested hospitality and welcome at the airport borders: The narratives of non-citizen residents

This article examines the challenges faced by non-citizen residents at airport borders of their country of residency, exploring how differential treatment at the border impacts their sense of belonging. Using a critical hospitality lens and an interpretivist method, the analysis focuses on the concept of home and belonging within the liminal spaces of airport borders. The findings reveal that non-citizen residents, justified under the guise of ‘national security’, encounter normalized micro-aggressions, discrimination and interrogation. Consequently, they experience a range of negative emotions, leaving them in a state of uncertainty between belonging and not belonging. Reflecting the theme of the Special Issue, this study draws attention to hostile airport border procedures for non-citizen residents and contributes to the decolonization of tourism and hospitality scholarship by investigating the experiences of this overlooked category of travellers.

Who Counts? Non-Citizen Residents, Spatial Sorting, and Malapportionment

Abstract Existing research argues that malapportionment primarily favours rural areas, resulting in conservative biases of electoral systems. In this paper, we provide a new perspective on the study of apportionment processes by identifying the institutional design under which malapportionment may favour other regions. Because of the geographical sorting of non-citizen residents, we argue that regions with high shares of non-citizen residents benefit from population-based apportionment, whereas the spatial sorting of non-citizens does not affect malapportionment in the case of citizen-based apportionment. Empirically, we use sub-national data from ten advanced democracies to forward evidence that differences in apportionment mechanisms and district-level shares of non-citizen residents systematically influence malapportionment. Our findings suggest that the impact of malapportionment on political representation and public policies may be more heterogeneous than previously thought.

The New FATCA Information Reporting Requirement Under Code Sec. 6038D and the Temporary and Proposed Regulations: A Comparison to the FBAR

The New FATCA Information Reporting Requirement Under Code Sec. 6038D and the Temporary and Proposed Regulations: A Comparison to the FBAR

Justice for denizens: a conceptual map

ABSTRACT Under which conditions, if any, is it morally permissible for states to grant non-citizen residents (‘denizens’) different political, socio-economic, and cultural rights than citizens? What, if anything, could justify legal rights-differentiations along the lines of citizenship? This special issue scrutinizes these politically increasingly salient questions from a wide range of perspectives, drawing on recent literature in the ethics of migration, citizenship, multiculturalism, and refuge, as well as on normative theories of law, territory, and settler colonialism. In this introduction to the volume, I sketch a conceptual map of the emerging debate on justice for denizens, making explicit some underlying theoretical assumptions common to each of the three key domains of legal rights-differentiations (political, socio-economic, and cultural rights). I distinguish the question of what is owed to denizens as a matter of justice, from that of what justice permits and requires in respect to denizens generally. And I outline four models, implicit in the literature, for theorizing the moral rights different types of denizens have and lack – to help determine which forms of unequal treatment wrong them. I conclude by providing brief summaries of the seven contributing articles, pinpointing them on my conceptual map.

Effect of citizenship status on access to pediatric liver and kidney transplantation

Effect of citizenship status on access to pediatric liver and kidney transplantation

Conditional Enfranchisement: How Partisanship Determines Support for Noncitizen Voting Rights

Expanding suffrage is critical for democratic inclusion. In the United States, noncitizen residents are the latest focus of such (re)enfranchising efforts. Public opinion plays a significant role in the passage of legislation expanding or restricting noncitizen access to local elections. Although elite support for noncitizen suffrage is well-documented, little is known about public opinion toward such noncitizen voter policies. What accounts for voter support for noncitizen electoral participation? We argue that the partisan alignment between noncitizens and U.S. voters shapes U.S. voters’ support for noncitizen voting rights. Evidence from two survey experiments suggests that U.S. voters are pragmatic in their enfranchising preferences: voters increase their support for co-partisan enfranchisement but oppose this same policy when considering out-partisans. These dynamics are present among both Republicans and Democrats, underscoring the societal implications of heightened partisanship on American democracy.

Why Do Non‐Resident Citizens Get Elected? Candidates' Electoral Success in Ecuadorian Extraterritorial Districts

To the growing literature on non-resident citizens’ special representation, we contribute with a systematic examination of the role of descriptive representation of citizens living abroad in elections for extraterritorial districts. Using data for the 308 candidacy observations in three two-seat extraterritorial districts in five legislative elections held between 2007 and 2021 in Ecuador, for a total of 30 seats, we test four hypotheses related to the electoral rules, party-level, and socio-demographic factors of non-resident candidates. Ecuadorian non-resident candidates benefit from their incumbency position and party affiliation, along with left-wing ideological ascription and belonging to party organizations that pushed for voting rights abroad and that manifest an interest in emigrant issues. This article contributes to showing what gets emigrants elected in extraterritorial seats and offers a within-country comparison connecting elections with legislative politics across national borders.

Political Professionalization Beyond National Borders: An Analysis of Italian MPs in Overseas Constituencies

Among European countries, Italy is one of the relatively few cases to provide a quota of reserved parliamentary seats for non-resident citizens. Despite an increased scientific interest in the topic, the group of MPs elected in Overseas Constituencies remains overlooked in the available literature. The gap relates to factors such as their socio-biographical profile, precedent careers, parliamentary activity, the role played in their recruitment by the party abroad or at a national level, and their style of representation. In this vein, the article investigates the career profiles of Italian MPs elected in Overseas Constituencies from 2006 (the first elections with the introduction of citizen representatives living abroad) to 2022. Based on an original data set and through an analysis of their biographical and political characteristics, the article builds a typology of elected MPs abroad by cross-referencing two dimensions derived from the literature: the linkage with the host country and the presence of previous political and associational experiences. The analysis shows that different types of MPs have different career lengths and a different capacity to collect preference votes.

Threat of Abstention as a Form of Community Political Criticism Case Study in Rather Village, Sebangki District, Landak Regency

The phenomenon of the threat of abstention is an indication that there is public disappointment with the government. Even though abstaining from voting is a citizen's right, the existence of a collective movement not to vote is a warning to the government regarding the quality of democratic life. The aim of this research is to analyze the emergence of the threat of abstention as a form of political criticism in the community in Punyanget Hamlet, Agak Village, Sebangki District, Landak Regency. The method used to achieve the research objectives is qualitative, with a case study type of research.. The results of the research show that the threat of abstention from the residents of Punyanget Hamlet as a form of social movement is caused by the alienation of residents who are lagging behind in terms of development compared to other hamlets. This has raised the collective awareness of the hamlet residents, involving community leaders, to carry out action in the form of an abstention movement in the 2024 elections. Community social movements as a form of collective action are able to provide reactions to related parties, because the actions taken take advantage of the political moment related to the event. general elections. Even though this movement tends to be incidental and not designed with a clear movement structure, it is able to build the collective spirit of citizens to carry out protests with the threat of abstaining from voting in the 2024 elections, by using social media as a platform for the movement to gain public support.

Local Alien Enfranchisement and External Efficacy Perceptions: Intended and Unintended Effects on Non-citizens and Citizens

Do citizens and non-citizens perceive themselves as more politically influential in contexts with more immigrant-inclusive local enfranchisement policies? Despite long-standing debates about the unequal responsiveness in the political systems of many advanced democracies, we still know little about whether targeted public policies at the local level can alter perceptions of political representation among residents. Importantly, little attention has been paid to the potential intended and unintended consequences of local electoral policies on external efficacy and research designs that include non-citizen residents. In this paper, we argue and test whether local alien enfranchisement raises external efficacy among non-citizens as a highly effective marker of immigrant inclusivity. Next, considering the potential spill-over effects of alien enfranchisement on citizens, we examine whether such electoral expansion is associated with a perceived increase in competition for political influence and a subsequent decline in citizens’ external efficacy. Empirically, we focus on the Swiss case and exploit local electoral institutions’ sub-national and temporal variation using longitudinal data from the Swiss Household Panel from 1999 to 2014. The paper adds to earlier work by proposing local policy context regarding non-citizen enfranchisement as one of the predictors of external efficacy on the resident population. Our findings suggest that perceived political influence among non-citizens is higher in municipalities with inclusive enfranchisement. We find no evidence for citizens experiencing lower external efficacy when voting rights are extended, making alien enfranchisement potentially a valuable tool to improve political integration among immigrants in today’s diverse democracies.

Challenging the Criminalization of Undocumented Drivers Through a Health-Justice Framework

States increasingly use driver’s license laws to further policy objectives unrelated to road safety. This symposium contribution employs a health justice lens to focus on one manifestation of this trend—state schemes that prohibit noncitizen residents from accessing driver’s licenses and then impose criminal sanctions for driving without authorization. Status-based no-l icense laws not only facilitate legally questionable enforcement of local immigration priorities but also impose structural inequities with long-term health consequences for immigrants and their family members, including US citizen children. Safe, reliabletransportation is a significant social determinant of health for individuals, families, and communities. Applying a health justice lens to the weaponization of no-license laws against noncitizens will both catalyze new legal challenges and create momentum for coalition building and policy reforms.

Granting Immigrants the Right to Vote in National Elections: Empirical Evidence from Swedish Administrative Data

AbstractFaced with rising levels of cross-border migration, many countries have extended local voting rights to non-citizen residents. However, empirical evidence indicates that voter turnout among non-naturalized immigrants is lower when compared to citizens. This raises the question of how to explain this difference. A common answer is that the low turnout rates of non-citizen residents are primarily due to the socio-economic composition of this group and the challenges involved in adapting to a new political system. An alternative but less discussed possibility is that the low turnout concerns the nature of the elections. Hence, we examine whether the turnout of non-citizens is hampered because they are only allowed to partake in local elections. Based on a regression discontinuity design (RDD) using Swedish administrative data, we find that turnout could increase by 10–20 percentage points if the voting rights of non-citizens were extended to the national level.

Political party offers of representation for minority voters: advertising in Chinese-language newspapers in New Zealand

For reasons of both electoral competitiveness and democratic legitimacy, political parties in diverse democracies increasingly compete for the votes of immigrant and ethnic minority voters. A considerable literature has examined the effects of electoral advertising on the partisanship and turnout of targeted groups. Little attention has been given, however, to the nature of the representational offers contained in advertising that targets ethnic minorities. Do party advertisements offer descriptive representation, by featuring ethnic candidates? Do they offer geographic representation, by focusing on districts where ethnic minorities live? Do they offer to represent ethnic minorities’ specific interests or experiences? Where ethnic minorities are internally diverse, what efforts do parties make to address such diversity in their advertising? How parties answer these questions affects the scope and inclusivity of the representational offers extended to ethnic minority voters, with consequences for their political inclusion and representation. We examine how these questions have been answered in New Zealand, a country characterised by high rates of inward migration and the enfranchisement of resident non-citizens. Using data from a novel study of New Zealand political parties’ election advertisements targeting Chinese voters, we assess the quantity and character of representational offers made to this internally diverse minority group. Our findings suggest that, even as the main political parties are increasingly making specific representational offers to Chinese New Zealanders, these offers vary across the political spectrum in their quantity, scope and inclusiveness.

Seasonal changes in secretory immunity indices in saliva in indigenous and alien inhabitants of the Yakutia Arctic zone

Introduction. The combination of extreme climate with intensive migration processes creates favourable conditions for the spread of infectious diseases in the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation. 
 The purpose of the study: comparative analysis of immunity indicators in saliva samples of indigenous and alien residents of Yakutia Arctic zone, taking into account the influence of seasonal factors. 
 Materials and methods. Samples of mixed saliva of indigenous (n=212) and alien (n=120) male residents from Chokurdakh and Tiksi settlements were taken in 4 batches corresponding to the seasonal transition from summer to early winter. Levels of secretory IgA (sIgA) and cytokines IL-1ß, IL-8 and IL-6 in saliva were determined by ELISA. Main Effects ANOVA was used for the data analysis. 
 Results. No significant age-related changes of the indicators were found. During the transition from summer to winter, there was a decrease in sIgA, IL-1ß, and IL-8 levels in saliva of the examined persons (p from 0.001 to 1.6•10–7). Rate of seasonal changes did not differ between indigenous and alien inhabitants. IL-6 level in saliva of Chokurdakh residents (200 km from the sea) was higher (F(1,139)=9,202; p=0.003) and sIgA level was lower (F(1,324)=3,560; p=0.060) than corresponding levels in residents of coastal settlement Tiksi. Comparison of the body mass indices (medians 24.3 in Chokurdakh and 26.2 in Tiksi, p=0.0005) confirms that it may be the result of inequality in physical activity of residents due to almost 2-fold increase in wind speed and precipitation in Tiksi. 
 Limitations. Monitoring period till the beginning of winter, and not later, could predetermine the absence of the expected differences between indigenous (evolutionarily adapted) and alien residents. 
 Conclusion. Evaluation of immunity indicators in saliva samples is a simple and informative approach to study mechanisms of human adaptation to extreme climatic conditions.

Metics and Freedmen: Conflicts of Social and Juridical Status in the Classical and Hellenistic Greek World

Abstract Ancient Greek city-states, or poleis, had a bewildering number of terms for people who lived in them. In Athens, freedmen seem to be assimilated juridically to the status of metics (resident aliens), although socially there were ways of both denigrating freedmen and obscuring the distinction between metic and freed. Elsewhere we can see that under some circumstances distinctions between metic and freed were made, but not in ways that point to strong juridical differences. By looking at the development of both statuses historically, I propose that the juridical assimilation occurred in Athens because metic status was created first, in an historical context in which distinctions between citizens and foreigners was crucial: an imperial power with a strong economy was attracting many foreigners to the mother city. This line drawn between citizens and foreigners was expressed through the law in both the fifth and fourth centuries bce. But the social perception of metics changed in the fourth century, for historical reasons deriving from the assimilation of metics and freed into one category. Other areas of the Greek world with both metics and freedmen may have assimilated the two statuses initially, but over time split them apart.