This article examines the problem of the role of the State Security Committee (KGB) in organizing arrests and conducting investigative actions against Ukrainian dissidents during the wave of repressions of 1965 – 1966. The study is devoted to the currently relevant problem of rethinking the mechanisms of functioning of the Soviet repressive system in the post-Stalin decades. The idea is substantiated that the arrests of 1965 – 1966 were not a spontaneous reaction to manifestations of dissent, but were the result of purposeful operational development and strategic planning. The question of the correlation of the initiative of the republican state security bodies and the directives of the union center continues to be debatable, which is also reflected in the article. The study is devoted to a comprehensive analysis of the organizational, legal and propaganda aspects of the KGB's activities during the specified period. The purpose of the article is to analyze the study of the forms and methods of implementing the repressive campaign, as well as to clarify the mechanisms for coordinating operational and investigative measures. The article reveals the processes of preparing and conducting mass searches, seizing self-published materials, and qualifying charges under articles of the criminal legislation of the Ukrainian SSR. Particular attention is paid to the practices of moral and psychological pressure, the organization of “preventive” measures, and public condemnation campaigns that accompanied the investigation. The article summarizes new material on the topic under study, introduces into scientific circulation individual documents from the declassified KGB archives that expand the understanding of the scale of the operation. The idea is substantiated that it was during this period that the model for subsequent repressive campaigns of the 1970s was laid. The author concludes that the activities of the KGB in 1965 – 1966 combined operational, judicial, and information and propaganda tools of influence on the Ukrainian dissident movement. The article examines the key stages of the campaign’s deployment and summarizes the practical experience of the special service’s functioning in conditions of ideological confrontation. The article summarizes some of the results of studying the role of the KGB in the system of Soviet political repressions and outlines the prospects for further research. This view will be of interest to specialists in the field of the history of Ukraine in the second half of the 20th century, the history of special services, and researchers of the dissident movement.

This paper focuses on Kant’s Towards Perpetual Peace famous statement according to which the problem of the State can be solved even for a race of devils. Its first aim is to show that coercion exerted via positive laws is pivotal to the understanding of Kant’s main thesis regarding this nation of devils and the correspondent accomplishment of reason’s ends through the “mechanical course of nature” (ZeF, AA 08, p. 367). According to this reviewed version of Kant’s hypothesis, however, by refraining from violating the laws of a republican State out of self-interest, a devil would have to be taken as genuinely righteous according to rational principles. To make sense of this statement, Kant’s hypothesis shall be developed and interpreted as coherently enclosing a general thesis regarding the normativity of right and its source on the external use of free choice independently of each agent’s moral virtue.

Introduction: Hernia disease remains one of the most common human pathologies, and the incidence of inguinal hernias reaches 75–80 %. The success of treating patients with inguinal hernias lies in the rational choice of hernioplasty taking into account the anatomical and topographic features of the muscular-aponeurotic structures of the inguinal canal. Materials and methods: During 2018–2025, 220 patients with inguinal hernia were operated on at the surgical department of the State Republican Clinical Hospital of Tiraspol (Transnistria, Moldova), who underwent combined autoplasty of the posterior wall of the inguinal canal with a transverse relaxing incision of the anterior wall of the rectus sheath with retrofunicular and retromuscular autodermoplasty. Of these, 191 patients underwent ultrasound in the pre- and postoperative periods. Results: The thickness of the rectus muscle on the side of the performed hernioplasty reached (19.1 ± 1.4) mm, on the opposite side (17.1 ± 1.25) mm, and in patients with inguinal hernia (15.4 ± 2.9) mm. Conclusions: After inguinal hernioplasty using the proposed method, the contractile activity of the rectus muscle is 10.9 % better than on the opposite side and 19.6 % better than in patients before the operation.

This paper analyzes the African Muslim presence in Rio de Janeiro between 1890 and 1937, taking into account the history of Islamic expansion in West Africa and its reverberations in Brazil. Rio de Janeiro at the beginning of the 20th century was a city interspersed with a diversity of cultures and religions. The region of Little Africa, the central area of the city, was home to Africans and Afro-Brazilians, who lived under constant surveillance by the Republican state. Aiming for more effective control, the First Republic coined three articles (156, 157 and 158) in the Penal Code of 1890, which together criminalized afro-religious practices, creating an atmosphere of tension and invasion of houses of worship. These men were known for their magical arts, using distinctly Muslim religious objects, and stood out in the magic market in Rio de Janeiro. Possession of these objects was proof of crime and subversion of order. The stories of these Muslim religious leaders help to uncover another of the many stories of Carioca Little Africa, the African Islamic presence in the city and its marks on history.

In 2021, the seismic monitoring in Kazakhstan was conducted by two organizations: State Enterprise “Seismological Experience‑Methodical Expedition” of the Committee of Science of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Branch “Institute of Geophysical Research” of the Republican State Enterprise “National Nuclear Centre” of the Ministry of Energy of the Republic of Kazakhstan. The paper presents detailed information on seismic observation networks and characteristics of the joint catalogue for Kazakhstan earthquakes compiled by data of two organizations. It includes 453 earthquakes with energy class KR =6.6–11.7. The strongest earthquake within the considered territory occurred on January 8, 2021, KR =11.7, MPVA=5.2. Its epicenter was located on the territory of China in the high mountain part of inner Tien Shan. On so‑ called “Northern Tien Shan” territory, 361 earthquakes with energy class KR≥ 6.6 were recorded. The reoccurrence graphs and the calculated parameters of seismic regime are given, the focal mechanisms of earthquakes with KR≥9 and parameters of strong motion records are described for 18 earthquakes. In 2021, seismic networks recorded 4535 mining explosions on the territory of Kazakhstan as well as several induced earthquakes at the regions of liquid mineral production deposits.

This paper investigates the role that sustainability played in shaping interstate difference in pandemic outcomes among the 50 states of the USA, in terms of standardized death rate from COVID-19 and excess death rates. Political ideology is currently a popular possible explanation for discrepancies among states in pandemic outcomes, given that Republican states tended to have higher death rates compared to Democratic ones. Additionally, partisan politics have been criticized for hindering the US pandemic response, especially in the early stages of the pandemic. However, this study demonstrates that the Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) index may serve as a more significant predictor of the death and excess death rates among the US states than political affiliation. This suggests that it was not "red" or "blue," but rather "green" that was the most important factor in determining COVID-19 mortality. Pandemic lessons are lessons of sustainability.

ABSTRACT We study the impact of state political settings on competition among state‐chartered banks in mortgage lending. We consider three cases for state political settings in the United States: (1) Unified Republican, where both the state legislature and governorship are controlled by the Republican Party; (2) Unified Democratic, where both are controlled by the Democratic Party; and (3) Divided, where control is split between the two parties. It is often argued that deregulation creates more competition in many sectors of the economy, and while Republican control is associated with increases in deregulation, Democratic control is associated with reductions in deregulation. Using two measures of market competition including Concentration Ratio (CR) and the Herfindahl index (HHI), our empirical findings from staggered difference‐in‐differences suggest that competition among state‐chartered banks in mortgage lending is stronger in unified Republican states than in unified Democratic states. Further cross‐sectional analyses show that risky banks, defined as those with lower equity capital ratios and z‐scores, are more sensitive to political settings in terms of their market shares. Our study contributes to the growing literature on the influence of politics on financial markets.

Purpose This study aims to examine the relationship between economic policy uncertainty (EPU) and earnings management practices. Specifically, this study explores how a firm’s perception of economic policy uncertainty (FPU) shapes reporting decisions, including earnings management. Design/methodology/approach Based on a sample of US firms over the period 2001–2020, the authors use a new proxy of EPU at the firm level based on textual analysis of conference call transcripts. Findings The results show that firm’s perception of economic policy uncertainty (FPU) is negatively associated with accruals earnings management (AEM), suggesting that under conditions of heightened uncertainty, managers have incentive to improve transparency and reduce discretionary accruals to reassure investors and reduce perceived risk. Moreover, this study finds that firms with high agency costs are even more likely to reduce AEM during periods of elevated policy uncertainty. Under such conditions, managerial discretion is constrained, possibly due to increased monitoring or reputational concerns. Robustness tests also reveal that firms may engage in both accrual-based and real earnings management (REM) simultaneously, and that the observed accrual effects are not mechanically driven by structural operational changes, but rather reflect managerial reporting behavior. Cross-sectional analyses further show that firms with greater external capital dependence, rapid sales growth and higher exposure to uncertainty are more likely to engage in AEM, highlighting the role of firm-specific incentives. Interestingly, the results suggest that local political orientation (e.g. Democratic, Republican or swing states) does not significantly influence the effect of FPU on earnings management. Perceived uncertainty within the firm is more important than external political alignment. Practical implications This study has direct implications for market participants, firms and regulators. Understanding the nuanced relationship between firm policy uncertainty and earnings management can help investors and analysts recognize the propensity for earnings management in uncertain economic environments, especially among firms with significant agency costs and external capital requirements. This study also underscores the importance of robust corporate governance and monitoring mechanisms, particularly in firms with high free cash flow and uncertainty. Implementing stringent oversight can mitigate the propensity for managers to engage in REM, thereby protecting shareholder interests and preserving firm value. Finally, regulators and auditors need to be vigilant about earnings management. Enhanced due diligence, robust auditing standards and transparent disclosure practices are essential to ensure the integrity of financial reporting during periods of uncertainty. Originality/value This study focuses on the mechanism of firm-specific perception of policy uncertainty. This firm-level perspective provides a better understanding of how EPU influences corporate earnings management and allows to capture the heterogeneity in perceived uncertainty at the firm level.

Abstract The failure of the proposed Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) has been attributed to various organized interests, including the New Right and insurance companies. This study examines trends in lobby efforts regarding the amendment and correlations between lobby efforts and roll call votes among state legislators. Lobbyists active on the amendment appeared most often in states they perceived were most likely to approve. A second data set consisting of 6,952 votes reveals that explicitly pro- and anti-ERA lobby efforts were correlated with votes cast only by Republican state legislators. Lobby efforts by insurance companies were not correlated with any votes. The efforts of pro- and anti-amendment lobbyists, however, likely had no effect on the ultimate fate of the proposed amendment. Women and non-white legislators voted more often for the amendment, regardless of party. Moreover, changes in public support for the amendment led to partisan differences in legislators’ votes.

The French republican state is built upon principles of the ‘abstract’ citizen and liberté, égalité, fraternité [liberty, equality, fraternity]. However, with universalisation comes exclusion and oppression and since masculinity is rooted in what is considered universal, patriarchal norms and values are deeply rooted in French politics and daily life. This paper analyses how Qui a tué mon père (QATMP), a novel exploring the link between the French state, masculinity, and the working class, and how Mariam, a film following the life of a Muslim girl in France after the 2004 ban of ostentatious religious symbols in schools, expose the relationship between the French republican state and a patriarchal system. Both works highlight the negative impacts of the patriarchy on the individual: QATMP demonstrates the power of masculinity in exacerbating social issues, whilst Mariam shows how the patriarchal system may seem to emancipate women but instead degrades them. Through the analysis of contemporary French politics and society, the paper concludes how, whether conforming or resisting, the patriarchal republican state will always dominate.

ObjectivesDue to political polarization, adherence to public health measures varied across US states during the COVID-19 pandemic. Although social media posts have been shown effective in anticipating COVID-19 surges, the impact of political leaning on the effectiveness of different topics for early warning remains mostly unexplored. Our study examines the spatio-temporal early warning potential of different geo-social media topics across republican, democrat, and swing states.MethodsUsing keyword filtering, we identified eight COVID-19-related geo-social media topics. We then utilized Chatterjee's rank correlation to assess their early warning capability for COVID-19 cases 7 to 42 days in advance across six infection waves. A mixed-effect model was used to evaluate the impact of timeframe and political leaning on the early warning capabilities of these topics.ResultsMany topics exhibited significant spatial clustering over time, with quarantine and vaccination-related posts occurring in opposing spatial regimes in the second timeframe. We also found significant variation in the early warning capabilities of geo-social media topics over time and across political clusters. In detail, quarantine related geo-social media post were significantly less correlated to COVID-19 cases in republican states than in democrat states. Further, preventive measure and quarantine-related posts exhibited declining correlations to COVID-19 cases over time, while the correlations of vaccine and virus-related posts with COVID-19 infections.ConclusionOur results highlight the need for a dynamic spatially targeted approach that accounts for both how regional geosocial media topics of interest change over time and the impact of local political ideology on their epidemiological early warning capabilities.

Abstract For Kant, recognition of national sovereignty is constitutive of international law, and international law is the sine qua non for peace between Peoples. The article demonstrates how and why national sovereignty is inextricably connected to the self-determination of Peoples in Kant’s philosophy of law and in international law. The principle of self-determination in turn is grounded in his idea of a normative dignity of Peoples. In Kant’s theory, “People” and “state” are diachronically conceived. This allows him to define the state’s primary function and foremost duty as securing the individual and collective dignity of its constitutive People against reification through external interference and manipulation, as well as against self-reification, by means of domestic and international law in a peace union of like-minded (i.e. ideally republican) states.

Background and Aim. Despite the efforts to eliminate brucellosis in the Pavlodar region, its local epizootics remain a huge concern. The aim of this work was to conduct epizootic surveillance and analyze the epizootiological situation with animal brucellosis in the Pavlodar region in 2019-2023. Materials and Methods. The materials used in this study include the official reports of the Committee for Veterinary Control and Supervision of the Ministry of Agriculture of the Republic of Kazakhstan (CVCS of MoA of RK), the Republican Anti-epizootic Unit (RSI RAU), the regional branch of the Republican Veterinary Laboratory (RVL), the Republican State Enterprise on the rights of economic management “Scientific and Practical Centre for Sanitary and Epidemiological Expertise and Monitoring” of the Ministry of Public Health of the Republic of Kazakhstan (RSE SPC SEEaM of MoPH of RK), and the results of our own epizootiological research. The research methods used in the study are in full compliance with the official guidelines for diagnosing brucellosis in animals. Results. We have established the leading role of cattle and small ruminants in the epizootiology of brucellosis, identified the most significant factors promoting brucellosis persistence in livestock and ascertained the occurrence of the infection in the human population in every district of the region. Using the epizootic surveillance data acquired over the past 5 years, we have identified areas with high, moderate and low incidence of animal brucellosis, as well as disease-free zones, and constructed an epizootic map that can be used to implement adequate interventions. Conclusion. Epizootic surveillance, coupled with the analysis of dynamics of brucellosis spread to new sites, its incidence in livestock and the results of screening tests, will facilitate epizootic control and help to elaborate a methodologically sound strategy for implementing adequate interventions.

Introduction. The article employs qualitative and quantitative research data to examine the key manifestations of ethnicity in everyday communication and its institutionalization within the urban environments of the Finno-Ugric republics of the Russian Federation, focusing on the capital cities of the Udmurt Republic and Mordovia – Izhevsk and Saransk. The study addresses the pressing social issue of how ethnicity among the populations of Russia’s republics transforms amid the modernization of regional societies, yet the forms and expressions of ethnicity within the polyethnic urban settings of contemporary cities remain underexplored. The research aims to characterize the principal manifestations of ethnicity in the urban contexts of these Finno-Ugric regional capitals, both at the level of interpersonal interactions and in its institutionalized forms. Materials and Methods. The field study conducted under the author’s supervision in 2020–2022 employed sociological methods, including large-scale questionnaire surveys and focus groups, as well as the “anthropological genealogy” approach to examine the city as both space and place through in-depth expert interviews. The research comprised four focus groups with residents of the surveyed cities (2020), large-scale questionnaire surveys of urban populations in Saransk (November – December 2020) and Izhevsk (2021), and an expert survey using in-depth interviews. Results and Discussion. In the capital cities of ethnic republics, ethnicity manifests itself at the interpersonal level through micro-practices of everyday communication, including linguistic markers that signal group affiliation. At the level of mass consciousness, the ethnonational components of identity in these regional capitals are characterized by an association of the republic with its titular ethnic group, an identification of the capital city with republican state symbols and institutions, and an acceptance of official bilingualism as a symbolic attribute of the republic – despite the absence of mandatory participation in corresponding language practices. In ethnocultural terms, this is reflected in the acknowledgment of the urban environment’s multiethnic and multicultural nature. Conclusion. The conclusions drawn by the author contribute to the advancement of such fields as urban anthropology, ethnosociology, and regional studies, particularly in the examination of ethnicity within urban environments. This includes identifying the social preconditions for the development of tolerant interethnic relations and analyzing the transformation of capital cities in republics into “transnational cities”.

ABSTRACTThis study examines the impact of green revenues on US stock price reactions around Donald Trump's 2024 election win. Firms' green revenue share (GRS) is significantly associated with negative cumulative abnormal returns (CARs) post‐election, exhibiting a nonlinear effect that intensifies at higher GRS levels. However, stock markets showed no anticipating revaluation of green business models during the weeks before the election. Instead, investors reacted sharply to two unanticipated key pre‐election events, the Trump assassination attempt and Harris' candidacy announcement, highlighting sensitivity to anticipated shifts in green policy. Remarkably, the revaluation of green business models did not take place uniformly across the entire country. The state political environment moderates this effect, as green firms in Democratic states experienced more negative CARs than those in Republican states.

This article examines the relationship between warfare and demands for freedom by subordinates caused by the penetration of the oligarchic republican state and global capitalism in its expansionary phase (19th century) in the province of Manabí (Ecuador). It seeks to delve deeper into the studies of the multiple long-lasting armed uprisings that persisted in various regions in relation to the phases of global capitalist expansion.

This paper uses data from polling in US Swing states to evaluate the correlation between a states affiliation towards the Democratic or republican party and how it affects their CCPM recycling rate. Across the board of top CCPM recycling states, 17 of the states are democratic states, with only one being a republican state (being at number 20). On the flip side, out of the 20 lowest recycling states in terms of CCPM, 14 states are strongly Republican, and only 4 states are Democratic. In the top 20, most states generally have high disposal costs, bottle refund bills, and supporting CCPM legislation; however, in the bottom 20, not a single state has any one of these features (with the exception of Wyoming, having a high disposal cost). Through logistical relationship, we derived a causational relationship between a state turning Republican with a decrease in recycling rate and vice versa. Because the recycling rate is generally dictated by all these factors, it appears that once a state adopts republican affiliations, it tends to place less focus on such factors.

Last September, 17 Republican state attorneys general sued the Biden administration over its decision to update Section 504 to potentially include protections for gender dysphoria. Parts of the lawsuit went as far as requesting that the entirety of Section 504 be found unconstitutional, prompting widespread concern among disability rights groups and advocates. The lawsuit also challenges other aspects of Section 504 under the Spending Clause of Article I of the U.S. Constitution.

Abstract Governments shape policy outcomes using two distinct mechanisms: rules and discretion. A simple decomposition strategy is proposed for distinguishing between these policymaking mechanisms on income inequality in the American states from 1986 to 2020. This analytical strategy is easily applicable to other policy settings. The statistical evidence, for the most part, that income inequality observed in the American states is generally unaffected by both TELs and partisan control of state governments—the lone exception being unified Republican state governments operating under a TEL. The decomposition evidence, however, shows that this is primarily the result of discretionary policymaking differences among partisan governments. This study underscores the importance of disentangling policy mechanisms that jointly occur when evaluating the consequences of government policymaking authority.

Volodymyr Mikhaylovich Koretsky was an eminent jurist, educator, organizer of academic legal scholarship, diplomat, Judge of the International Court of Justice, and its Vice-President. His entire life and professional activity stand as a testament to unwavering dedication to Ukraine and the advancement of legal science. Having received an outstanding university education in law, he commenced his career by teaching and conducting research on issues of civil law, and, following the Civil War, turned to the study of the methodology of legal science. During the 1920s and the first half of the 1930s, he combined scholarly and pedagogical pursuits with public service in republican state agencies. Concurrently, he engaged in robust research in the field of private international law. In the 1930s, he took an active role in establishing higher legal education in Kharkiv, serving as Vice-Rector and Head of the Law Faculty while concurrently fulfilling professorial responsibilities. He chaired the Department of the History of State and Law at the Kharkiv Juridical Institute and, in 1939, defended his doctoral dissertation on the distinctive features of Anglo-American doctrine and international law. Following the attainment of his doctoral degree, all subsequent research by the scholar remained inextricably tied to the development of theories in private international law, international economic law, and public international law. After V. M. Koretsky was elected an Academician, he entered his Kyiv period. He founded the Institute of State and Law and the Department of International Law and Comparative Jurisprudence. Under his leadership, the institute was transformed from a modest research sector into a leading, advanced academic institution. During the 1950s and 1960s, V. M. Koretsky simultaneously engaged in scientific, organizational, and teaching activities alongside diplomatic service: he participated in three sessions of the United Nations General Assembly, served as an advisor to the representative of the USSR to the UN Security Council, worked on the UN Committee on the Progressive Development and Codification of International Law, the UN Commission on Human Rights, and the UN International Law Commission, and contributed as a co-drafter of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. He took part in numerous forums held under the auspices of the UN. The pinnacle of Koretsky’s diplomatic endeavors was his election as a member of the International Court of Justice in The Hague (1960–1970) and his tenure as Vice-President of that Court (1968–1970). In the 1960s and 1970s, V. M. Koretsky’s scholarly work focused on the study of sovereignty, the international legal personality of republics, and the establishment of a stable international legal order based on principles of peace, security, and stability. He was actively engaged in public affairs in Ukraine, promoting the achievements of domestic legal scholarship abroad. His academic and diplomatic endeavors were duly recognized both nationally and internationally. He received the highest honors of the union and republican governments, was elected a member of numerous foreign academies and international associations, and his name was memorialized in the institute he founded, as well as through the posthumous publication of selected works. Key words: Koretsky, legal scholarship, researcher and theorist, doctrine, private international law, international civil law, international economic law, public international law, diplomat, Judge of the International Court of Justice.